FREEDOM FORWARD alliance
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The Freedom Forward Alliance is a Virginia-formed political entity tied to recent dark money campaign finance networks involving large payments routed through a Wyoming LLC to political action committees in other states like Alabama. [1]
Connection and Context
- Entity Origin: Formed in Virginia in June 2025. [1]
- Wyoming Link: Campaign finance disclosures show the group connected to mysterious financial transfers involving a Wyoming limited liability company (LLC) linked to political mailer campaigns. [1]
- Stated Purpose: Publicly presents itself via the Freedom Forward Alliance Official Site as dedicated to conservative ideas and good governance for Wyomingites, though investigative reports tie its broader network to multi-state political primary spending. [1, 2, 3]
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Campaign filings reveal hidden network behind Alabama attack mailers
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business registered in Wyoming.
A political action committee registered to a UPS mailbox in Montgomery.
Another business registered in Virginia.
A political consultant from Wisconsin.
Taken separately, none of those things are unusual in modern politics. Together, however, they form a complicated financial structure now tied to attack mailers, campaign websites and Republican primary races across Alabama.
The story began several weeks ago, when political mailers targeting Senator Greg Albritton, R-Atmore, began appearing in voters’ mailboxes.
The mailers accused Albritton of supporting taxpayer-funded college education for “illegal immigrants,” claims built around selective interpretations of legislative votes and stripped of broader context regarding the legislation involved.
The mailers were funded by Alabama Values PAC, a political action committee whose registration immediately raised questions.
State records show the PAC is registered to a rented mailbox at a Montgomery UPS Store rather than a traditional office location. The PAC also lists as its organizer a Wisconsin political operative whose name has surfaced in campaign finance controversies in multiple states.
Soon after the mailers appeared, a series of political websites targeting Republican incumbents also surfaced online.
One targeted Albritton.
Others targeted Senator Andrew Jones, Representative Phillip Pettus, Representative Frances Holk-Jones and Representative Matt Simpson.
The websites appeared within days of one another, used similar messaging, targeted many of the same legislative votes and focused on the same small group of Republican incumbents. The sites criticized the lawmakers over immigration issues, gambling legislation and conservative policy votes. Several claims omitted legislative context or presented disputed interpretations of voting records.
Like the mailers, the websites listed Alabama Values PAC as the funding source.
The attacks emerged during increasingly bitter Republican primary fights surrounding gambling legislation and broader divisions inside the Alabama GOP, where outside political spending has become more aggressive and more difficult to trace.
At roughly the same time, several of the lawmakers targeted by Alabama Values PAC had drawn Republican primary challengers supported by Alabama Farmers Federation and its political arm, Farm PAC.
Alfa has publicly denied involvement with Alabama Values PAC.
Albritton’s challenger, political newcomer Terry Waters, also denied knowledge of who was behind the PAC. However, former Alabama lawmaker Dell Hill stated publicly shortly after APR first reported on the organization that he was leading Alabama Values PAC.
Then another entity emerged in newly filed campaign finance records.
Reports filed with the Alabama Secretary of State show Farm PAC paid nearly $250,000 this month to a company called Audaces LLC.
The filings describe the payments as consulting, polling research and in-kind campaign contributions benefiting candidates Terry Waters, Amy Minton, Joseph Freeman, Danielle Duggar and Maurice McCaney.
Corporate registration records show Audaces LLC was formed in Wyoming in August 2025.
Its listed address is associated with more than 100,000 registered companies. Its registered agent also appears on filings for tens of thousands of additional entities. The structure is legal under Wyoming law, which has become popular for LLC formations because it allows companies to shield ownership information from public disclosure.
Farm PAC was not the only Alabama political organization paying Audaces LLC.
Campaign finance reports also show Alabama Values PAC paid Audaces LLC nearly $115,000 through two payments made April 24.
The listed services included digital consulting, direct mail and media placement—services consistent with the websites and political mail campaigns that appeared in multiple Alabama legislative races.
The source of Alabama Values PAC’s funding adds another layer to the structure.
Campaign filings show Alabama Values PAC received $133,966 on April 18 from an entity called Freedom Forward Alliance.
Business registration records show Freedom Forward Alliance was formed in Virginia in June 2025.
Beyond registration records and campaign finance filings, the only other information about Freedom Forward Alliance comes from Arkansas, where the company dumped an estimated million-plus dollars into various races. But like in Alabama, media in Arkansas could located no organizational structure or identifiable leadership for the company.
As a result, the financial trail connected to the attacks appears to stretch from a Virginia-based entity to an Alabama PAC operating from a rented UPS mailbox and then to a Wyoming LLC receiving large political payments from multiple Alabama political organizations.
Public filings document how the money moved between entities. They do not reveal who originally supplied the money, who approved the political strategy or who ultimately directed the operation.
APR found no direct evidence of illegal coordination between Alabama Values PAC, Farm PAC or any candidate campaign.
Still, the overlapping payments and synchronized political activity have raised questions among lawmakers and political observers about whether the attacks were part of a broader organized effort connected to ongoing Republican primary battles inside the party.
In a statement to APR, Alfa Communications Director Jeff Helms said Farm PAC’s relationship with Audaces “spans more than 20 years” and is “not unique to 2026 endorsements.”
Corporate records reviewed by APR show Audaces LLC was formed in Wyoming in August 2025.
APR subsequently requested clarification regarding whether Helms was referring to consultants associated with Audaces, a predecessor company or another related entity. Alfa did not provide additional clarification prior to publication.
APR also contacted Terry Waters seeking comment regarding Alabama Values PAC, Audaces LLC and the campaign activity connected to the organizations. Waters did not respond prior to publication.
APR was unable to identify or reach representatives associated with Alabama Values PAC or Freedom Forward Alliance.
The result is a political spending structure that moved large sums of money into Alabama legislative races while obscuring who ultimately financed the effort and who directed it.
For voters receiving the mailers, seeing the websites, or watching the attacks unfold, the messages were public.
The people behind them largely remain hidden.
Have a question or a scoop? Send us a tip. We'll track it down.
Bill Britt
Bill Britt is editor-in-chief at the Alabama Political Reporter and host of The Voice of Alabama Politics. You can email him at bbritt@alreporter.com.
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Freedom Forward Alliance: Home Page
https://freedomforwardalliance.org
info@freedomforwardalliance.org.
Dedicated to advancing conservative ideas, good governance and improving the lives of Wyomingites.
Missing: Virginia datwyler gop alabama
Freedom Forward Alliance
https://www.freedomforwardalliance.net
Join the cause! Be apart of Freedom Forward Alliance – sign up today to stay informed and support our mission.Read more
Missing: Virginia datwyler gop alabama
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He's been investigated in five states. He was convicted felon George Santos's alleged "shadow treasurer." His resume includes a $159,000 FEC settlement, being the target of a criminal probe by the Mississippi Attorney General, and at the center of a Department of Justice wire fraud complaint.
Now he's the lone name on an Alabama "Values" PAC attacking five members of the Alabama House Republican Caucus.
By design, we will only truly be able to find out who's paying him through disclosures made just 24 hours before it stops mattering.
Yet, it's just another tool of the trade for Wisconsin-based political operative Thomas Datwyler.
Link in comments to read more
#Alabama #ALPolitics #GOP #2026Elections #Transparency #Campaigns #Politics
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https://yellowhammernews.com/alabama-gop-lawmakers.../
Over the past month, GOP voters in five Alabama legislative districts have been bombarded with mailers, texts, and digital ads attacking their incumbent state lawmakers.
The targets are State Sens. Greg Albritton (R-Range) and Andrew Jones (R-Centre), and State Reps. Frances Holk-Jones (R-Foley), Matt Simpson (R-Daphne), and Phillip Pettus (R-Killen).
The disclaimers all point to a single source, Alabama Values PAC, registered with the Alabama Secretary of State on March 12, 2026 to a rented mailbox at a UPS Store on Eastchase Parkway in Montgomery.
Its Statement of Organization lists exactly one person in any official capacity, as both chairperson and treasurer. Thomas Datwyler, of Hudson, Wisconsin.
Datwyler doesn’t live in Alabama. He doesn’t vote in Alabama. He has no Alabama client besides the PAC currently spending money to defeat five Alabama Republicans.
His firm’s website claims he has directed more than 400 political committees and filed “over 4,000 FEC reports” since launching 9Seven Consulting in 2013.
Datwyler’s professional record is a matter of public record. Across the past three years, his work as treasurer has triggered formal action in five states – civil penalties, criminal investigations, federal regulatory inquiries, and a U.S. Department of Justice complaint.
Some matters closed without findings. Others resulted in fines paid by the campaigns he was running.
His record, in five states, is as follows:
Indiana
In March 2024, U.S. Senator Mike Braun’s (R-Indiana) Senate campaign paid a $159,000 Federal Election Commission civil penalty to settle campaign-finance allegations. Datwyler was the campaign’s treasurer at settlement. According to the FEC’s official record of the matter, three of six FEC commissioners voted against dismissing allegations against him in his official capacity – a 3-3 deadlock that resolved in his favor only because the Commission requires a majority to proceed.
Mississippi
In August 2023, Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch publicly opened an investigation into Datwyler personally for potential criminal violations of state election law. The complaint alleged he had used a PAC structure to route approximately $885,000 in out-of-state money around Mississippi’s contribution limits — while simultaneously serving as treasurer for the campaign of the candidate that PAC was supporting. The case closed without charges.
Tennessee
In 2024, Tennessee election authorities referred a complaint involving a Datwyler-tied PAC to the state attorney general’s office. The case closed without conclusive findings — after, according to the Tennessee Lookout, Datwyler refused to be interviewed.
Nevada
In July 2024, a Republican PAC tied to U.S. Senate candidate Jim Marchant filed a U.S. Department of Justice complaint accusing Datwyler of wire fraud. According to The Hill, the complaint alleged Datwyler had written an unauthorized $500 check from PAC funds to his own firm after stepping down as treasurer. The complaint described “a long history of running roughshod over federal campaign finance law.” No charges have been filed.
New York
In January 2023, former U.S. Rep. George Santos’s campaign listed Datwyler as its new treasurer. Datwyler’s lawyer immediately told the FEC the appointment was unauthorized and asked the agency to refer the matter to law enforcement. Ten months later, after The Daily Beast reported Datwyler had in fact functioned as Santos’s “shadow treasurer” — the same lawyer filed letters retracting that account, writing he had lost confidence in his own client’s truthfulness.
Santos, who pleaded guilty to wire fraud and aggravated identity theft and was sentenced in April 2025 to 87 months in federal prison — a sentence commuted by President Trump in late April — has himself called for a federal investigation into Datwyler.
Alabama
This is not the first time Thomas Datwyler’s name has shown up on Alabama paperwork at the moment somebody needed an Alabama PAC and didn’t want to be seen running it.
In 2024, Datwyler was the registered treasurer of Defend Alabama, a Club for Growth-tied super PAC that spent in the bitter Alabama 1st District GOP primary between Reps. Barry Moore and Jerry Carl.
In late 2025, when former Alabama quarterback A.J. McCarron, who had registered to vote in the state three days earlier, launched a brief bid for lieutenant governor, Datwyler was listed as the campaign’s treasurer. Two months later, McCarron dropped out.
Under Alabama law, a PAC spending to influence a legislative race must report its activity monthly, then weekly in the four weeks before the election, then daily in the final eight days.
Alabama Values PAC’s last required filing before the May 19 primary lands at 12:01 p.m. the day before. The question of who is paying Thomas Datwyler to smear five Alabama Republican incumbents will be answered only when it no longer matters.
Grayson Everett is the editor in chief of Yellowhammer News. You can follow him on X @Grayson270.
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State Reps. Matt Simpson (R-Daphne) and Phillip Pettus (R-Killen) hit Alabama Values PAC with formal cease-and-desist demands this week, calling its mailers “outright false, deliberately misleading, defamatory, and libelous.”
The twin letters, dated May 12 reviewed by Yellowhammer News, were drafted by Opelika attorney Algert S. Agricola Jr. and arrived in the PAC’s email inbox one week before the May 19 Republican primary.
Pettus’s letter goes for the throat.
Addressed to Wisconsin operative Thomas Datwyler, the PAC’s listed chairperson and treasurer, at the UPS Store mailbox in Montgomery and by email that serves as the group’s address, the letter walks through three specific bills the PAC mischaracterized in its “Phillip Pettus’ Priorities” and “Phillip Pettus A Record of Failure” mailers, as well as on a companion microsite, phillippettusvotingrecord.com.
On HB210 — the bill at the center of the “free college for illegals” charge Agricola is uncompromising: “This is a baldfaced lie.” The letter cites the bill’s plain text barring undocumented students from “any postsecondary education benefit, including, but not limited to, scholarships, grants, or financial aid,” notes Speaker Nathaniel Ledbetter has publicly condemned the same claim, and observes that the bill “never became law and never authorized a single dime of taxpayer money for illegal immigrants.”
On HB227, which the PAC framed as “Legalized Gifts to Politicians from Lobbyists,” the letter says the bill in fact “strengthened ethics laws by criminalizing the use of public office for personal financial gain, enhancing bribery penalties, increasing transparency, and requiring audits.” Agricola calls the PAC’s framing “a grotesque inversion of the bill’s actual purpose.”
On HB16, framed as “Early Parole for Violent Felons,” the letter says the bill addressed court discretion on cash bond — not parole — and notes Pettus, a career law enforcement officer, voted for and supported Aniah’s Law in 2022.
“These statements are not matters of opinion,” Agricola wrote. “They are verifiable lies that your PAC has chosen to broadcast to thousands of Alabama voters in a deliberate and malicious attempt to deceive the electorate and damage Rep. Pettus’ reputation.”
Because the PAC has continued running the claims after they were “publicly repudiated by the Speaker of the Alabama House of Representatives, among numerous others,” the letter argues, its conduct now constitutes “actual malice and meets every element of defamation under Alabama law.”
The demand is sweeping. Pettus’s letter requires the PAC to cease and desist immediately, scrub the materials from its website and social media within 24 hours, issue a public retraction “in the same manner and to the same audience as the original false mailers” — approved in advance by Pettus’s counsel — and provide written confirmation of compliance within five business days.
Failure to comply, the letter warns, will trigger civil litigation for compensatory and punitive damages, injunctive relief, and attorney’s fees, along with referrals to the Alabama Secretary of State, the Alabama Ethics Commission, and the Alabama Attorney General’s Office “for investigation of potential violations of election and campaign finance laws prohibiting false statements intended to influence elections.”
Copies went to all three regulators.
“This is not a request,” the letter closes. “It is a formal legal demand. You have been warned. We expect your full and immediate compliance.”
Simpson’s letter, sent the same day to the same address and directed to a “Robyn Riga” listed as a contact, identifies the four false claims that have been hitting mailboxes in House District 96: “Free College for Illegals,” “Legalizing Bribes for Elected Officials,” “Early Parole for Violent Felons,” and “Higher Taxes on Firearms.”
“None of these accusations is correct,” Agricola wrote. “Matt Simpson is a prosecutor who works with the Mobile County District Attorney’s Office to send criminals to jail. Matt Simpson is a proven conservative member of the Alabama House of Representatives whose legislative votes reflect his conservative values.”
The letter demands Simpson’s accusers immediately cease and desist, publicly retract, and notify every household that received the false mailers — and warns that continued dissemination after being put on notice will support a finding of “actual malice in disregard of the truth” in court.
The retreat came one day after Alabama Legislative Services Agency Director Othni Lathram confirmed in writing to Pettus that HB210 addressed enrollment eligibility only and carried no taxpayer funding for the students in question. The bill passed the House in 2024 with the support of 63 of 75 Republicans and never became law.
Alabama Values PAC was registered with the Alabama Secretary of State on March 12, 2026, weeks before the mailers began landing in voter mailboxes.
Campaign filings show the Alabama Values PAC received roughly $134,000 in April from Freedom Forward Alliance, a Virginia-registered entity with no publicly identifiable leadership.
Simpson faces Danielle Duggar in House District 96. Pettus faces a primary challenger in House District 1. The Republican primary is May 19.
Sawyer Knowles is a capitol reporter for Yellowhammer News. You may contact him at sawyer@yellowhammernews.com.
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miss today
Even if one were to believe erstwhile candidate Chris McDaniel’s incomplete, conflicting, shifting accounting of hundreds of thousands in secretive campaign donations, it still begs the question: Where did the $15,000 go?
It also begs the question: Why is Attorney General Lynn Fitch overlooking what appear to be flagrant violations of campaign finance law by McDaniel, instead only going after his out-of-state campaign finance chairman and less-clear allegations?
Longtime state Sen. Chris McDaniel’s failed run for lieutenant governor is one for the record books. Primarily, it saw record amounts of out-of-state, secretly sourced campaign money pumped into his campaign and related state PACs. It also saw allegations of flagrant violations of state campaign finance laws and reporting requirements, and has led to calls for reform by multiple statewide elected officials.
Mississippi law says a candidate or state political action committee can accept no more than $1,000 a year from a corporation.
McDaniel, running for lieutenant governor this year, created a state PAC that accepted $475,000 from a mysterious Virginia-based dark-money corporation, the American Exceptionalism Institute.
McDaniel’s PAC then funneled $460,000 of that money to his campaign. It made up the vast bulk of his bankroll as he kicked off his campaign early this year.
But his initial PAC reports appeared to obfuscate this. For starters, he reported the PAC had collected hundreds of thousands of dollars the year before it was legally created, with no sources listed for the donations. After multiple revised reports, it became clear the PAC had received $475,000 from AEI.
Eventually, after questions from Mississippi Today and complaints to the attorney general by his opponent incumbent Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, McDaniel said he was returning the money to AEI.
Problem is, by McDaniel’s own accounting, his PAC only returned $460,000 to the corporation.
What happened to the other $15,000?
Mississippi voters will likely never know. His final “termination-amended” report for his PAC gave no accounting. And Fitch appears to have closed the book on that complaint.
And despite laws that require candidates to divulge the sources of campaign donations, they’ll likely never know the original source of the $475,000 from the American Exceptionalism Institute, which has pumped millions of secretly sourced dollars into campaigns across the country.
They’ll also likely never know all the sources of the total of nearly $1 million more pumped into a separate PAC that McDaniel’s Wisconsin-based treasurer created in the eleventh hour of the 2023 race to run TV attack ads on Hosemann.
McDaniel has said he knows very little about the finances of his PAC or campaign, and as he faced questions about them over months, he often chalked problems up to “clerical errors” and provided few other comments.
But in a statement for this article, he refuted that $15,000 remains unaccounted for.
“As a candidate, I have no involvement in the financial operations of any committee or PAC,” McDaniel said. “But I’ve been advised that all the money from the (American Exceptionalism Institute) was refunded.”
McDaniel has refused to answer what he knows about AEI or why it would pump nearly half a million dollars into Mississippi’s lieutenant governor’s race. Little information on AEI is available online, and efforts by Mississippi Today — and several other media outlets over years — to contact the organization or find more details have been fruitless.
When he announced he was returning the money, McDaniel said he believes Mississippi’s corporate donation limit laws are unconstitutional and would fall to a legal challenge. But he said he did not have time or resources for such a challenge, so he was giving it back.
McDaniel has referred to the landmark U.S. Supreme Court Citizen’s United ruling in 2010. It held corporations and PACs can spend unlimited amounts on broadcasts and communications related to an election, provided they act independently of any candidate.
But courts have also upheld state limits or bans on corporate donations to campaigns or state PACs. Only five states allow unlimited corporate campaign donations, while 23 ban them. The other 22 set some restrictions on corporate donations.
Mississippi’s campaign finance laws are seldom enforced, and allegations of violations seldom investigated. The state’s laws regulating a politician’s campaign cash and reporting appear to fall under a special Oops Doctrine. If a campaign accepts an illegal contribution or makes a glaring omission or mistake on a report, it can typically avoid investigation or prosecution by giving the money back, amending reports or filing them later. Few other laws offer this escape.
But typically, these appear to be legitimate mistakes and oversights by large campaigns for far smaller donations. They are typically flagged by the campaigns themselves, the money returned promptly and the transactions duly noted on finance reports.
McDaniel’s PAC and campaign appear to have held onto AEI over-the-limit money for months, and its reporting was confounding. At one point, McDaniel’s PAC reported it returned $460,000 to AEI on the same day it received $237,500 from the corporation. His many amended reports have been difficult to follow.
READ MORE: Chris McDaniel’s reports deny accurate public accounting of campaign money
Mississippi Today first raised questions about McDaniel’s campaign finances in February, and Hosemann filed his first legal complaint with the attorney general’s office in March. For months, AG Fitch’s office’s only response was, “We are looking into it.” This prompted calls for investigation and enforcement. Secretary of State Michael Watson at the Neshoba County Fair called for lawmakers to give his office campaign enforcement authority. He said, “When people do not do their jobs, I will stand in the gap for Mississippians” — a clear dig at Fitch.
Amid this pressure, just days before the primary election, Fitch announced she was investigating the separate PAC run by McDaniel’s campaign treasurer. The Invest in Mississippi political action committee was created in July by Wisconsin political operative Thomas Datwyler, who McDaniel also listed as his campaign’s treasurer. Datwyler has a history of running afoul of Federal Election Commission campaign finance rules with several congressional campaigns.
Datwyler’s PAC ran ads against Hosemann late in the race, fueled by at least $885,000 in donations from out of state super PACs. Hosemann’s campaign had filed another complaint late in the race that the PAC-to-PAC donations were an attempt to dodge the $1,000 corporate donation limit, and that the PAC cannot claim it is independent of McDaniel because it’s run by his campaign treasurer.
READ MORE: Out of state PACs dump dark money into McDaniel’s lieutenant governor’s race
In a statement announcing the investigation, Fitch said, “The people of Mississippi should be able to expect that those who participate in our electoral process will not seek to exploit this careful balance and step over that line, and in this instance, there is evidence to suggest that has occurred here.”
Fitch did not mention McDaniel in her announcement of the investigation, but a spokeswoman for her office later indicated the office was also investigating another complaint raised by Hosemann.
READ MORE: Fitch says she’s investigating PAC run by Chris McDaniel treasurer
But the spokeswoman also said another earlier complaint had been looked into and closed. This, the Hosemann campaign confirmed, was the original complaint about McDaniel’s PAC, the campaign and the $475,000 AEI donation.
Fitch’s office has declined comment on why it would not pursue the original complaint, including where the unaccounted-for $15,000 went. McDaniel appears to have acknowledged violation of the campaign donation limit laws, saying repeatedly he would likely win a legal challenge of the law.
Many political observers have surmised Republican Fitch is loathe to go after complaints about McDaniel for fear of angering his conservative base in the state GOP. Fitch’s office has faced some complaints of failing to fulfill responsibilities of the office, instead focusing on big headline-grabbing national issues and cases.
READ MORE: Chris McDaniel, Lynn Fitch show that Mississippi might as well not have campaign finance laws
In a statement, Hosemann spokeswoman Leah Smith said: “When our opponent received $475,000 from the corporation and returned only $460,000, we contend a violation of the campaign finance laws occurred. It was impossible to determine what happened with those funds because accounting was so poor throughout, in addition to all of the other violations. We anticipate a number of legislators will be enthusiastically interested in reform this year and our office is, too.”
McDaniel, who after his defeat for lieutenant governor will be vacating his state Senate office in January after 16 years, was once himself a vocal champion for campaign finance reform and more transparency for voters of the source of politicians’ money. His latest campaign’s legacy, it appears, may be an invigorated push for reform.
In his victory speech on primary election night, Hosemann said: “When you have this much dark money pumped into a race — almost $1 million in the last week — it screams for reform. We are going to listen to those screams.”
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This is not a request': State Reps. Simpson, Pettus threaten ...
Yellowhammer News
https://yellowhammernews.com › News
May 14, 2026 — Freedom Forward Alliance, a Virginia-registered entity with no publicly identifiable leadership. The Republican primary is May 19.
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https://www.fec.gov › updates › week-of-march-21-25-...
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