paul weyrich bak
<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">see main</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">see cultural marxism</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">paleo-conservative</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"></font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">NEW</font></div><div><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"> </font></p><div style="font-size: small;"><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2021/05/noam-chomsky-republican-party/" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 51, 153); outline: none;">https://www.alternet.org/2021/05/noam-chomsky-republican-party/</a></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">alexh</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The United States has had 17 different presidents during Noam Chomsky's lifetime, from Calvin Coolidge to Joe Biden — and the left-wing author, now 92, has lived through major historical events including the Great Depression, Watergate, 9/11, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Chomsky discussed the challenges of the Biden era during a recent interview with author/journalist David Masciotra for the <a href="https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/dismantle-all-of-this-stuff-a-conversation-with-noam-chomsky/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 51, 153); outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">Los Angeles Review of Books</a>.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Chomsky discussed his <b>most recent book, "Consequences of Capitalism: Manufacturing Discontent and Resistance," in the interview with Masciotra, warning that people who are hurting economically can be manipulated by far-right extremists. Chomsky has been a blistering critic of neoliberal economics, which he said continues to fail millions of people in the United States.</b></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">"I've seen it over and over," Chomsky told Masciotra. "During the Kennedy and Johnson years, the technocratic and meritocratic elite, my colleagues from Harvard and MIT, were flocking down to Washington to show how the world should be run. Well, in Vietnam, we saw what came of that. It was not unpredictable. Those of us in the streets were </span><b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">warning of it all along. Now, it is the same. Neoliberalism, whatever is in the minds of people who advocate for it — maybe they don't even think about it — is an explicit effort…. to hand power to</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);"> private institutions, which are dedicated to self-enrichment."</span></b></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Neoliberalism, Chomsky added, only worsens the divide between the haves and the have-nots in the United States.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">"The majority of the population gets by paycheck to paycheck," Chomsky told Masciotra. "Real wages have stagnated for 40 years. The gains of productivity growth concentrate in very few pockets. This leads to…. unfocused anger. Is it surprising? People aren't told what is really robbing them. Instead, they are told that it is immigrants, Blacks, some pedophiles from outer space, if you believe QAnon — anything but what is actually happening."</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>When economic conditions are unfavorable to the working class, Chomsky noted, Republicans try to distract their voters with "cultural issues."</b></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><b style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">"The Republicans, who are the party of the superrich, understood in the 1970s that you can't get votes by coming to people and saying, 'I want to rob you, and hand everything you have over to the </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">rich and corporate sector,'"</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> Chomsky explained. "Somehow, that doesn't work. You have to turn to what are called 'cultural issues,' meaning everything but what matters for your life. So,</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 153, 0);"> Paul Weyrich, one of the main Republican strategists, by the mid-1970s got a flash of insight and realized that if the Republicans pretend — stress 'pretend'— to be opposed to abortion, they'll pick up the evangelical vote and the northern Catholic vote."</span></b></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Noting that the Republican Party is becoming "increasingly dangerous and brazenly antidemocratic," Masciotra asked Chomsky to discuss the political climate of 2021. And Chomsky agreed with his description of the modern GOP.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Chomsky said of the Republican Party, "They can mobilize the people they've turned into raging monsters, and get them to attack these communist rats who want the country flooded with rapists and murderers so that the White race suffers genocide. You know the whole story. That's the Republican Party. It's not a political party anymore. It's very dangerous."</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The 92-year-old author added that scapegoating is an effective tool of the far right in 2021 just as it was when he was a kid during the 1930s and Jews were targeted by Nazis</b>. He explained:</font></p><blockquote style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 1em 40px 1em -5px; border-left: 4px solid rgb(11, 13, 101); line-height: 32px; padding: 10px 20px 10px 24px; width: 602.543px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">There are other parts of it that are just as dangerous. For example, just recently, Pew Research Center came out with one of its <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/07/14/as-the-u-s-copes-with-multiple-crises-partisans-disagree-sharply-on-severity-of-problems-facing-the-nation/ft_2020-07-14_nationalproblems_01/" target="blank" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 51, 153); outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">regular polls</a> on major issues facing the country. They had a choice of 15 major issues, and people were asked to rank them. It was divided between Republicans and Democrats. Take a look at Republicans. At the very bottom — 13 percent — the most important question that has ever arisen in human history:<b> global warming. They don't call it that. They call it "climate change," which is more neutral. But only 13 percent think that is a major problem. </b></span><b style="background-color: rgb(245, 245, 245);">It is only the most important problem that's ever arisen — the question of survival. Then you go to the problems they are most concerned about — illegal immigration, the deficit.</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> This is the result of very effective propaganda.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(245, 245, 245);"> <b>Imposing common sense, manufacturing consent, year after year — turning people into the kind of people that supported the Nazis. Going back to my childhood, I remember them right here in the United States. These were the people who wanted to get rid of the Jews, because "the Jews are destroying civilization."</b></span></font></blockquote><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">"If people are isolated, atomized, with no support groups, no involvement in constructive activities, they are prey to this attack on their moral and intellectual integrity,"</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> Chomsky continued. "Go back to what I said, the Republican leadership is overjoyed at the moves toward some humane behavior on the part of Democrats. They know, especially with (former President Donald) </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">Trump — who is a genius at this —that they can organize and mobilize crazed groups who really believe they need their guns to save the White race from genocide. You can drive people to that.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">"</span></font></p></div><div style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">=</font></div><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">=</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2019/10/will-impeachment-stymie-this-powerful-groups-plans-for-mike-pence" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 51, 153); outline: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://www.alternet.org/2019/10/will-impeachment-stymie-this-powerful-groups-plans-for-mike-pence</font></a></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Will impeachment stymie this powerful group’s plans for Mike Pence?</b></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Written by Anne Nelson / Salon October 25, 2019</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">With the prospect of an impeachment looming over Washington this month, the conversation has naturally turned to Vice President Mike Pence — both as a possible successor to the presidency and as a possible candidate for impeachment himself. Standing in the eye of the storm, on October 5 Pence chose to tweet a photo of himself at the podium of an organization that is unknown to most Americans.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">@VP</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Council for National Policy is one of the oldest & most effective organizations in the history of the conservative movement. Thank you Congressman McEwen & the more than 400 fellow conservatives for coming out & fighting for the principles that have made this country great!</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The Council for National Policy is one of the oldest and most effective organizations in the history of the conservative movement,” he wrote. He thanked former Ohio congressman (and CNP executive director) Bob McEwen “and the more than 400 fellow conservatives for coming out & fighting for the principles that have made this country great!”</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pence’s anodyne statement can be viewed as both life insurance for his career and the ongoing repayment of an old debt. The reasons have less to do with Trump than with the inner workings of the Republican Party.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Over the past few decades the traditional GOP has been overtaken by partisans of the Radical Right, now entrenched in the party’s infrastructure. This shadow network of hardline organizations, activists and donors stands ready to outlast the Trump presidency.<b> The story of the CNP, a hub in this network, is a case study in how the durability and strategic capacity of right-wing institutions has shaped the American political landscape.</b></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The Council for National Policy had its origins in the Southwest, where the social agenda of Christian fundamentalists and the economic interests of the oil industry converged. They founded the CNP in 1981 to capitalize on the election of Ronald Reagan; Reagan’s former attorney general, Edwin Meese III, would serve as the CNP’s president from 1993-1997.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization meets several times a year, maintaining secrecy for its membership and its proceedings. But a 2014 membership roster was leaked and published by the Southern Poverty Law Center, illustrating the span of the political network: <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">major donors such as the DeVos family; evangelical powerhouses such as Southern Baptist leader Richard Land; and heads of influential media interests, including the Salem Media conglomerate. Kellyanne Conway has belonged to the CNP’s executive committee, and Jay Sekulow, lead attorney on Trump’s personal legal team, has served on the board of governors. The organization also, critically, includes the heads of membership organizations such as the National Rifle Association and the Susan B. Anthony List (a group that funds anti-choice candidates), whose ground troops can be deployed in coordinated political canvassing. In the words of former CNP president Richard DeVos (father-in-law to Education Secretary Betsy), the CNP convenes the “donors and the doers.”</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The CNP has played the long game in Washington, using its ability to activate evangelical voting blocs as its political capital, building up influence in the statehouses and pushing the GOP ever farther to the right.</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Over time, the CNP partnerships evolved into a well-oiled machine, in which big money, regional broadcasters and ground troops advanced its interests in ways that were often neglected by the national news media. Mike Pence appeared at various stages of his career. One co-founder, Morton Blackwell, claims to have trained some 200,000 conservative candidates and political activists through his Leadership Institute — among them Mike Pence. Another co-founder, ideological architect </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">Paul Weyrich</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">, instituted a celebrated weekly lunch not far from the Capitol to talk strategy. Congressman Mike Pence briefed the group on a weekly basis. In 2006 the New York Times quoted Weyrich’s verdict on Pence: “He is what I’ve been waiting for in terms of leadership.”</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>After Barack Obama’s election in 2008, the donor networks of the CNP, fueled by the DeVos family’s Amway fortune, converged with those of the Koch brothers.</b> Their digital campaigns and grassroots activism converged as well. The heads of Koch-backed organizations — including Americans for Prosperity and the Tea Party Patriots — joined the Council for National Policy, and CNP donors funded Koch initiatives.<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> In 2012 Democrats celebrated Obama’s reelection, but Republican efforts to cultivate state-level politics were paying off. Despite the Democrats gaining a national plurality of over 1.4 million votes in the House elections, Republicans won back the House with a margin of 17 seats, giving them power over the budgetary process.</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The CNP partners’ long-term strategy identified some 17 million politically unengaged evangelicals, many concentrated in swing states, and sought ways to drive them to the polls</b>.<b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);"> Focus groups found that this demographic could be motivated by scare tactics </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">involving abortion and LGBT rights. These voters have been bombarded with falsehoods: Democrats conspire to “execute babies on the day of their birth”; schoolchildren face a mortal danger of sexual assault by transgender people using public restrooms. Swing state voters encountered these campaigns on radio broadcasts from CNP partner networks, in church sanctuaries from partner “ministries” and on social media, fueled by partner memes. They were complemented by grassroots canvassing run </span></b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">by CNP members, including the NRA, the Susan B. Anthony List and Americans for Prosperity.</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In 2016, CNP members played a critical role in bridging the chasm between the evangelical base and Trump, overcoming objections to Trump’s character flaws and spiritual deficits.</b></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CNP members Marjorie Dannenfelser and Penny Nance had signed an “anyone but Trump” letter to Iowa voters; Southern Baptist Richard Land and his fellow editors at the Christian Post described him as “exceptionally bad.”<b> But CNP president Tony Perkins and strategist Ralph Reed kept their options open. Trump rode the wave of the primaries on the strength of his celebrity, but he lacked campaign funds, strategy and ground troops. The CNP partners could offer him all three — under certain conditions.</b></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">On June 21, 2016, Perkins hosted some 1,000 fundamentalist leaders at the Marriott Marquis in Times Square to allow Trump to make his case, sharing the stage with a panoply of CNP all-stars</span>. Trump emerged with their full support. In return, CNP members received an Evangelical Advisory Board stacked with CNP members, a leading role in writing the social planks of the Republican platform, and, crucially, a decisive say in federal judicial nominations — their most powerful lever for reshaping the national landscape. By mid-July Trump also replaced his previous choices for running mate with Mike Pence.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pence’s career now hangs in the balance, and much will depend on how closely he’s tied to Trump’s actions — even if Trump is only impeached and not convicted. But the Council for National Policy has looked ahead. Operating on the principle of “an heir and a spare,” it conspicuously auditioned Nicky Haley at its 2018 meeting.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The strategists of the CNP are keenly aware of the formula that won them the White House in 2016: Hillary Clinton’s campaign, focused on the national media, won the popular election by three million votes, but lost the Electoral College by some 80,000 votes in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania. The CNP may be hoping for a repeat: wagering that the impeachment furor in Washington will play out in the national media without moving the swing states — and that the Democrats will be too distracted by the drama to notice.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Anne Nelson (@anelsona) is the author of “Shadow Network: Media, Money, and the Secret Hub of the Radical Right,” out this month from Bloomsbury.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"></font></p></div><div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2019/06/noam-chomsky-democrats-may-have-handed-trump-the-2020-election/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://www.alternet.org/2019/06/noam-chomsky-democrats-may-have-handed-trump-the-2020-election/</font></a></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Attorney General William Barr releases Robert Mueller’s long-anticipated report into Russian interference in the 2016 election, we speak with world-renowned political dissident, linguist and author Noam Chomsky about what he sees as the political perils of “Russiagate.”</span></font></p><div class="p1_11" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px 0px 17px; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.8; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span class="caps" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">AMY</span> <span class="caps" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">GOODMAN</span>:</strong> Can you share your analysis of President Trump? You have lived through so many presidents. Explain President Trump to us and assess the massive response to him.</font></p><div class="p2_11" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div class="alt_ad_block story-page-in-content-graph-2" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div class="teadsNative" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px 0px 17px; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.8;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span class="caps" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">NOAM</span> <span class="caps" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">CHOMSKY</span>:</strong><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> Well, Trump is—you know, I think there are a number of illusions about Trump. If you take a look at the Trump phenomenon, it’s not very surprising. </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Think back for the last 10 or 15 years over Republican Party primaries, and remember what happened during the primaries. Each primary, when some candidate rose from the base, they were so outlandish that the Republican establishment tried to crush them and succeeded in doing it—Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Santorum. Anyone who was coming out of the base was totally unacceptable to the establishment. The change in 2016 is they couldn’t crush him.</span></font></p><div class="p3_11" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px 0px 17px; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.8;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">But the interesting question is: Why was this happening?<b> Why, in election after election, was the voting base producing a candidate utterly intolerable to the establishment? And the answer to that is—if you think about that, the answer is not very hard to discover. During the—since the 1970s, during this neoliberal period, both of the political parties have shifted to the right.</b> The Democrats, by the 1970s, had pretty much abandoned the working class. I mean, the last gasp of more or less progressive Democratic Party legislative proposals was the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act in 1978, which Carter watered down so that it had no teeth, just became voluntary. <b>But the Democrats had pretty much abandoned the working class. </b>They became pretty much what used to be called moderate Republicans. <b>Meanwhile, the Republicans shifted so far to the right that they went completely off the spectrum. Two of the leading political analysts of the American Enterprise Institute, Thomas Mann, Norman Ornstein, about five or 10 years ago, described the Republican Party as what they called a “radical insurgency” that has abandoned parliamentary politics.</b></font></p><div class="p4_11" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px 0px 17px; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.8;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Well, why did that happen? It happened because the Republicans face a difficult problem. They have a primary constituency, a real constituency: extreme wealth and corporate power. That’s who they have to serve. That’s their constituency. You can’t get votes that way, so you have to do something else to get votes. What do you do to get votes? This was begun by Richard Nixon with the Southern strategy: try to pick up racists in the South. The mid-1970s, <b>Paul Weyrich, one of the Republican strategists, hit on a brilliant idea. Northern Catholics voted Democratic, tended to vote Democratic, a lot of them working-class. The Republicans could pick up that vote by pretending—crucially, “pretending”—to be opposed to abortion</b>.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> By the same pretense, they could pick up the evangelical vote. Those are big votes—evangelicals, northern Catholics. Notice the word “pretense.” It’s crucial. You go back to the 1960s, every leading Republican figure was strongly, what we call now, pro-choice. The Republican Party position was—that’s Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, all the leadership—their position was: Abortion is not the government’s business; it’s private business—government has nothing to say about it. They turned almost on a dime in order to try to pick up a voting base on what are called cultural issues. Same with gun rights. Gun rights become a matter of holy writ because you can pick up part of the population that way. In fact, what they’ve done is put together a coalition of voters based on issues that are basically, you know, tolerable to the establishment, but they don’t like it. OK? And they’ve got to hold that, those two constituencies, together. The real constituency of wealth and corporate power, they’re taken care of by the actual legislation.</span></font></p><div class="p5_11" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; margin: 0px 0px 17px; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.8; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>So, if you look at the legislation under Trump, it’s just lavish gifts to the wealth and the corporate sector—the tax bill, the deregulation, you know, every case in point. That’s kind of the job of Mitch McConnell and Paul Ryan, those guys. They serve the real constituency. </b>Meanwhile, Trump has to maintain the voting constituency, with one outrageous position after another that appeals to some sector of the voting base. And he’s doing it very skillfully. As just as a political manipulation, it’s skillful. Work for the rich and the powerful, shaft everybody else, but get their votes—that’s not an easy trick. And he’s carrying it off.</font></p></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
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</font></div><div><a href="https://4thgenwar.wordpress.com/2016/07/03/trump-meets-man-who-inspired-2011-terror-attack-deadlier-than-orlando-shooting/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://4thgenwar.wordpress.com/2016/07/03/trump-meets-man-who-inspired-2011-terror-attack-deadlier-than-orlando-shooting/</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Donald Trump Meets William S. Lind</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">bruceewilson / July 3, 2016</font></div><div>
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">(July 3, 2016) A photo, attached to an opinion column dated April 16, 2016 that was published on the website Traditionalright.com, shows<b> Donald Trump standing with an even taller, neatly dressed, unsmiling man with a strangely intense gaze: William S. Lind.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his column, Lind wrote, “At the beginning of this column you will find a photograph of me giving a copy of The Next Conservatism to presidential candidate Donald Trump”.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Lind’s many accomplishments include pioneering a novel theory of warfare that, he suggests, may have inspired al-Qaeda’s grand global strategy ; promoting a conspiracy theory concerning something called “cultural Marxism” — now globally embraced by racist, neo-Nazi, and nationalist right movements — which helped provoke one of Europe’s worst terrorist attacks in decades ; and publishing a 2014 novel that envisions white Christian militias carrying out the ethnic cleansing of North America and restoring slavery.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the website photo, Trump is smiling, and, according to Bill Lind, he holds<b> Lind’s 2009 book The Next Conservatism, co-written with his friend and close working colleague the late Paul Weyrich </b>–<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> who is generally credited as one of the top three co-architects of the contemporary American religious right.</span></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>The Next Conservatism, reported to have been circulated within the Trump for President team,</b> not only anticipated most of the positions Donald Trump campaigned on – it maps out a bold new path for conservatism that bears uncanny resemblance to Trump’s 2016 election campaign platform.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">William Lind is widely acknowledged by relevant scholars as by far the most important promoter of the <b>“cultural Marxism“ conspiracy theory concerning the alleged origin of “political correctness” – a plot Lind alleges was launched, nearly a century ago by Jewish Marxist intellectuals from the “Frankfurt School”, to destroy America and Western Christian civilization.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2002 Lind told attendees at a Holocaust denial conference, concerning the architects of the alleged cultural Marxism plot against America, that “These guys were all Jewish”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Lind’s writing on the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory helped directly inspire one of Europe’s worst terrorist attacks in decades – the 2011 slaughter of 77, mostly teenagers, and wounding of 319 in Norway. <b>According to the neo-Nazi perpetrator Anders Behring Breivik, he intended his terrorist attack as a “marketing method” to publicize his political manifesto that featured, as it core thesis, the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In addition, Lind has suggested that his ideas on non-traditional “Fourth Generation” warfare (4GW) may have helped inspire the grand strategy behind al-Qaeda’s devastating September 11, 2001 attacks on America. “al-Qaeda understands 4GW and is using it,” concurs one relevant military strategy expert.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 1999 Lind claimed, “The real damage to race relations in the South came not from slavery, but from Reconstruction, which would not have occurred if the South had won [the Civil War]. Then, in 2014, he published a novel (which he had originally written in the 1990s) that outlined a vision for violently restoring the American slavery regime overthrown in the Civil War.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">William Lind’s 2014 novel (written under a pen-name) “Victoria – A Novel of 4th Generation War” favorably depicts white Christian militia groups overthrowing the federal government, helping out a resurgent Southern Dixie regime by vaporizing the black insurgent-controlled center of Atlanta with a tactical nuclear weapon, and carrying out the ethnic cleansing of African-Americans (see chapter 27) and other ethnic groups such as Puerto Ricans.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">African-American families are driven out of cities into forced sharecropping on white-owned lands in the country. Towards the end of the novel, the protagonists launch a final crusade against <b>Islam.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">According to sociologist, retired Senior U.S. Army Analyst, and authority on the Tea Party and the American militia movement Dr. James Scaminaci, William S. Lind has authored the “blueprint for the development of the patriot militia movement” which hopes to one day overthrow federal authority; and in a key 1989 article that may have inspired al-Qaeda, he forecast that “The next real war we fight is likely to be on American soil.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In his 2009 book The Next Conservatism, William Lind suggests a new mechanism for domestic counterterrorism – by harnessing the manpower of local anti-government militia groups which “might report to county sheriffs”</span>.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Such county sheriff / militia alliances have already begun under the auspices of a national sheriffs group called the<b> Constitutional Sheriffs </b>and Peace Officers Association (CSPOA), and by late 2016 top Trump for President campaign staff and surrogates had established contact with CSPOA leadership.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the last weeks of the 2016 presidential campaign, an extraordinary pattern emerged that was wholly unnoticed by media or even seasoned watchdog groups tasked with tracking the American far-right – dozens of top Trump campaign advisers and surrogates appeared as guests on a relatively obscure far-right radio show, the Liberty Roundtable.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Liberty Roundtable radio show frequently features, as a guest, the co-founder and current leader of CSPOA and Liberty Roundtable show host Sam Bushman has himself served on the CSPOA board.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The CSPOA, closely associated with the Christian right, has been advertised by its founder and head Richard Mack as “The Army To Set Our Nation Free” and has promoted anti-Obama “birther” conspiracy theories also promoted by Donald Trump. CSPOA events have featured speakers who advocate for Southern Secession.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Secret Life of “Political Correctness”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In his campaign speeches, including Trump’s New Hampshire speech following the June 2016 massacre of 49 people at an Orlando, Florida nightclub, Donald<b> Trump has repeatedly attacked “political correctness”.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“I refuse to be politically correct”, Trump told his New Hampshire audience. “I’m so tired of this politically correct crap,” he complained to South Carolina business leaders back in September 2015. “This country, political correctness is killing us,” Trump charged in a February 2016 interview on NBC’s Today show.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Throughout the primary season Donald Trump has attacked “political correctness” so much, it might have raised the question – was he aware of the dark new conspiracy theory association that the term “political correctness” has taken on, over the past decade and a half, for many on the American right ?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If he wasn’t, he probably is now.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Portrait of Donald <b>Trump as a Paleocon</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William S. Lind is an influential arch-conservative ideologue of the Paleoconservative right — a tendency that runs from the nativist populism of Pat Buchanan and the “libertarian” Christian Reconstructonism-tinged politics of Ron Paul over to overtly racist, white nationalist, neo-Nazi, and theocratic Christian groups (both in the small but heavily influential Christian Reconstructionism movement but also in some of the more nativist streams of Christian dominionism within the vastly larger charismatic movement.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paleoconservatives like Buchanan, Paul, and Lind tend to oppose U.S. interventionism and “nation building” – which they consider to be typically stupid, ineffective, and costly. They view immigration – especially Muslim and Hispanic immigration – as an existential threat which could destroy the nation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">They decry the deindustrialization of America and oppose globalization and neo-Liberal free trade policies. They regard Wall Street’s financial machinations as parasitic and detrimental to the economic well-being of average Americans. And, they are partial to conspiracy theories in which secret elites, typically Jewish, scheme to rule or conquer the world and enslave humanity.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Despite the extremity of his political and social views, Bill Lind could hardly be called a fringe crank.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">From the 1980s, Lind was for three decades a major fixture at what some consider to have been the emerging new conservative movement’s most intellectually and ideologically influential think tank, Paul Weyrich’s Free Congress Foundation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And, Lind has extensive connections in the U.S. military due to his pioneering work as a seminal theorist of something called Fourth Generation Warfare (4GW), a theory of asymmetrical warfare that’s especially attractive to insurgent and terrorist groups, a theory which, he’s suggested, may have given al-Qaeda strategic inspiration prior to 9-11</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During their meeting, Lind gave Trump the 2009 book that he co-authored with the late Paul Weyrich, titled The Next Conservatism, which includes extensive discussion of Lind’s “cultural Marxism”/”political correctness” conspiracy theory.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The book also reads as if it had been specifically commissioned as a strategic template for Trump’s presidential campaign :</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The Next Conservatism calls for stopping illegal immigration, controlling the U.S.-Mexico border, the ethnic and religious profiling of legal immigrants, making English the official national language (a less noticed Trump suggestion),<b> protective tariffs,</b> rebuilding American industry – to bring back well-paying jobs, investing in <b>infrastructure </b>(such as roads, bridges, and public transit), and pulling back from interventionist American foreign policies.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Did Donald Trump read The Next Conservatism prior to launching his devastatingly effective campaign for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination ?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We’ll probably never know, but Trump could have derived most of his 2016 primary positions from a two-hour session with Lind’s and Weyrich’s book, by simply dog-earing pages and underlining key bits of text with his signature golden Sharpie.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And that would have been quite smart, on Trump’s part, given the importance of who Lind’s co-author was — the late Paul Weyrich, a key movement architect who coached and brokered the entrance of religious right into national politics, a man known for being typically a few years ahead of his time.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William S. Lind has himself noted the close resonance between Donald Trump’s positions and the ideas laid out in The Next Conservatism. After meeting Trump and giving him the book, Lind wrote,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Trump’s views on avoidable foreign wars, free trade, political correctness and a number of other subjects have much in common with The Next Conservatism. If he reads it, our book might be helpful to him in fleshing out his agenda.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Architects</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The book is billed as Paul Weyrich’s “last will and testament”</b>. It was his (and William Lind’s) vision for rebuilding a conservative movement that, near the end of his life, Weyrich thought was running off the rails.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich, who one longtime observer of the America right has described as “the connective tissue of the modern conservative movement”, played a central role launching much of the movement’s early infrastructure including the Free Congress Foundation, the Heritage Foundation, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), and a succession of conservative evangelical activist groups and coalitions – first Christian Voice (formed from several California anti-gay and anti-pornography groups), then the Moral Majority, then the Christian Coalition.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich may have been a traditionalist, but he was no classic conservative. In the 1984 book Ominous Politics – The New Conservative Labyrinth, author John Soloma quoted Weyrich as having stated,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“We are no longer working to preserve the status quo. We are radicals, working to overturn the present power structure of this country.” (p.49)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Following his death in December 2008,</b> an LA Times story quoted Weyrich as having declared, on fighting the American culture war,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“It may not be with bullets and . . . rockets and missiles, but it’s a war nonetheless… It is a war of ideology, it’s a war of ideas, and it’s a war about our way of life. And it has to be fought with the same intensity, I think, and dedication as you would fight a shooting war.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In line with those statements, Weyrich’s Free Congress Foundation promoted a radical, even revolutionary, form of meta-politics intended to shift the underlying culture and which appeared to incorporate William S. Lind’s concepts of Fourth Generation Warfare. In his seminal 1989 Marines Corps Gazette article on 4GW, Lind and his co-authors had predicted that,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Television news may become a more powerful operational weapon than armored divisions.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">4GW TV</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Countless observers have noted the role of Roger Ailes’ Fox Network – as a conduit for right-wing propaganda, for its ability to generate an alternative reality, and for its attacks on the legitimacy of government and other institutions. As such, Fox can be considered an example of Fourth Generation warfare in practice.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">But the success of Fox was paved by two prior, related media ventures. The first iteration of the idea, of an explicitly right-leaning media network, was the Coors family-financed, New York City-based Television News, Inc. (TVN), launched in 1973 – an effort that, as Joseph Coors told a Denver, CO paper, was explicitly aimed at countering “liberal-left” network news. It was a short-lived affair that folded in 1975.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">But TVN did bring together two rising stars: Roger Ailes, a who during his time as a Nixon Administration media consultant had proposed a White House-run news network, and Paul Weyrich – who would soon begin to launch key infrastructure of the nascent Christian right.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Next came National Empowerment Television (NET) – a more radical affair than the Coors’ TVN. As described in the research paper “THE FREE CONGRESS FOUNDATION’S POLITICAL-MILITARY STRATEGY DOCUMENTS“, by James Scaminaci,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“In 1992, the Free Congress Foundation launched its National Empowerment Television (NET) broadcast to 11 million homes. According to Media Transparency, the NET carried Borderline for “conservative views on immigration policy,” the Cato Forum, “which provides the Cato Institute with an on-going opportunity to promote its beliefs concerning the illegitimacy of taxes and government regulation,” <b>On Target With the National Rifle Association,</b> and other right-wing policy shows.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The Cato Forum may have been within established boundaries, the NRA show perhaps a bit less so. But Borderline went further. Launched in 1996, Borderline was produced by <b>The Federation For Immigration Reform and featured, according to a report on FAIR from the Southern Poverty Law Center,</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“a number of prominent white nationalists, including Sam Francis and Jared Taylor. “Borderline” often advanced ideas popular in white nationalist circles; particularly popular was the idea that immigrants are destroying American culture or displacing Western civilization with degenerate, Third World ways.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As described in the SPLC report, Borderline shows in 1996 included discussion of the possibility “that if the U.S. loses its white majority, it will be destroyed” by a civil war. Three years before the Borderline show was launched on NET, FAIR founder John Tanton had mused,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“As Whites see their power and control over their lives declining, will they simply go quietly into the night? Or will there be an explosion?”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The NET Borderline show is especially significant because it demonstrates a working relationship between the Free Congress Foundation – a central organizational hub for the Christian right – and a decidedly racist national anti-immigration group prior to when the Free Congress Foundation began its concerted effort, roughly at the beginning of the new millennium, to spread the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory that now serves effectively as a coded vehicle for racist sentiment.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 4GW War on America</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The thesis that elements of the American far right, especially on the Christian right, have for decades been both waging (and preparing for) Fourth Generation warfare — to challenge federal and Constitutional authority, reverse gains by the feminist and LGBTQ rights movements, the environmental movement, and other liberal and progressive constituencies, and even one day impose decentralized government based upon biblical law — has been addressed in depth in the writing of Dr. James Scaminaci, a former U.S. Army intelligence analyst who specialized first in the former Soviet Union, then the Middle East, and lastly in the Balkans.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Retired in the U.S, Scaminaci became alarmed in early 2009 when Alan Keyes publicly challenged the legitimacy of Barack Obama’s presidency, on grounds that Obama is allegedly not an American citizen, and raised the possibility that members of the U.S. military might, because of questions concerning Obama’s citizenship, refuse to obey orders from the new president. States Scaminaci,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“I began to investigate the Christian Right. The “birther” claim not only delegitimized President Obama, but called into question the citizenship status of tens of millions of people… as a former military intelligence analyst, I utilized the skills that I had acquired, for example, examining the source of their strategy, their organizations, their networks, and their tactics…</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>…I began to understand that the Christian Right and its armed wing in the Patriot militia were radical revolutionaries.</b> And, that to me is a key finding that progressives need to consider. The Patriot militia of the 1990s and today is the armed wing of the Christian Right. If you read the literature on the Patriot militia, from scholars and journalists, there is no analysis of the social bases of the militia and there is no analysis of the command-control-communications-intelligence (C3I) structure of the militia. Nowhere does a large armed formation exist that is not under political control and pursuing political goals…</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I hope my analysis, while entirely supportive, elevates the strategic warning and gives progressive analysts the perspective to see that the movement is much more unified than previously thought and driven by a Fourth Generation Warfare strategy that comes from the central core of the Christian Right.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For decades the “central core” – both organizational, ideological, and strategic – of the Christian right has been defined, perhaps more than any two individuals, by Paul Weyrich and William S. Lind.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Weyrich’s lasting influence is clear from the attendance at the Annual Paul Weyrich Awards Dinner, held each year before CPAC, the Conservative Political Action Conference.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Attending this year were heavyweights such as close Weyrich friend Phyllis Schlaffly, who in the 1970s almost singlehandedly blocked the Equal Rights Amendment, billionaire venture capitalist Foster Friess, Fox News’ Megan Kelly, and Carly Fiorina.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Other friends of Weyrich screened tribute videos to the man who helped launch their movement: John Ashcroft, Newt Gingrich, James Dobson, Reince Priebus, and Jim DeMint, now President of the Heritage Foundation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">From his perch as Director of the Free Congress Foundation’s Center for Cultural Conservatism, William Lind has laid key groundwork that has made Trump’s radically unorthodox presidential bid far easier — notably as the most significant, passionate, eloquent, and dedicated promoter the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory that Donald Trump’s constant attacks on “political correctness” invoke (whether Trump means to do so or not.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">However it came about, for the 2009 Lind/Weyrich book with the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory to have arrived in Trump’s hands was probably not accidental :</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Few observers have noticed his canny targeting and the extent of Trump’s groundwork, research, and outreach prior to his presidential bid — from making charitable donations to influential evangelical right entities such as the Billy Graham Foundation and speaking at Jerry Falwell’s Liberty University, to stoking “birther” conspiracy theories that challenged President Obama’s citizenship (which no doubt helped Trump gain entrée to the populist fringe right), to commissioning a team to research popular, conspiracy theory-riddled right-wing Internet sites.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was the latter effort that might well have led Trump to William S. Lind’s and Paul Weyrich’s conspiracy theory concerning “political correctness” (cultural Marxism), because on many sectors of the far right their theory has become all-but ubiquitous.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Cultural Marxism” spreads</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Since its launch from the Free Congress Foundation, the cultural Marxism conspiracy theory has spread rapidly from the fringes – simultaneously through several vectors including the populist, nativist Paleocon right, the overtly racist right, and through a 1999 open letter to conservatives by Paul Weyrich that was later published in Christianity Today – and towards the conservative mainstream.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The ongoing process was noted over decade ago in a 2003 Southern Poverty Law Center report from journalist and researcher Bill Berkowitz, ‘Cultural Marxism’ Catching On.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>By 2000, Reform Party presidential candidate and noted Paleocon Pat Buchanan was attacking “cultural Marxism” in his campaign speeches</b>. Buchanan has become a prominent booster who has seeded the idea in his bestselling books such as his 2002 The Death of The West.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The idea also gained early traction among white supremacists such as former Ku Klux Klan Wizard David Duke.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was spread on the racist right, most crucially, beginning in the early 2000s when the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens (CoC) produced and distributed a video, titled “Political Correctness: The Frankfurt School Story”, which featured a CoC-scripted commentary tacked onto nearly the entire body of another video on cultural Marxism, featuring William S. Lind, produced by the Free Congress Foundation, with the original title “Political Correctness: The Dirty Little Secret” (later changed to “The History of Political Correctness”.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">(The CoC itself has a notable history in regard to terrorism – its inflammatory racist website material has been credited with having inspired Dylann Roof, suspected of having committed the June 7, 2015 mass execution, during a church prayer service, of nine African-American members of the Charleston, South Carolina Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By 2012, the “cultural Marxism” idea had become firmly established on the hard evangelical right, as demonstrated by the presence of a chapter by William Lind in the book The Culture-Wise Family: Upholding Christian Values in a Mass Media World co-edited by Ted Baehr and Pat Boone, with a forward by Janet Parshall.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind’s chapter, titled “Who Stole Our Culture”, begins ominously with, “Sometime during the last half-century, someone stole our culture.” The chapter is thematically extremely close to (and essentially a re-writing of) Lind’s first chapter in the 2004 Free Congress Foundation book Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology that was plagiarized in the political manifesto of convicted mass murderer Anders Behring Breivik.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">More recently, the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory has been promoted in full-length, professionally produced pseudo-documentary videos, and has begun to diffuse into the mainstream right.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Although the theory is factually challenged and easily debunked, it nonetheless can now be found discussed credulously in mainstream right magazines such as the National Review.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Targeting the enemy in warfare</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">As noted by Berkowitz in his Southern Poverty Law Center report, cultural Marxism built upon previous right wing tropes. Since the early 1990s, “Political correctness” had emerged as a topic for right-wing scorn, and at the 1992 Republican National Convention, in a televised speech, Pat Buchanan had declared,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“There is a religious war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as was the Cold War itself.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The “cultural Marxism” theory added a complex and seemingly plausible back-story to emerging right wing narratives concerning that “culture war” and the rise of “political correctness”; the cultural Marxists had, to a shocking extent, taken control of key societal institutions that shape culture, including academia.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a February 16, 1999 letter sent out to many prominent conservatives and later published (and validated) by Christianity Today, Paul Weyrich declared,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The ideology of Political Correctness, which openly calls for the destruction of our traditional culture, has so gripped the body politic, has so gripped our institutions, that it is even affecting the Church. It has completely taken over the academic community. It is now pervasive in the entertainment industry, and it threatens to control literally every aspect of our lives.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[ …]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Cultural Marxism is succeeding in its war against our culture. “</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Now deeply embedded in conservative movement culture, the cultural Marxism theory allows those familiar with the concept to very efficiently designate and target a wide range of enemies.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The “cultural Marxists”, the enforcers of “political correctness”, and those who might be unaware of the cultural Marxism plot but who are nonetheless under its evil sway might be Democrats, liberals, or progressives, LGBTQ citizens, feminists, secular humanists or environmentalists. They could be multiculturalists, or citizens of non European-American ethnicity, black nationalists or members of Hispanic organizations. They could be recent legal immigrants or illegal ones.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The list could go on almost endlessly – because of the expansive, totalistic nature of the cultural Marxist conspiracy, no single enemies list could possibly encompass all the various societal groups playing a part, witting or not, in the grand plot.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>William F. Buckley spins in his grave</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The National Review validation of the cultural Marxism conspiracy theory is especially striking because of the magazine’s pedigree – it was founded in 1955 by conservative icon William F. Buckley, who worked to redefine and rebrand the conservative movement – especially by purging its cranks.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One was Robert Welch, founder of the nationally influential John Birch Society, who maintained that President Dwight Eisenhower was a secret communist and that the flouridation of water supplies was a communist plot to weaken the minds of Americans (a trope featured in the Stanley Kubrick Cold War-era black comedy film Dr. Strangelove.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As he described in a 2008 Wall Street Journal retrospective, Buckley led the campaign to marginalize the conspiracy theory-addled Welch.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Since its founding, the National Review has sought (much like Christianity Today has tried to do for the conservative evangelical movement) to invest the conservative movement with a degree of respectability and intellectual rigor.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That Buckley’s magazine itself now promotes conspiratorial ideas such as cultural Marxism – whose style traces back to Welch’s hysterical anti-Communism – is a testament to how sharply American conservatism has lurched in recent decades – away from intellectual sobriety, and towards conspiracy realms in which shadowy forces or evil Jews scheme to rule the world and destroy all that’s good and holy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Not only did William F. Buckley marginalize Welch, but by one account in Jewish World Review Buckley “cleared the way… for a conservative movement where Jews would be welcomed… in which anti-Semitism was confined to the fever swamps of the far right and far left.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The National Review has launched a ceaseless fusillade of anti-Trump attacks, and in early 2016 devoted an entire issue to attacking Donald Trump’s presidential bid. But the magazine has also given credence to the cultural Marxism theory that animates pro-Trump support.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Only a few months before, in September 2015, the The National Review published a credulous review of a book predicated on the cultural Marxism conspiracy theory – which identifies Jews, German Jews no less, as arch-enemies dedicated to the destruction of Christianity and the West.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>
</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Credible critics have identified Lind’s “cultural Marxism” as an “anti-Semitic conspiracy theory”</b>. Cultural Marxism is, arguably, a modern-day American analog to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion – the famous forgery, by the Russian Tsar’s secret police, that purported to present a secret Jewish plan to conquer the world. Brought back from Russia to Germany by the man who became Hitler’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg, the Protocols helped inspire the Holocaust.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Cultural Marxism posits a Jewish communist plot to destroy American and Western Christian civilization by attacking America’s traditional culture, especially by flooding the country with waves of immigrants, notably Muslims and Latinos, who will eventually reduce white European-Americans to a minority and destroy the nation’s cultural cohesion so that the United States eventually breaks apart into warring mini-states.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trumpism, and The Next Conservatism</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The cultural Marxism conspiracy theory is woven into the very fabric of The Next Conservatism.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William Lind and Paul Weyrich explicitly identify illegal immigration as an existential threat to America, as Fourth Generation Warfare, orchestrated by the agents of cultural Marxism, to destroy America’s cultural cohesion and eventually shatter the republic:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">‘We are being invaded. In a world of Fourth Generation war, invasion by immigrants who do not assimilate is more dangerous than invasion by a foreign army. At some point, a foreign army will go home. But immigrants stay, and unassimilated immigrants provide an ongoing basis for Fourth Generation war here in America.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[…]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">…The cultural Marxists want open borders because one way to destroy our traditional American culture is to bury it under tens of millions of immigrants from alien cultures. Not only do the cultural Marxists welcome the immigrants, by demanding “multiculturalism” they insure that these immigrants do not assimilate.’ (p. 106, The Next Conservatism)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It is a frame that dehumanizes immigrants; they are not human beings, each with unique circumstances and history but are, rather, soldiers in an army with one purpose – to destroy America.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Lind and Weyrich book The Next Conservatism explicitly and repeatedly references the cultural Marxism theory that influenced Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik and, very early in the book, explains it in the most dire and cosmic terms:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">‘Americans’ most fundamental freedoms, including freedom of speech and freedom of association, are under threat from the ideology most commonly known as “multiculturalism” or “political correctness”. But what really is “PC”? A tour through a bit of esoteric intellectual history reveals its secret: it is cultural Marxism, Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms by a think tank established in 1923 in Frankfurt, Germany, the infamous Institute for Social Research. Cultural Marxism’s goal from the outset has been nothing less than the destruction of Western culture and the Christian religion, goals toward which it has made frightening progress. The next conservatism must arm Americans against this menace with the weapon it fears most: the revelation of its real nature.’ (p.5, ibid.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Both major U.S. political parties are complicit, for different reasons:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The Democrats want open borders because most of them are cultural Marxists. The Republicans agree because Wall Street wants cheap labor.” (p.107, ibid.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The book offers a possible solution to the depicted domestic security threat that’s arguably even worse than the current militarization of America’s police; citizen militia groups, working with county sheriffs, will ensure security and keep the peace:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“the next conservatism should consider reviving an old American tradition: the militia. Because a militia is organized from individual communities, it too, like neighborhood cops, knows what is going on. Also like local police, a militia does not serve Leviathan, a federal government that seeks to snoop endlessly in ordinary citizens’ lives. This militia would be organized by individual states, as they saw a need for it. (It would not be a private militia, which can be dangerous in a world of Fourth Generation war.) It might report to county sheriffs, local, elected officials who possess substantial common law powers. Under no circumstances should it be controlled by or report to Washington.” (pp.104-105, ibid.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sex Offenders with Guns and Badges</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">There already exist, in America today, precedents for such a vision. One is in<b> Maricopa County, Arizona, where County Sheriff Joe Arpaio commands a semi-private army of thousands of deputized volunteers that constitute his “posse”.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2012 a local CBS affiiate’s investigation showed that some of Arpaio’s deputees – who “wear uniforms, have badges, drive county vehicles” and even carry guns – also had criminal records that included,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“arrests for assault, drug possession, domestic violence, sex crimes against children, disorderly conduct, impersonating an officer – and the list goes on.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another example, from May 2016, is equally menacing. “Latinos and Democrats hide in safe houses as right-wing sheriff uses mob rule to take over Texas town“, read the title of one liberal media account of alleged political repression under the County Sheriff of Edwards County, Texas – a sheriff who belongs to the Christian right, anti-federal sheriffs group the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association (CSPOA).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>One leader associated with CSPOA is Larry Pratt,</b> founder and head of Gun Owners of America (GOA). Before founding CSPOA, former County Sheriff Richard Mack served as a lobbyist for Pratt’s organization.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pratt was profiled in a July 14, 2014 story in Rolling Stone magazine, by journalist Alexander Zaitchik, that noted Pratt’s enthusiasm for the early 1980s efforts of Guatemala’s “Civil Defense Patrols”. Describes Zaitchik,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“It was during his involvement in Central American policy and supporting counterinsurgencies around the world that Pratt made multiple trips to Guatemala to observe rural “Civil Defense Patrols.” Contemporary human rights observers (and two subsequent Truth Commissions) consider them “death squads” for their role in killing and torturing civilians. But Pratt found much to admire. He combined observations from these visits with similarly impressed notes on the Civilian Home Defense Forces, vigilante patrols in Ferdinand Marcos’ Philippines, for a slim book published by the Gun Owners Foundation in 1990, Armed People Victorious. In it, he praises the leadership of Efrain Rios Montt, the country’s military leader during 1982 and 1983 who greatly expanded the civil defense patrols. Twenty years later, Guatemalan judges would find Montt guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity. One Amnesty International Report from Montt’s tenure detailed massacres in 60 Indian villages over a three-month period, leaving more than 2,500 dead. As late as 2001, Pratt was publically praising Montt as a “powerful Christian leader.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his final chapter of Armed People Victorious, Pratt enthused,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The War on Drugs can be won the same way the guerilla insurgencies were pushed back in Guatemala and the Philippines… The history of the United States for years before and after the founding of the Republic was the history of an armed people with functioning militias involved in civil defense… While the United States has forgotten its successes in this area, other countries have rediscovered them. It is time that the United States return to reliance on an armed people. There is no acceptable alternative.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> Pratt’s vision is mirrored in William Lind’s 2014 novel Victoria, in which crime is vanquished when the triumphant white militia groups institute the summary execution of accused criminals. Lind specifically notes that those executed criminals are black.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a series of columns he wrote in 2005 following a “symposium on modern war” William Lind attended during which participants sought to answer the question, “what might a state armed service designed for 4GW look like”, Lind expanded on the government-backed militia idea that he and Weyrich would later embed in The Next Conservatism:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The militias, perhaps under guidance of county sheriffs, would be government financed and report to national government at some level. Attendees considered Congress, rather than the chief executive, to be the best form of oversight – because an unscrupulous president might abuse such power. Explained Lind, in an August 24, 2005 column (one of 50 Lind columns in this PDF file),</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“the militia we are talking about is a public, not a private militia. It is funded by government, and it reports to government (it is adcon to Congress and, unless mobilized, opcon to the county sheriff). Our working group thought it was important to keep the militia away from the federal executive branch as much as possible, because the executive branch will try either to destroy it or to turn it into a tool for Big Brother. But this militia is not just a bunch of guys running around in the woods. It is a state armed service, just like the four we now have — the Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps and the Coast Guard.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In March 2016, Donald Trump’s son Donald Trump, Jr. made direct contact with one of the leaders of CSPOA, a national organization of potentially renegade U.S. county sheriffs pledged to disregard and even oppose federal laws and authority they deem unconstitutional — which has ties both to militia groups across the nation, other far-right anti-federal national groups such as the Oath Keepers, racist political parties, Southern white nationalist groups, and radical gun owners groups.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trump the 4GW Street Fighter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While Trump’s various positions track those in Lind’s book with considerable precision, his campaign tactics evoke William Lind’s 4GW, Fourth Generation warfare, tactics as well.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2015, Donald Trump entered the Republican primary race as an insurgent, with negligible support from the Republican Party. Elite pundits were nearly unanimous – Trump’s presidential bid was a national joke. One year later no one was laughing.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">He gained extensive Internet exposure via big far right Internet venues such as the Drudge Report, and mainstream media dominance by ceaselessly attacking “political correctness” and violating established or unwritten norms of expected presidential behaviors. That, in turn served both to grow Trump’s populist support base and make him ubiquitous on the big TV networks in a way no other candidate was able to match.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>And, he engaged in asymmetrical combat by going after his opponent’s weaknesses </b>— and in a wholly unexpected manner that radically violated established Republican etiquette and convention.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Next Conservatism takes it for granted that big money has almost irreparably corrupted both the Republican and Democratic political parties, and offers some solutions that would appeal widely across the political spectrum.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a fashion that’s quite counterintuitive, Trump trounced his primary opponents, and gained Republican Party support, in part by attacking both as part of a political system corrupted by big money.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A key part of 4GW strategy involves the need to publicly delegitimize one’s opponents. During the first Republican primary debate, Trump launched a devastating attack on the legitimacy of his Republican opponents by pointing out that as a businessman he had long practiced giving money to politicians, both Democrats and Republicans – including many of Trump’s debate opponents – to buy access and favors.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a prior interview with the Wall Street Journal, Trump said, of such politicians, “When you give, they do whatever the hell you want them to do.” Asked during the debate about the statement, Trump doubled down with,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“You’d better believe it. If I ask them, if I need them — you know, most of the people on this stage I’ve given to, just so you understand, a lot of money.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trump’s Republican primary opponents onstage, prominent current and former governors and sitting U.S. Senators did not dispute that this was how things worked, and did not deny that they were among the politicians whom people like Trump bought and sold. He reiterated the indictment with,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“I was a businessman. I give to everybody. When they call, I give. And you know what? When I need something from them, two years later, three years later, I call them, and they are there for me.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trump concluded, “And that’s a broken system.” In one swift and decisive blow, he had reduced his Republican rivals to supplicants – spineless bought-and-paid for minions and courtiers of a corrupt status quo.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On page 29 of The Next Conservatism, Lind and Weyrich are scathing,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">‘Truth be told, most Washington Republicans do not hold any core beliefs… Their only goals are to have a successful career as a professional politician and leave Washington rich. These courtiers’ attitude toward the “little people,” those who are not writing them $1,000 checks, is “I’m all right, Jack, I’ve got mine.” ‘</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Economic Populism</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In their book, Lind and Weyrich offer platforms to reform the American political system and reorient the entire conservative movement. But they have trenchant advice for the Democratic Party as well – and Donald Trump could easily have plucked some of those suggestions. Democrats should champion,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“A pro-growth economic policy, but one that focuses on jobs rather than on Wall Street’s profits. The quality of jobs, which means whether they pay enough to raise a family on, should be central. This means the Democratic Party should be the party that works to restore America’s industry and manufacturing. If that brings free trade into question, so be it…” (p. 32, ibid.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For decades, the Republican Party has been the party of Wall Street, free trade, and unregulated corporate capitalism. There, too, Lind and Weyrich anticipated Trump’s populist positions that have upended party orthodoxy and years of GOP talking points, by asking,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">‘Is Globalism something conservatives should welcome, or even accept ? Not unless we wish to see America reduced to a Third World country, we suggest. Conservatives have long recognized the danger of Big Government,<b> but is a “free market” dominated by vast, rootless international corporations truly free</b> ?’ (p.8, ibid.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That untrammeled capitalism might not be an unmitigated good, or that there might be major domestic areas where government efforts (even costly ones) can increase the public well-being, were – until the coming of Trump – all but banned from Republican discourse. No more.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But there’s a sharp discontinuity between such populist economic critique and the Lind/Weyrich “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Political Correctness is cultural Marxism, Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms”, Lind pithily sums up in an op-ed for The American Conservative which takes it for granted that cultural Marxism has all-but conquered a once-free nation. But conquered for what ?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The narrative falls apart when one stops to consider how far untrammeled, globalized corporate capitalism has gone in its ceaseless neo-Liberal quest for the economic domination of markets, and how extreme income inequality driven by that process has become.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If “cultural Marxism” really has all-but conquered America, it seems to have utterly missed the point of what Marxism was all about in the first place – concern over economic exploitation and the attendant human suffering.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Straight white males, under the heel of totalitarian PC</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In other significant ways, the Lind/Weyrich book foreshadowed the rise of Trumpism :</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">With remarkable prescience it forecast Donald Trump’s electoral mobilization of aggrieved white males by painting the great civil rights struggles of the 20th and 21st Centuries – on the part of African-Americans, women, and LGBTQ citizens – as having led to a wretched state of affairs in which heterosexual white males are now being ground under the heel of nearly totalitarian state oppression.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One of the chief ways that “cultural Marxism” subverts American culture, per Lind, is through pushing new norms concerning speech and behavior (especially at America’s institutions of higher learning – where what Lind sees as an increasingly repressive regime of “political correctness” has taken root.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And on Page 20 of The Next Conservatism, we learn that ‘The ideology commonly known as “Political Correctness” or “multiculturalism” now shapes the action of government in countless ways.’ Spelling out the many ways, the authors continue,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">‘Under the rubric of “hate crimes”, it sentences American citizens to additional jail time for political thoughts. As “affirmative action,” it “privileges” Feminist women, blacks and homosexuals over normal white males. In some cases, it requires private businesses to give their employees “sensitivity training,” which means psychologically conditioning them to obey the state ideology, including its demand that everyone express approval of homosexuality. Employees who refuse lose their jobs.’</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The many books of William S. Lind</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among his many books, William S, Lind is also co-author and editor of a 2004 book, titled “Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology” (commissioned and published by the Free Congress Foundation) which explains that political correctness is really “cultural Marxism”.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">That <b>book was plagiarized almost in its entirety in the political manifesto (see pages 11-37, compare to pages 4-51 of Lind book) of neo-Nazi Anders Behring Breivik,</b> who carried out his 2011 Norway massacre with an assault rifle, a pistol, and a truck bomb.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind has been by far the most passionate and committed proponent of the conspiracy theory of “cultural Marxism” or “political correctness” which he claims is a vast conspiracy against Western Christian civilization – to destroy America by subverting it from within and destroying its Judeo-Christian culture – that was launched many decades ago by European Jewish communist emigres who had fled Nazi repression and relocated in New York City, at Columbia University.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“These guys were all Jewish”, Lind explained at a Holocaust denial conference in 2002.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Central to the cultural Marxism plot is the promotion of immigration, which will eventually reduce white European-Americans to a minority and destroy America’s ethnic and cultural cohesion. The cult of “political correctness”, enforced by the cultural Marxists, plays a key role in this by giving equal respect to those cultural traditions the immigrants bring with them, and by accepting their refusal to integrate into the majority culture.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As those culturally divisive, centrifugal forces build, eventually the American republic will break apart into warring sub-regions divided along racial, ethnic, and ideological lines.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Victoria – A Novel of Fourth Generation Warfare</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The possibility of a new American civil war that shatters the nation is addressed in William Lind’s wildly racist, sexist, xenophobic 2014 novel Victoria: A Novel Of Fourth Generation War, which chases Lind’s hatred of cultural Marxism to its bloody, anarchic, logical conclusion.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William S. Lind published “Victoria” in 2014 under the pen-name “Thomas Hobbes”. In a 2009 op-ed at The American Conservative, Lind clarified that he had originally written the novel in the mid-1990s but had failed to find a publisher.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In Victoria, epidemic rates of HIV/AIDS and hyper-inflation precipitate a second civil war, starting in 2020, that shatters the republic and splits America into warring racial and ethnic enclaves.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind portrays a victorious white insurgency toppling the federal government then vanquishing – one by one – competing mini-states and movements led by African-Americans, environmentalists, feminists, and other multiculturalist factions that stand in the way of the restoration of white male Christian dominance, then launching a new Christian crusade against Islam.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind seems to favor that scenario, and Victoria – A Novel of Fourth Generation Warfare (link to partial text of book) presents tactics that could do the job: false-flag operations, covert alliances with foreign powers, and the nuking of a major southern U.S. city.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind’s novel variously depicts African-Americans as disorganized, murderous rapists, as plotters intent on genocide against whites and Asians, and as well-meaning but gullible simpletons. “Good” blacks in the novel are “a faithful people who suffer without complaint”.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Mexicans are depicted as savage Aztecs who are obsessed with obtaining victims for human sacrifice and who plan the Hispanic reconquest of the American Southwest.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The heroes of the novel, depicted as champions of Western Christian civilization are, with the exception of a few token blacks and Hispanics, mainly white European-American. They ethnically cleanse cities of African-American families, forcing them onto rural farms, and ship Puerto Ricans back to Puerto Rico. They institute the mandatory hanging of accused black criminals and drug users.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">They carry out a savage massacre of “cultural Marxist” university professors and, to break the tendency’s hold on the “New South”, put down an attempted black multiculturalist revolt against police and authorities by vaporizing the core of Atlanta with a tactical nuclear weapon. They outlaw the practice of Islam and launch a new Christian crusade to conquer the Muslim lands of the Earth.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>4GW Inspires al-Qaeda</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William Lind is considered by some to be the leading theorist of an unorthodox form of warfare, Fourth Generation Warfare (4GW). Dr. James Scaminaci squarely identifies Lind as the originator of 4GW:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“John Boyd was arguably the greatest strategist produced by the United States, but his long-time friend and colleague, William S. Lind, took Boyd’s seminal ideas on epistemological warfare and combined them with elements of third generation warfare, terrorism, and a few other concepts related to geographical space and a heavy emphasis upon maneuver warfare to produce his own seminal argument for Fourth Generation Warfare.” (from Scaminaci’s academic paper The Christian Reconstructionist Plan For The Patriot Militias, page 2)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>4GW is a style of warfare that blurs distinctions </b>between civilians and combatants, in which non-state actors, for example insurgent militias or terrorist groups, can use a spectrum of unorthodox methods – from direct military force applied in unexpected ways to sophisticated public relations techniques – to defeat government forces that are nominally far more powerful and challenge, or even overthrow, centralized government authority and entire nations.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the 2004 book The Sling and The Stone, 4GW thinker Thomas X. Hammes presents additional insight:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“Fourth-generation Warfare (4GW) uses all available networks–political, economic, social, and military–to convince the enemy’s political decision makers that their strategic goals are either unachievable or too costly for the perceived benefit. It is an evolved form of insurgency… Unlike previous generations of warfare, it does not attempt to win by defeating the enemy’s military forces.<b> Instead, via the networks, it directly attacks the minds of enemy decision makers to destroy the enemy’s political will. Fourth-generation wars are lengthy–measured in decades rather than months or years.” </b>(p. 2)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While Hammes’ description might indicate 4GW warfare tends to be less violent than traditional warfare, al-Qaeda’s apparent application of it, through its devastating September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, suggests otherwise; William Lind appears to concur.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">His fictional 2014 novel Victoria, which describes 4GW in practice, suggests that various forms of extreme violence – as manifested in wholesale ethnic cleansing, summary executions, and even the nuclear destruction of a major American city – are acceptable methods in the 4GW strategist’s toolkit.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In one of his military strategy articles, William S. Lind observes (see second paragraph) that during the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001 – in retaliation for al-Qaeda’s terrorist attacks,<b> American troops reportedly found copies of his seminal 1989 Marine Corps Gazette article on Fourth Generation warfare “in the caves at Tora Bora, the al-Qaeda hideout in Afghanistan”.</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">A reported close aid to Osama bin-Laden even authored an article, for an al-Qaeda publication, that specifically referenced Lind’s article.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his book The Sling and The Stone – On War In The 21st Century another authority on Fourth Generation Warfare, U.S. Marine Corps Colonel Thomas X. Hammes concurs with Lind’s apparent suggestion – “al-Qaeda understands 4GW and is using it”, writes Hammes on page 204.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the first of his “On War” series of writings (“On War #1 – Can A Government Wage War Without Popular Support”, January 28, 2003), William Lind explicitly took credit for having inspired al-Qaeda’s 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, writing,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Who am I? At present, I am a center director at the Free Congress Foundation. But in 1976 I began the debate over maneuver warfare that became a central part of the military reform movement of the 1970s and 1980s. The U.S. Marine Corps finally adopted maneuver warfare as doctrine in the late `80s (I wrote most of their new tactics manual).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1989, I began the debate over Fourth Generation warfare—war waged by non-state entities—which is what paid us a visit on September 11, 2001. The article I co-authored then for the Marine Corps Gazette was formally cited last year by al Quaeda, who said, “This is our doctrine.” My Maneuver Warfare Handbook, published in 1985, is now used by military academies all over the world, and I lecture internationally on military strategy, doctrine and tactics.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">( note: Lind’s entire 241-part “On War” series is available in its entirety archived at the website of futurist and consultant to the Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff John Robb. For “On War # 1”, see this PDF file )</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his “On War #1”, written immediately before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Lind issued a prescient warning about the likely impact – the inspiration of more Islamic extremism :</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Most importantly, the real threat we face is the Fourth Generation, non-state players such as al Quaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, etc. They can only benefit from an American war against Iraq—regardless of how it turns out. If we win, the state is further discredited in the Islamic world, and more young men give their allegiance to non-state forces.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Besides possibly having given Osama bin-Laden strategic inspiration for his September 11, 2001 Al Qaeda attack on America – the nation’s worst terrorist attack ever, that leveled Manhattan’s World Trade Center and killed thousands of citizens – Lind’s promotion of the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory has demonstrably helped inspire at least one major act of terrorism in Europe.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">While many observers have noted that al-Qaeda’s devastating <b>September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks were invaluable towards marketing al-Qaeda as a brand </b>and as a <b>franchise</b>, the idea is not unique to al-Qaeda or Islamic terrorism.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">On the same day in 2011 during which he single-handedly blew up and shot to death 77 Norwegian citizens (mostly teenagers) and injured an additional 319 people — with a truck bomb and automatic weapons firing hollow point bullets designed to inflict maximum tissue damage — neo-Nazi terrorist Anders Behring Breivik electronically distributed a 1518 page manifesto titled 2083: A European Declaration of Independence that called for the deportation of Muslims from Europe and identified – as the arch-enemies of Western and Christian civilization – two forces: “cultural Marxism” and Islam.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Anders Breivik, who during a recent court appearance gave a classic, stiff-armed Nazi salute, has explained to press that his terrorist massacre, which Breivik has called a “marketing method”, was meant to publicize his manifesto.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The core thesis of Breivik’s manifesto is William Lind’s “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory, and the terms “cultural Marxism” or “cultural Marxist” appear over 600 times in the manifesto. Analyst and researcher Chip Berlet explains Breivik’s thesis, from Lind, with the following formula:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Cultural Marxism=Political Correctness=Multiculturalism=Muslim Immigration=Destruction of Judeo-Christian nations”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Anders Breivik was so gripped by William S. Lind’s “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory concerning the origin of “political correctness” that Breivik’s manifesto plagiarized, with minor modifications and additions by Breivik, the entire body of William Lind’s 2004 Free Congress Foundation book “Political Correctness:” A Short History of an Ideology.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">From pages 11 to 37, Breivik’s manifesto reproduces the core of the Free Congress Foundation book (pages 4-51) edited by William S. Lind – whose introductory chapter by Lind, “What is Political Correctness”, Breivik lifted almost unchanged.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Breivik’s manifesto also borrowed, on page 13, the exact words of William S. Lind from Lind’s introduction to a 1990s twenty-two minute Free Congress Foundation video, on the origins of “political correctness”:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Just what is “Political Correctness?” Political Correctness is in fact cultural Marxism (Cultural Communism) – Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That Free Congress Foundation video also featured Laszlo Pasztor, a close working colleague of FCF founder Paul Weyrich. During World War Two, Pasztor was “a liaison between the Hungarian Nazi party and Berlin” and after the war served a five year prison sentence for crimes against humanity.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1988 Pasztor was at the center of a national scandal over the involvement of Eastern European emigres who had collaborated with the Nazis, but had been allowed into the U.S. because of their fierce anti-communist beliefs, in the presidential campaign of George H.W. Bush.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Lind and Weyrich book The Next Conservatism explicitly and repeatedly references the cultural Marxism theory that influenced Anders Breivik and, very early in the book, explains it in the most dire and cosmic terms:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">‘Americans’ most fundamental freedoms, including freedom of speech and freedom of association, are under threat from the ideology most commonly known as “multiculturalism” or “political correctness”. But what really is “PC”? A tour through a bit of esoteric intellectual history reveals its secret: it is cultural Marxism, Marxism translated from economic into cultural terms by a think tank established in 1923 in Frankfurt, Germany, the infamous Institute for Social Research. Cultural Marxism’s goal from the outset has been nothing less than the destruction of Western culture and the Christian religion, goals toward which it has made frightening progress. The next conservatism must arm Americans against this menace with the weapon it fears most: the revelation of its real nature.’ (p. 5, The Next Conservatism)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On page 39 following a several page explanation, in detail, of the “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory, The Next Conservatism refers readers to the URL of a free book on the website of the Free Congress Foundation, “Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology” – the very 2004 book plagiarized in Anders Behring Breivik’s political manifesto.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Following Anders Behring Breivik’s 2011 terrorist attack, that 2004 Free Congress Foundation book disappeared from the Free Congress Foundation’s website.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">July 3, 2016 in Uncategorized.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Related posts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trump,”Cultural Marxism”, 4GW, and Terrorism</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Roger Stone’s Scheme To “Prove” Clinton Stole Election From Trump</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Breivik: Terrorist Attack Was a “Marketing Method”</font></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"></font></div></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/23/8287/32273</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">chip B</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">I</font></div><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" border="0" width="100%" style="line-height: 21px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><tbody><tr><td colspan="2" style="vertical-align: top; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><div class="story_summary" style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: 1.5em; padding-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-right: 14px; width: 550px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">am documenting my research on Lind, Weyrich, and the Free Congress Foundation in this article currently being updated and expanded:
<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/25/73510/6015">Updated: Breivik's Core Thesis is White Christian Nationalism v. Multiculturalism</a>] </font></div><div class="story_summary" style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: 1.5em; padding-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-right: 14px; width: 550px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Anders Behring Breivik</b>, charged in the terror attacks in Oslo, Norway, compiled a 1,500-page Manifesto under the name "Andrew Berwick" that c<b>ites to the U.S. Free Congress Foundation and LaRouchite publications. The manifesto states that "Political Correctness" should be called "Cultural Marxism"</b> and is the reason for political leaders allowing mass Muslim migration into Europe. Breivik's core thesis is borrowed from William S. Lind's antisemitic conspiracy theory about "Cultural Marxism."</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Breivik described himself in online posts as a cultural conservative and a Christian conservative who felt that Protestantism had lost its way and that Christianity should recombine under the banner of a reconstituted and traditionalist Catholic Church. These views are almost identical to the views of the late Paul Weyrich, founder of the Christian Right epicenter in the United States, the Free Congress Foundation. Weyrich and his colleague William S. Lind developed an aggressive theory of Cultural Conservatism as a way to save Western Culture. <a href="http://www.academia.org/the-origins-of-political-correctness/">Lind addressed the right-wing group Accuracy in Academia</a> in February 2000. See also: <a href="http://www.marylandthursdaymeeting.com/Archives/SpecialWebDocuments/Cultural.Marxism.htm">What is Cultural Marxism? by William S. Lind.</a></font></p><hr /><blockquote style="margin: 4px 15px 8px; padding: 3px 3px 0px 8px; border-left: 1px solid rgb(187, 187, 187); background: rgb(243, 243, 243);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">See also:
+<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/23/191033/133/Dominionism_in_the_military/Norway_s_Nightmare_amp_The_Christian_Fundamentalist">Norway's Nightmare & The Christian Fundamentalist - </a>Bill Berkowitz
+<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/24/132329/359/Front_Page/When_is_Terrorism_Christian">When is Terrorism 'Christian'?</a> - Frederick Clarkson
+<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/25/95054/6500/">Breivik 2011 Manifesto Echoes Weyrich 1999 Manifesto</a> - Chip Berlet
+<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/26/161347/099">Author Cited by Anders Behring Breivik Regrets Original Essay
+</a><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/24/183957/523/">Breivik cited William S. Lind, Free Congress Foundation, & the LaRouchites
</a>+<a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2011/7/23/8287/32273/Front_Page/Anders_Behring_Breivik_Soldier_in_the_Christian_Right_Culture_Wars">Anders Behring Breivik: Soldier in the Christian Right Culture Wars</a></font></blockquote><hr /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The concepts within cultural conservatism are a confluence of traditionalist claims from Europe and the United States. Major US groups send representatives to Europe, and there is a general meet up at the conferences of The World Congress of Families. See background here: <a href="http://www.publiceye.org/magazine/v24n4/exporting-traditional-talues.html">"Exporting 'Traditional Values': The World Congress of Families."</a> This vein of culural conservatism warns of a "<a href="http://www.worldcongress.org/wcf4.spkrs/wcf4.mueller.htm">Demographic Winter</a>" a term which is a coded racist warning that Muslims are outbreeding "white people" in Europe and the United States.</font></div></td></tr></tbody></table><table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%" bgcolor="#fafafa" style="line-height: 21px;"><tbody><tr><td class="stats" valign="top" style="font-style: italic; line-height: 12px; font-stretch: normal; padding: 0px; margin: 0px; vertical-align: top;" /><td align="right" valign="top" style="vertical-align: top; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><div class="more" style="white-space: nowrap; text-decoration-line: underline; padding: 0px; margin: 0px; line-height: 1.4em;" /></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="left_margin" style="line-height: 21px;"><div class="story_body" style="padding-top: 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em; margin-right: 14px; width: 550px;"><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another source of the conspiracy theory about "Cultural Marxism" is the international network of Lyndon H. <b>LaRouche</b>, Jr. The LaRouchite Schiller Institute has an early (1992) <a href="http://www.schillerinstitute.org/fid_91-96/921_frankfurt.html">article outlining the claim of a vast conspiracy of "Cultural Marxism"</a></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Posts decying "Cultural Marxism"(<em>kulturmarxisme</em> in Breivik's posts) can be found all over the Internet. For example, the website <a href="http://culturalmarxism.org/">http://culturalmarxism.org</a>promotes a DVD featuring Ron Paul, Pat Buchanan, G. Edward Griffin, Ted Baehr, and Edwin Vieira.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Breivik thought Cultural Marxists = multiculturalists = Islamization of Europe</b>. This racist right-wing conspiracy theory is tied to the Islamophobic "Demographic Winter" thesis. In his online posts, Breivik considered himself a cultural conservative and condemned "Cultural Marxism."The idea of "Cultural Marxism" on the political right is an antisemitic conspiracy theory cliaming that a small group of Marxist Jews formed the Frankfurt School and set out to destroy Western Culture through a conspiracy to promote multiculturalism and collectivist economic theories.
In 1987, <b>Paul Weyrich of the DC-based Free Congress Foundation</b> commissioned a study, <i>Cultural Conservatism: Toward A New National <b>Agenda</b> </i>which argued that cultural issues provided antiliberalism with a more unifying concept than economic conservatism. <i>Cultural Conservatism: Theory and Practice</i> followed in 1991.<b> William “Bill” Lind</b> spent years building the Center for Cultural Conservatism at Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation.
</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Speakers at the WCF warned of a Demographic Winter at the World Congress of Families meeting in Poland in 2007. See for example, John D. Mueller, "A Family-Friendly Fiscal Policy to Weather "Demographic Winter.'" Left unstated but clearly understood, is that it is White people who face a "Demographic Winter" as the population of Muslims, Arabs, and other "non-White" people increases in nations.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to Breivik:</font></p><blockquote style="margin: 4px 15px 8px; padding: 3px 3px 0px 8px; border-left: 1px solid rgb(187, 187, 187); background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">There must be more focus on multicultural doctrines (multiculturalism = kulturmarxisme) as it is this ideology that allows the political mechanisms that result in continued Islamization (Islamic demographic warfare).</span><span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);"> People must learn what multiculturalism...doctrines do with Europe: </span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">Systematic breakdown: </span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">European Christianity</span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">European tradition</span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">European Cultures</span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">European (a national) identity</span>
<span style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);">Sovereign States</span>
</font><p style="background-color: rgb(243, 243, 243);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Of course, it is known that kulturmarxistene [Cultural Marxists] and humanities in Europe think they are going to reform Islam but they will fail like all before them have done. We, for our part, the cultural conservatives and anti-Marxist liberal, must focus on the basic problem - multiculturalism (kulturmarxisme) and how to combat this...</font></p></blockquote><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William Lind promotes a form of “cultural conservatism” that has shifted into antisemitic conspiracism<b>. Lind is an analyst and author at the Free Congress Foundation</b> FCF founded by the late Christian Right strategist Paul Weyrich. FCF is a significant player in Inside-the-Beltway politics [Cite: Berlet, “Into the Mainstream.”]</font></p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">As <a href="http://www.salon.com/news/politics/feature/2003/01/06/bush">Joe Conason reports, "Lind …concocts theories about the Marxist Jews who have infected American culture”</a></font><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lind wrote an essay in 1999 suggesting that slavery did not damage race relations in the south as much as the federal government intervention during Reconstruction that followed the Civil War. Furthermore, according to Lind, if the Confederacy had won, "at least part of North America would still stand for Western culture, Christianity and an appreciation of the differences between ladies and gentlemen." Lind claims that the federal government now imposes an "official American state ideology" featuring the "cultural Marxism of Political Correctness" [Cite: Lind, “What If The South Had Won The Civil War?”].</font></p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Lind later explained to a Holocaust denial group that cultural Marxism was a conspiracy concocted by a handful of Jews in Germany at the Frankfurt School, according to <a href="http://t.co/jMXFm0l">Bill Berkowitz's article "Reframing the Enemy." on Cultural Marxism</a>] for <i>Intelligence Report</i> from the Southern Poverty Law Center.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Weyrich provided office space for the late Laszlo Pasztor </b>who served as an advisor on Eastern Europe to Weyrich. The aging Pasztor was a member of the fascist Hungarian Arrow Cross Party in the 1940s at a time when it was collaborating with the Nazis to liquidate Jews at the direction of Gestapo administrator, and SS Lieutenant-Colonel Adolf Eichmann </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">[Cite: Russ Bellant, Holly Sklar, Chip Berlet]. As Holly Sklar and I wrote in 1990:</span></font></p><blockquote style="margin: 4px 15px 8px; padding: 3px 3px 0px 8px; border-left: 1px solid rgb(187, 187, 187); background: rgb(243, 243, 243);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The U.S. government is working with former Arrow Cross official Laszlo Pasztor, a convicted Nazi collaborator. Having lost the battle to impose fascism on Europe, Pasztor immigrated to the U.S. He was following in the footsteps of thousands of Nazis and Nazi collaborators protected and recruited by the C.I.A. to resume the war on communism.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In the 1950's, Pasztor eventually joining the Republican Party's campaign ethnic outreach division</b>. He recruited racists, neofascists and anti-Semites. Pasztor's political career flourished, and by 1987 he, was boasting of his frequent visits to the White House, State Department and Helsinki Commission. [Cite: Holly Sklar and Chip Berlet, “Harbinger of Democracy?: The N.E.D.’s Ex-Nazi Advisor,” The Nation, April 2, 1990.]</font></p></blockquote><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The ideological connection here is the idea that Marxism & communism threaten the very survival of Western Culture. Pasztor was a dedicated anti-communist after WWII, and was able to pass himself off as a patriot defending Hungary--and later the United States--from the pernicious plague of Marxism.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The trope of Cultural Marxism combines this view of political economy with a narrow view of Christian superiority and an ethnocentric White Nationalism. In both sectors--Christian superiority and ethnocentric White Nationalism--there is a great fear of Muslim immigration.</font></p><p style=""><b style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">"Cultural Marxism,</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">" the Hoax Conspiracy Theory</span></font></b></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The Frankfort School developed theories of "cultural criticism," and "The Culture Industry," but the term "Cultural Marxism" is a derogatory term developed by antisemitic conspiracy theorists</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span></font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">There are a handful of Cultural Marxist sociologists around the world who use aspects of the Frankfurt School theories, Flowing out of several strains of sociology are sections that use Race/Gender/Class analysis and include a few Cultural Marxists. So the real Cultural Marxism is an analytical lens used primarily in academia, not a global conspiracy to destroy Western Culture.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So Breivik opposed "Cultural Marxism," the hoax conspiracy theory, but probably knew little of the actual "critical theories" of the Frankfort School, which are still used within sectors of modern sociology. See, for example, the work of <a href="http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/adorno/1944/culture-industry.htm">Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer.</a></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Apocalyptic Christian Belief and Islamophobia</font></b></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among right-wing Christians who fear Muslims there are some that see Islam as the false religion of the Antichrist in the End Times in their idiosyncratic reading of Biblical prophecy.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This apocalyptic view is widespread in some areas. For example a poll found that 15% of Republicans in New Jersey though President Barack Obama might be the "Antichrist" who is Satan's chief henchman in the End Times. Another 14% were convinced Obama was the Antichrist.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As Robert C. Fuller observed in his classic <em>Naming the Antichrist: The History of an American Obsession</em>, the candidates for the starring roles vary over time in fundamentalist eschatological analysis. Some see Islam as the religion of the False Prophet, the theological sidekick to the Antichrist. After the terror attacks on 9/11/2001 there was an increase in the demonization of Muslims in some Christian evangelical circles, especially those in which apocalyptic conspiracy theories flourish.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For example, Hal Lindsey joined in the Islam-bashing in 2002 with The Everlasting Hatred: The Roots of Jihad. Speculation in conspiracy circles that Obama is secretly a Muslim, perhaps born in Kenya, add fuel to this bigoted fire.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul S. Boyer, author of When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Culture, suggests that religious views about Biblical prophecy in the United States have “always had an enormous, if indirect and underrecognized, role [in] shaping public policy.” If the message of apocalyptic demonization is not clear, try reading one of the novels by Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins in their Left Behind series of Christian apocalyptic novels which have sold more than 70 million copies.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gershom Gorenberg blasts the authors because they:</font></p><blockquote style="margin: 4px 15px 8px; padding: 3px 3px 0px 8px; border-left: 1px solid rgb(187, 187, 187); background: rgb(243, 243, 243);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"promote conspiracy theories; they demonize proponents of arms control, ecumenicalism, abortion rights and everyone else disliked by the Christian right; and they justify assassination as a political tool. Their anti-Jewishness is exceeded by their anti-Catholicism. Most basically, they reject the very idea of open, democratic debate. In the world of Left Behind, there exists a single truth, based on a purportedly literal reading of Scripture; anyone who disagrees with that truth is deceived or evil.”</font></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The main villain of the Left Behind series of books, Gorenberg notes, is “Nicolae Carpathia, the man who turned the United Nations into a one-world government with himself as dictator,” on behalf of Satan.</font><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> In fact, Carpathia is the dreaded Antichrist. According to Gorenberg:</font><blockquote style="margin: 4px 15px 8px; padding: 3px 3px 0px 8px; border-left: 1px solid rgb(187, 187, 187); background: rgb(243, 243, 243);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Perhaps the most striking scene in the Left Behind series is the climax of book six, <em>The Assassins</em> [when] Carpathia is speaking at a mass rally in Jerusalem. Out in the crowd is [underground Christian resistance leader] Rayford Steele, armed with a high-tech handgun. He prays for God’s guidance, and finds himself firing what appears to be a fatal shot at Carpathia. Intentionally or not, this is an eerie rewrite of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination at a Tel Aviv peace rally in 1995—but the authors are on the side of the fanatic killer.”</font></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">All of these conspiracy theories and more swirl through the Tea Party movement and beyond. LaHaye, before his novels, wrote a series of books popular in the Christian Right in which he laid out the master plan of the conspiracy of liberal secular humanists. Big government and collectivism was part of the sinister plan.</font><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Whether it is based on religious or secular themes, the idea of a vast longstanding conspiracy of Cultural Marxists to destroy Western Culture creates apocalyptic aggression, in which believers in the conspiracy theory decide to act first against the named enemies.</font></p><strong style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Important Links, Articles, Updates</font></strong><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://t.co/IcABkX4">Norway Terror Suspect Described as Far-Right Nationalist Islamophobe</a> | Accuracy.Org. Has great links to several articles</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">@ChipBerlet: Media lost in Norway suspect's posts. Cultural Marxism (Jewish plot)+White Nationalism+Islamophobia+US Christian Right conspiracy theories (Chip's Tweet)</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://bit.ly/rfjnrI">In Europe, Where's the Hate?</a> | The Nation Really compelling article by Gary Younge in 2007. Predictive & sad.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Via IREHR: Norway terror suspect<a href="http://t.co/l4KNxGE"> "Breivik appears to be a fan of the Tea Party's favorite Islamophobe, Pamela Geller"</a></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This link will take you to a <a href="http://t.co/XX6lFuo">Google Translation page of Norway suspect Anders Behring Breivik's comments</a> on Document.no</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">@MaxBlumenthal: Max Blumenthal: Screed blaming Muslims for attack by @jrubinblogger is still up, uncorrected by Washington Post</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">@MaxBlumenthal: Max Blumenthal</span><b> <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Pam Geller,</span></b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> who initially blamed the gov of Norway (and Muslims) for oslo attacks, is now insisting that Breivik is not her Fjordman</span></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bill Berkowitz: : <a href="http://t.co/79VHVyB">Nightmare in Norway and the Threat of Fundamentalist Christian, Blonde, Blue-eyed Terrorists in Our Mid</a>st</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David Neiwert: <a href="http://t.co/56LhxYn">Norway terrorist Breivik was an ardent subscriber to theories of 'Cultural Marxism'</a> | Crooks and Liars</font></p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">=
Thanks to several colleagues for sending me tips and links, especially Julie Ingersoll, Devin Burghart, and Bill Berkowitz. </font></div><div class="story_body" style="padding-top: 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em; margin-right: 14px; width: 550px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">=</font><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[Note: Some sources questioned whether all the political posts circulated in Norway were by Breivik alone. I need to be cautious here, so I investigated and have not included material that is in dispute.]</font></p></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CAPT</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7/18 belated primary, pol op, pioneer, founder of ALEC AND HERITAGE (cf english ctt founder fisher?)</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">capt bak 619</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">anti commie and semit together at last:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2019/06/how-the-media-is-legitimizing-a-century-old-nazi-trope/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://www.alternet.org/2019/06/how-the-media-is-legitimizing-a-century-old-nazi-trope/</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>How the media is legitimizing a century-old Nazi trope</b></font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">written by Ari Paul / Truthdig June 7, 2019</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Since the election of Donald Trump, Brexit and the rise and re-election of other far-right governments around the globe, “cultural Marxism” has become a well-known nationalist buzzword, alongside “globalism.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">When Norwegian right-winger Anders Breivik invoked “cultural Marxism” as the reason for his 77-person killing spree in 2011, many observers placed the notion in the same category as the killer—the fringe. But since the election of Donald Trump, Brexit and the rise and re-election of other far-right governments around the globe, “cultural Marxism” has become a well-known nationalist buzzword, alongside “globalism”: Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro denounces it, and the media empire of former White House advisor Steve Bannon revolved around fightin</span>g it.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The phrase is seeping into mainstream media discourse, a far cry from its former days as an extremist catch phrase, and it’s creating a dangerous situation with an ominous historical context.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Doing his usual shtick of a more refined version of Abe Simpson, columnist David Brooks (New York Times, 11/26/19) lamented that today’s youths “tend to have been influenced by the cultural Marxism that is now the lingua franca in the elite academy,</span>” giving them a “clash of oppressed and oppressor groups” worldview. Also in the Times, contributor Molly Worthen (4/20/19) quoted the phrase “cultural Marxism”—not approvingly, but not explaining what it meant, either, just offering it as an example of what “conservatives” were complaining about. A Times story in 2017 (8/11/17) about a former White House aide reported that the aide believed “globalists” would “impose cultural Marxism in the United States”—again, without defining for the layperson what that might mean.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Washington Post (like other newspapers) invoked the phrase in its reports on Bolsonaro’s rise to power last year, and even on the hipster styles of the new wave of American white nationalists: In November 2016, the Post (11/30/16) reported that the style of shaved sides with long hair combed back is “worn by men who feel their whiteness has been infringed upon by the ‘cultural Marxism’ of the Americas.” And opinion-haver Andrew Sullivan took to New York (2/9/18) to denounce “cultural Marxists” for inspiring social justice movements on campuses.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What does cultural Marxism mean for the far right? In the modern iteration, in spaces like Breitbart or Infowars, it is the belief that a failure by communists to topple capitalism through worker revolt has led to a “Plan B” to destroy Western society from the inside. By tearing down the gender binary, de-centering Christianity values, championing the weak over the privileged and creating a multicultural society, revolutionaries have unanchored traditional Western order. Everything from gay rights to Muslim immigration is, in the language of the far right, part of a plot to finish the job that radical worker organizing could not.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Suffice it to say, this is a most paranoid fantasy. Most Marxists don’t speak in these terms, and people who do advocate for immigration, multiculturalism or secularism do so out of a certain regard for human and civil rights. But the far right still obsesses that this is a historical cultural struggle.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Like others on the right, the National Review (8/9/18) saw proof of the plot in the Frankfurt School, which</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">was born out of a psychological need to explain why communism had failed to take root, initially in Germany but more broadly in the West. The answer that Herbert <b>Marcuse, </b>Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer and others settled on—after borrowing some ideas from Freud and Nietzsche—was that the structure of capitalist society (which they perversely and ludicrously equated with fascism) was even more totalitarian than they had realized. In other words, communism couldn’t take root because fascism already had.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It’s far from a cultural grappling with the Frankfurt School’s actual ideas, which live mostly in academia. As Spencer Sunshine, an associate fellow at Political Research Associates, points out, the focus on the Frankfurt School by the right serves to highlight its inherent Jewishness. “A piece stands in for the whole,” he said.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This isn’t one of those “yeah, it could be interpreted as antisemitic” things—it’s straight from Nazi ideology, with just enough cosmetic changes to make it acceptable for the modern right. “Cultural Bolshevism” was the term used by Nazi critics of modernist art, which they believed to be rooted in Jewish decadence and thereby, according to Nazi logic, connected to the communist specter. As Dominic Green (Spectator USA, 3/28/19) wrote in a conservative critique of conservatives’ complaints about “cultural Marxism”: “For the Nazis, the Frankfurter School and its vaguely Jewish exponents fell under the rubric of Kulturbolshewismus, ‘Cultural Bolshevism.’”</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">It came into the American sector through <b>paleoconservative writers William S. Lind and Paul Weyrich,</b> who in a series of articles recraftedthe Nazi idea of “cultural Marxism” as a scare tactic for the American right. “These guys were all Jewish,” Lind told a Holocaust denial conference in 2002; Lind would be later be cited as a prominent influence on Trump’s nationalist agenda.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As Sunshine noted:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>It is deeply disturbing that it is used by mainstream conservatives when it’s clearly antisemitic</b>…. They attribute it to all these things, anything from Black Bloc to Hillary Clinton, any kind of social liberalism.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It’s not too surprising that the nationalistic right still clings onto such fascist anachronisms; it’s clearly helping them at the voting booth, from the United States to Europe to Brazil. It’s an important mobilizing call for the far right, depicting things like immigration and secularism not simply as liberal values, but as far-left revolutionary tools.</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What should be shocking is the cavalier way some traditional media, like the Times and the Post, are allowing it to live on their pages. Brooks rebrands cultural Marxism as mere political correctness, giving the Nazi-inspired phrase legitimacy for the American right. It is dropped in or quoted in other stories—some of them lighthearted, like the fashion cues of the alt-right—without describing how fringe this notion is. It’s akin to letting conspiracy theories about chem trails or vaccines get unearned space in mainstream press.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And it’s not as if the Times doesn’t know this. In 2018, Columbia University historian Samuel Moyn wrote in a Times blog post (11/13/18):</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That “cultural Marxism” is a crude slander, referring to something that does not exist, unfortunately does not mean actual people are not being set up to pay the price, as scapegoats to appease a rising sense of anger and anxiety. And for that reason, “cultural Marxism” is not only a sad diversion from framing legitimate grievances, but also a dangerous lure in an increasingly unhinged moment.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Newspapers should be responsible with such phrases, and it’s easy to do that. It is common—and good practice—for mainstream journalists to avoid imprecise phrases like “pro-life,” and instead call the position “anti-abortion.” Reuters has tight rules for using the word “terrorist,” because the label is too often thrown around. For those with strong feelings about terrorism, it might have seemed insensitive, but for the sake of straight reporting, it was necessary. Brooks shouldn’t have used “cultural Marxism,” not because he should be censored, but because what he meant was “political correctness” and not (we hope) a century-old antisemitic trope.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It would be sensible, when the term is invoked by far-right extremists, to provide readers with a definition of the phrase and its origin. And unless it is invoked in a quote, writers like Brooks should be encouraged not to use it all. “They should define it as an antisemitic conspiracy theory with no basis in fact,” Sunshine said of mainstream news editors.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Failure to do that, as places like the Times and Post are guilty of, has bitter consequences. “It is legitimizing the use of that framework, and therefore it’s coded antisemitism,” Sunshine said.</font></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/19/us/politics/19weyrich.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/19/us/politics/19weyrich.html</a></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Paul M. Weyrich, the conservative thinker and strategist whose iron principles, articulate fervor and organization-building skills were instrumental in propelling the right wing of the Republican Party to power and prominence in the 1980s and ’90s, died Thursday. He was 66 and lived in Fairfax, Va.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Lee Edwards, a friend of Mr. Weyrich’s for four decades and a distinguished fellow at the Heritage Foundation, the conservative research group that Mr. Weyrich helped found, confirmed the death, at a hospital in Northern Virginia. The family did not release a cause, Mr. Edwards said, but Mr. Weyrich had many health problems, including diabetes. His legs were amputated at the knee in 2005, and he had broken his back in a fall some years earlier.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">A writer, a lobbyist and an organizer on behalf of conservative causes and especially social conservatism, Mr. Weyrich (pronounced WY-rick) was one of the far right’s most unbending ideologues. He was widely credited with coining the phrase “moral majority” as a rallying label for social conservatives. It became the name of the religion-based political organization that was led by the Rev. Jerry Falwell.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">A deacon in the ultra-conservative Melkite Greek Catholic Church, Mr. Weyrich openly fused his faith and his politics.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“Defense is a moral issue,” he told The Washington Post in 1983, before the fall of the Soviet Union, adding that he considered the Communists to be godless oppressors. “There are some things worse than war. One is surrender — the moral consequences are such that the nation would be destroyed. Since I believe in eternal life, if it became necessary to sacrifice my life for my country or my beliefs, well, then I’m willing to do so. The people who have come up with the better-red-than-dead idea are not believers.”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">For more than a quarter of a century, Mr. Weyrich was one of the Republican Party’s leading antagonists from the right. President Ronald Reagan, he said, had overemphasized economic issues and kept social issues “on the back burner,” as he wrote on the Op-Ed page of The New York Times in 1984.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 1989, he testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee that the first President Bush’s nominee for secretary of defense, John G. Tower, was unqualified for the post because he was a drinker and a womanizer, issues that eventually doomed the nomination.</span> More recently, he accused the current President Bush of profligate domestic spending, and he was a<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> critic of the Iraq war, asserting that a war conducted to spread democracy rather than to protect vital national interests deviated from conservative principles.</span></font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Perhaps more than anything, Mr. Weyrich was a nondeviator in his unswerving faith in small government, free-market economics, the right to life and the sanctity of the family. One possible exception: as a <b>lifelong train enthusiast, </b>he was an ardent advocate of government support for Amtrak.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Mr. Weyrich started the Heritage Foundation, a Washington research organization whose express aim is to influence Congress, in 1973 with Ed Feulner, helped by $250,000 from the Colorado beer magnate Joseph Coors. Both he and Mr. Feulner were Congressional aides at the time.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Photo</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Paul M. Weyrich was credited with coining “moral majority.” Credit Amy Toensing for The New York Times</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Mr. Weyrich also started the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, which raised money for conservative political candidates and focuses on vulnerable liberal incumbents; it later became the Free Congress Foundation, a separate group that specializes in cultural conservatism</b>. Its statement of principles, issued in 1987 and written largely by Mr. Weyrich, defines “the belief that there is a necessary, unbreakable and causal relationship between traditional Western, Judeo-Christian values, definitions of right and wrong, ways of thinking and ways of living — the parameters of Western culture — and the secular success of Western societies.”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">It was Mr. Weyrich’s conviction in making such sweeping statements — and the prickly, impatient, let’s-get-it-done manner with which he did business — that made him an architect of the conservative movement of the last part of the 20th century.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“Paul Weyrich fought tirelessly for three decades to protect the preborn, preserve traditional marriage and ensure that people of faith had a voice in shaping the public policy that affected their lives,”<b> James C. Dobson, the founder of Focus on Families,</b> said in a statement on Thursday. “Had there been no Paul Weyrich, there would be no conservative movement as we know it.”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Richard A. Viguerie, </b>the conservative direct-mail pioneer, said in a telephone interview that Mr. Weyrich was the least known of the four pillars of modern conservatism, the others being Barry Goldwater, William F. Buckley Jr. and Ronald Reagan.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“It was a very, very brave soul who would get up and disagree after Paul had spoken,” Mr. Viguerie said. “He had great conviction, one face, public and private, and with his energy and drive, he just propelled us forward. He was fearless and tireless. We’d always be looking for someone to bell the cat, and Paul was always available to call this congressman, to call that senator and tell him, ‘You’re doing this wrong!’ or ‘You got to help us on this!’ ”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Paul Michael Weyrich was born in Racine, Wis., on Oct. 7, 1942. His father, Ignatius, was a German immigrant who worked for 50 years stoking the furnace in a Catholic hospital and who raised his son to treat religious and political matters alike with deep seriousness.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Mr. Weyrich attended the University of Wisconsin but did not graduate, supporting himself at first as a reporter for television and radio and at The Milwaukee Sentinel. He eventually became the news director for KQXI in Denver, and from there he went to Washington as an aide to Senator Gordon Allott, a conservative from Colorado.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">A year or so later, Mr. <b>Weyrich attended a meeting of aides to Congressional liberals that was also attended by lawyers, lobbyists and Brookings Institute fellows.</b>What he witnessed was a revelation, he said. The subject of the meeting was President Richard M. Nixon’s failure to move forward on fair housing legislation.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“All I did was sit there with my mouth open, watching the system being orchestrated,” he recalled years later in an interview with The Washington Post, “including getting outside demonstrators, when to get the op-ed piece in the newspaper so it would coincide with the demonstrations, when to have personal lobbying, who was going to speed up the timetable at Brookings to get their study out. It was magnificent. I said, ‘Thank you, Lord, I have needed this insight.’</span>”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>From that moment on, he said, he devoted himself to creating the same system for the right.</b></font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Mr. Weyrich’s survivors include his wife of 45 years, Joyce; two daughters, Dawn and Diana, and three sons, Peter, Stephen and Andrew.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“He was a throwback to an earlier age of people in politics, people who prized free-market economics, old-fashioned, traditional values,” Mr. Viguerie said. “The world has changed, but Paul didn’t change.”</font></font></font></font></font></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></font></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">wiki </font></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Paul Michael Weyrich</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> (October 7, 1942 – December 18, 2008)</span><sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[1]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-2" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[2]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[3]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> was an American </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_right" title="Christian right" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">religious</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservatism_in_the_United_States" title="Conservatism in the United States" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">conservative</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> political activist and commentator, most notable as a</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">figurehead of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Right" title="" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">New Right</a>. He co-founded the conservative <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Think_tanks" class="mw-redirect" title="Think tanks" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">think tanks</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Heritage_Foundation" title="The Heritage Foundation" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">The Heritage Foundation</a>,<sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[5]</a></sup> the Free Congress Foundation, and the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Legislative_Exchange_Council" title="American Legislative Exchange Council" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">American Legislative Exchange Council</a> (ALEC). He coined the term "moral majority," the name of the political action group <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moral_Majority" title="Moral Majority" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Moral Majority</a> that he co-founded in 1979 with <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jerry_Falwell" title="Jerry Falwell" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Jerry Falwell</a>.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">After </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Vatican_Council" title="Second Vatican Council" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Vatican II</a><sup id="cite_ref-wapo_6-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wapo-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[6]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> he switched from the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_Rite" title="Roman Rite" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Roman Rite</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> of the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_Catholic_Church" class="mw-redirect" title="Roman Catholic Church" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Roman Catholic Church</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> to that of the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melkite_Greek_Catholic_Church" title="Melkite Greek Catholic Church" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Melkite Greek Catholic Church</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and was </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ordain" class="mw-redirect" title="Ordain" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">ordained</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protodeacon" title="Protodeacon" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">protodeacon</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span></font></font></font></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><div id="toc" class="toc" style="border: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); background-color: rgb(248, 249, 250); padding: 7px; display: table; zoom: 1;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></font><div class="toctitle" lang="en" dir="ltr" style="direction: ltr; text-align: center;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div><ul style="list-style-type: none; margin: 0.3em 0px; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Early_life_and_conservative_activism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">1</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Early life and conservative activism</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Political_activism(1973%E2%80%932008)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">2</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Political activism (1973–2008)</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Rail_transit_activism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">3</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Rail transit activism</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Views" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">4</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Views</span></font></a><ul style="list-style-type: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Dominionism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">4.1</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Dominionism</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-6" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Criticism_of_conservatives_and_homosexuals" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">4.2</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Criticism of conservatives and homosexuals</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-7" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Culture_war_letter" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">4.3</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Culture war letter</span></font></a></li></ul></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-8" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Spinal_injury,disability,and_death" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">5</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Spinal injury, disability, and death</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-9" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#Quotes" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">6</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Quotes</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-10" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#References" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">7</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">References</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-11" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#External_links" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">8</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">External links</span></font></a></li></ul></div><h2 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Early_life_and_conservative_activism">Early life and conservative activism</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em;">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Paul_Weyrich&action=edit§ion=1" title="Edit section: Early life and conservative activism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em;">]</span></span></font></font></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Born in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racine,Wisconsin" title="Racine, Wisconsin" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Racine</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wisconsin" title="Wisconsin" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Wisconsin</a>, to Virginia M. (née Wickstrom) and Ignatius A. Weyrich,<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-7" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[7]</a></sup> Paul Weyrich became involved in politics while a student at the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Wisconsin%E2%80%93Parkside" title="University of Wisconsin–Parkside" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">University of Wisconsin–Parkside</a>. He was active in the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racine_County,Wisconsin" title="Racine County, Wisconsin" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Racine County</a> <b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Young_Republicans" title="Young Republicans" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Young Republicans</a> from 1961 to 1963 and in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barry_Goldwater" title="Barry Goldwater" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Barry Goldwater</a>'s 1964 presidential campaign</b>. He spent his early career in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalism" title="Journalism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">journalism</a> as a political reporter for the <i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milwaukee_Journal-Sentinel" class="mw-redirect" title="Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Milwaukee Sentinel</a></i> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Newspaper" title="Newspaper" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">newspaper</a>, as political reporter and weekend anchor for <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WISN-TV" title="WISN-TV" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">WISN-TV</a> (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milwaukee" title="Milwaukee" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Milwaukee</a>),<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-8" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[8]</a></sup> and in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Radio" title="Radio" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">radio</a> as a reporter for <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WWDV" title="WWDV" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">WAXO</a>-FM (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenosha,Wisconsin" title="Kenosha, Wisconsin" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Kenosha</a>), <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WLIP" title="WLIP" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">WLIP</a>-AM, and as news director of KQXI (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denver" title="Denver" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Denver</a>).</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">In 1966,</span><sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> he became </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Press_secretary" title="Press secretary" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">press secretary</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> to </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Republican_Party" class="mw-redirect" title="United States Republican Party" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Republican</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Senate" title="United States Senate" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">U.S. Senator</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gordon_L.Allott" class="mw-redirect" title="Gordon L. Allott" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Gordon L. Allott</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> of </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colorado" title="Colorado" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Colorado</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-2" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-9" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[9]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> While serving in this capacity, he met Jack Wilson, an aide of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Coors" title="Joseph Coors" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Joseph Coors</a>, patriarch of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coors_Brewing_Company" title="Coors Brewing Company" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Coors</a> brewing family. Frustrated with the state of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_policy" title="Public policy" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">public policy</a> research, they founded Analysis and Research Inc. in 1971, but this organization failed to gain traction.</span></font></font></font></p><h2 style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Political activism (1973–2008)</font></h2><div class="thumb tright" style="clear: right; float: right; margin: 0.5em 0px 1.3em 1.4em; width: auto;"><div class="thumbinner" style="min-width: 100px; border: 1px solid rgb(200, 204, 209); padding: 3px; text-align: center; overflow: hidden; width: 222px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</span></font></font><div class="thumbcaption" style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.4em; padding: 3px; text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></font><div class="magnify" style="float: right; margin-left: 3px; margin-right: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div></div></div></div><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edwin_Feulner" title="Edwin Feulner" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Edwin Feulner</a> founded <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Heritage_Foundation" title="The Heritage Foundation" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">The Heritage Foundation</a> as a think tank<sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-3" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> to counter liberal views on taxation and regulation, which they considered to be anti-business. While the organization was at first only minimally influential, it has grown into one of the world's largest public policy research institutes and has been hugely influential in advancing conservative policies. The following year, again with support from Coors, Weyrich founded the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress (CSFC),</span><sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-4" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> an organization that trained and mobilized conservative activists, recruited conservative candidates, and raised funds for conservative causes.</span></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The CSFC, founded by Weyrich, "became active in eastern European politics after the Cold War. Figuring prominently in this effort was </span><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Weyrich's right-hand man, Laszlo Pasztor, a former leader of the pro-Nazi <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arrow_Cross_Party" title="Arrow Cross Party" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Arrow Cross Party</a> in Hungary, </b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">which had</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> collaborated with Hitler's Reich</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">. After serving two years in prison for his Arrow Cross activities, Pasztor found his way to the United States, where he was instrumental in establishing the ethnic-outreach arm of the Republican national Committee."</span><sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-10" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[10]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Under Weyrich, the CSFC proved highly innovative. It was among the first <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grassroots" title="Grassroots" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">grassroots</a> organizations to raise funds extensively through<b> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direct_mail" class="mw-redirect" title="Direct mail" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">direct mail</a> campaigns</b></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">. It also was one of the first organizations to tap into </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evangelical_Christian" class="mw-redirect" title="Evangelical Christian" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">evangelical Christian</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> churches as places to recruit and cultivate activists and support for social conservative causes. In 1977, Weyrich co-founded </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Voice(USA)" class="mw-redirect" title="Christian Voice (USA)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Christian Voice</a></i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> with </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Grant(Christian_leader)" title="Robert Grant (Christian leader)" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Robert Grant</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">. Two years later, with </span><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Jerry Falwell, he founded the Moral Majority (1979–1989</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">).</span><sup id="cite_ref-11" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-11" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[11]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Over the next two decades, Weyrich founded, co-founded, or held prominent roles in a number of other notable conservative organizations. Among them, he was founder of the </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">American Legislative Exchange Council, an organization of state legislators; a co-founder of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Council_for_National_Policy" title="Council for National Policy" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Council for National Policy</a>, a strategy-formulating organization for social conservatives; co-publisher of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magazine" title="Magazine" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">magazine</a> <i>Conservative Digest</i>; and national chairman of Coalitions for America, an association of conservative activist organizations. The CSFC, reorganized into the Free Congress Foundation</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, also remained active.</span></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Under the auspices of the FCF, he founded the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington,D.C." title="Washington, D.C." style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Washington, D.C.</a>–based <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satellite" title="Satellite" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">satellite</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Television_station" title="Television station" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">television station</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Empowerment_Television" title="National Empowerment Television" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">National Empowerment Television</a> (NET), later relaunched as the for-profit channel "America's Voice" in 1997. That same year, Weyrich was forced out of the network he had founded when the network's head persuaded its board to force out Weyrich in a hostile takeover. <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chip_Berlet" title="Chip Berlet" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Chip Berlet</a> of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_Research_Associates" title="Political Research Associates" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Political Research Associates</a> says this was "apparently for his divisive behavior in attacking GOP pragmatists".<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated1_12-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated1-12" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[12]</a></sup> From 1989 to 1996, he was also president of the Krieble Institute, a unit of the FCF that trained activists to support democracy movements and establish small businesses in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Europe" title="Eastern Europe" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Eastern Europe</a> and the former <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union" title="Soviet Union" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Soviet Union</a>.<sup class="noprint Inline-Template Template-Fact" style="line-height: 1; white-space: nowrap;">[<i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed" title="Wikipedia:Citation needed" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span title="This claim needs references to reliable sources. (May 2009)">citation needed</span></a></i>]</sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">By 1997, the Heritage Foundation and the Free Congress Foundation were two of the top five biggest and best funded conservative think tanks</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-murraybrown_5-5" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-murraybrown-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup></font></font></p><h2 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rail transit activism</font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In contrast with many conservatives, Weyrich had a long history of ardent support for <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport" title="Rail transport" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">rail</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transport" title="Public transport" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">mass transit</a></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-usa_today_obit_13-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-usa_today_obit-13" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[13]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-righting_14-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-righting-14" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[14]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> He opposed "</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bus_rapid_transit" title="Bus rapid transit" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Bus rapid transit</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">"</span><sup id="cite_ref-15" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-15" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[15]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> (a particular type of </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transport_bus_service" title="Public transport bus service" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">bus transit</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> with higher capacity but also higher costs than ordinary bus transit), and instead supported rail transit as a more effective alternative. In 1988 he co-founded a quarterly magazine on the subject of </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_rail_transit" title="Urban rail transit" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">urban rail transit</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, called </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_New_Electric_Railway_Journal" title="The New Electric Railway Journal" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">The New Electric Railway Journal</a></i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, which until 1996 was published by FCF, and he was its Publisher.</span><sup id="cite_ref-cutting_cord_16-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-cutting_cord-16" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[16]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> He wrote an opinion column for most issues and contributed a few feature articles. FCF discontinued its affiliation with </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">TNERJ</i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> in 1996, but the magazine continued being produced, under a different publishing company,</span><sup id="cite_ref-cutting_cord_16-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-cutting_cord-16" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[16]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> until the end of 1998, with Weyrich listed as "Publisher Emeritus". In early 2000,</span><sup id="cite_ref-nnerj_website_2000_17-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-nnerj_website_2000-17" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[17]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> about a year after the last </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_New_Electric_Railway_Journal" title="The New Electric Railway Journal" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">magazine</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> was published, Weyrich and </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_S.Lind" title="William S. Lind" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">William S. Lind</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> (who had been the magazine's Associate Publisher until 1996) launched a website where they could continue to post their views and news about rail transit. They called the webpage "The </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">New</i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> New Electric Railway Journal",</span><sup id="cite_ref-nnerj_website_2000_17-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-nnerj_website_2000-17" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[17]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and Weyrich wrote numerous op-ed columns in favor of proposed </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Light_rail" title="Light rail" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">light rail</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rapid_transit" title="Rapid transit" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">metro</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> systems. He also supported bringing back </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tram" title="Tram" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">streetcars</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> to U.S. cities.</span><sup id="cite_ref-streetcar_report_18-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-streetcar_report-18" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[18]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich also served on the national board of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amtrak" title="Amtrak" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Amtrak</a> (1987–1993)<sup id="cite_ref-wyoming-weyrich_papers_19-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wyoming-weyrich_papers-19" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[19]</a></sup> and the Amtrak Reform Council, as well as on local and regional rail transit advocacy organizations.</font></p><h2 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Views</font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As one of the key figures of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Right#United_States" title="New Right" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">New Right</a>—<i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harper%27s_Magazine" title="Harper's Magazine" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Harper's Magazine</a></i> wrote that he was "often described by his admirers as 'the Lenin of social conservatism'"<sup id="cite_ref-20" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-20" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[20]</a></sup>—Weyrich positioned himself as a defender of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Traditionalist_conservatism" title="Traditionalist conservatism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">traditionalist</a> sociopolitical values of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/States%27_rights" title="States' rights" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">states' rights</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dominionism" class="mw-redirect" title="Dominionism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">dominionism</a>, marriage, and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-communism" title="Anti-communism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">anti-communism</a>, and a staunch opponent of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Left" title="New Left" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">New Left</a>. Consequently, many of his views were controversial.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In <i>Thy Kingdom Come</i>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Randall_Balmer" title="Randall Balmer" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Randall Balmer</a> recounts comments that Weyrich, whom he describes as "one of the architects of the Religious Right in the late 1970s", made at a conference sponsored by a Religious Right organization, that they both attended in Washington in 1990:<sup id="cite_ref-21" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-21" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[21]</a></sup></font></font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px;"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">In the course of one of the sessions, Weyrich tried to make a point to his Religious Right brethren (no women attended the conference, as I recall). Let's remember, he said animatedly, that </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">the Religious Right did not come together in response to the <i>Roe</i> decision. No, Weyrich insisted, what got us going as a political movement was the attempt on the part of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies.</span></font></font></p></blockquote><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Jones_University" title="Bob Jones University" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Bob Jones University</a> had <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Jones_University#Racial" title="Bob Jones University" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">policies</a> that refused black students enrollment until 1971, admitted only married blacks from 1971 to 1975, and prohibited interracial dating and marriage between 1975 and 2000.</font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In its October 27, 1997 issue, <i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_New_Republic" title="The New Republic" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">The New Republic</a></i> published an article "Robespierre of the Right—What I Ate at the Revolution" by <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Grann" title="David Grann" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">David Grann</a>, which portrayed Weyrich as highly effective at creating a conservative establishment but also a volatile and tempestuous figure.<sup id="cite_ref-22" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-22" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[22]</a></sup> Weyrich, supported by <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Klayman" title="Larry Klayman" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Larry Klayman</a> of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judicial_Watch" title="Judicial Watch" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Judicial Watch</a>, sued the magazine and others for <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Libel" class="mw-redirect" title="Libel" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">libel</a>; the case was dismissed, then <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Remanded" class="mw-redirect" title="Remanded" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">remanded</a> in January 2001, then dropped by Weyrich.<sup id="cite_ref-23" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-23" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[23]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Weyrich abhorred <b>"Political Correctness,</b> which we more accurately call '<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_Marxism" class="mw-redirect" title="Cultural Marxism" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Cultural Marxism</a>,'" seeing it as a deliberate effort to undermine "our traditional, Western, Judeo-Christian culture"</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and the conservative agenda in American society. In 1999, writing that he believed "we have lost the culture war", he suggested "a legitimate strategy for us to follow is to look at ways to separate ourselves from the institutions that have been captured by the ideology of Political Correctness, or by other enemies of our traditional culture.... we need to drop out of this [alien and hostile] culture, and find places, even if it is where we physically are right now, where we can live godly, righteous and sober lives."</span><sup id="cite_ref-FreeCongress_24-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-FreeCongress-24" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[24]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In response to a 1999 controversy covered by the press concerning a group of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wicca" title="Wicca" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Wiccans</a> in the United States military who were holding religious rituals and services on the grounds of the bases they were assigned to, Weyrich sought to exempt Wiccans from the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Free_Exercise_Clause_of_the_First_Amendment" class="mw-redirect" title="Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment</a><sup id="cite_ref-wiccans_25-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wiccans-25" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[25]</a></sup> and bar them from serving the military altogether</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">. Weyrich, as president of the Free Congress Foundation, led a coalition of ten religious right organizations that attempted a Christian boycott on joining the military until all Wiccans were removed from the services, saying:</span></font></font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Until the Army withdraws all official support and approval from witchcraft, no Christian should enlist or re-enlist in the Army,</b> and Christian parents should not allow their children to join the Army. ...An Army that sponsors satanic rituals is unworthy of representing the United States of America. ...The official approval of satanism and witchcraft by the Army is a direct assault on the Christian faith that generations of American soldiers have fought and died for. ...If the Army wants witches and satanists in its ranks, then it can do it without Christians in those ranks. It's time for the Christians in this country to put a stop to this kind of nonsense. A Christian recruiting strike will compel the Army to think seriously about what it is doing.<sup id="cite_ref-wiccans_25-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wiccans-25" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[25]</a></sup></font></font></p></blockquote><h3 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom: 0px; line-height: 1.6;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Dominionism</font></h3><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">According to <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/TheocracyWatch" title="TheocracyWatch" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">TheocracyWatch</a> and the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Defamation_League" title="Anti-Defamation League" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Anti-Defamation League</a>, both Weyrich and his Free Congress Foundation were closely associated with <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dominionism" class="mw-redirect" title="Dominionism" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">dominionism</a></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-TheocracyWatch_26-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-TheocracyWatch-26" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[26]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-adl_27-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-adl-27" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[27]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/TheocracyWatch" title="TheocracyWatch" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">TheocracyWatch</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> listed both as leading examples of "dominionism in action," citing "a manifesto from Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation,"</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> <i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_Integration_of_Theory_and_Practice&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="The Integration of Theory and Practice (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">The Integration of Theory and Practice: A Program for the New Traditionalist Movement</a></i><sup id="cite_ref-28" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-28" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[28]</a></sup> which "illuminates the tactics of the dominionist movement".<sup id="cite_ref-TheocracyWatch_26-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-TheocracyWatch-26" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[26]</a></sup> TheocracyWatch which calls it "Paul Weyrich's Training Manual", and others, consider this manifesto a virtual playbook for how the "<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theocracy" title="Theocracy" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">theocratic</a> right" in American politics can get and keep power.</span><sup id="cite_ref-29" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-29" style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 102); text-decoration-line: none;">[</a><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-29" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">29]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> The </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Defamation_League" title="Anti-Defamation League" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Anti-Defamation League</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> identified Weyrich and the Free Congress Foundation as part of an alliance of more than 50 of the most prominent conservative Christian leaders and organizations that <b>threaten the separation of church and state</b>.</span><sup id="cite_ref-adl_27-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-adl-27" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[27]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> Weyrich continued to reject allegations that he advocated theocracy, saying, "[T]his statement is breathtaking in its bigotry",</span><sup id="cite_ref-30" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-30" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[30]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and dismissed the claim that the Christian right wished to transform America into a theocracy.</span><sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated3_31-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated3-31" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[31]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> Katherine Yurica wrote that Weyrich guided Eric Heubeck in writing </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The Integration of Theory and Practice</i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, the Free Congress Foundation's strategic plan published in 2001 by the FCF,</span><sup id="cite_ref-32" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-32" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[32]</a></sup><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> which she says calls for the use of deception, misinformation, and divisiveness to allow </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservatism_in_the_United_States" title="Conservatism in the United States" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">conservative</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evangelicalism" title="Evangelicalism" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">evangelical Christian</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Party(United_States)" title="Republican Party (United States)" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Republicans</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> to gain and keep control of seats of power in the government of the United States.</span></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich publicly rejected accusations that he wanted America to become a theocracy:</font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Some political observers may see the presence of religious conservatives in the Republican Party as a threat. My former friend Kevin Phillips [author of <i>American Theocracy</i>], who in the early days of the New Right was so helpful, now acts as if a theocracy governs the nation. Phillips was the architect of President Richard M. Nixon's Southern strategy, which worked brilliantly until Nixon did himself in. Now that the South does have the upper hand in the Republican Party Phillips is bitter about it. I see no theocracy here. As someone who has helped the religious right transition to the political process, I would have nothing to do with something akin to Iran translated into Americanize.<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated3_31-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated3-31" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[31]</a></sup></font></font></p></blockquote><h3 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom: 0px; line-height: 1.6;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Criticism_of_conservatives_and_homosexuals">Criticism of conservatives and homosexuals</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; font-weight: normal; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em;">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Paul_Weyrich&action=edit§ion=6" title="Edit section: Criticism of conservatives and homosexuals" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em;">]</span></span></font></font></h3><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich also often made an issue out of what he claimed were his fellow conservatives' behavior and abuse of power, and he encouraged a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grassroots" title="Grassroots" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">grassroots</a> movement in conservatism he called "the next conservatism", which he said should work to "restore America" from the bottom up. Illustrating his point, Weyrich drew a comparison between "how the Christian church grew amidst a decaying Roman Empire" and "how the next conservatism can restore an American republic as a falling America Empire collapses around us."<sup id="cite_ref-33" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-33" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[33]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">He advocated a revival of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_Un-American_Activities_Committee" title="House Un-American Activities Committee" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">House Un-American Activities Committee</a></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> and the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Senate_Internal_Security_Subcommittee" class="mw-redirect" title="Senate Internal Security Subcommittee" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Senate Internal Security Subcommittee</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> of the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S.Senate_Committee_on_the_Judiciary" class="mw-redirect" title="U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, with the aim of identifying and<b> removing communists from the media</b>, which he contended still harbors infiltrators from the former Soviet Union:</span></font></font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">From what <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igor_Gaidar" class="mw-redirect" title="Igor Gaidar" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Igor Gaidar</a> told me, we needed to have revived these committees with a focus not so much on Hollywood but on the media itself. We know that one New York Times reporter, who always portrayed Stalin as Good Old Uncle Joe, was in fact a Communist and operated for decades on the Times staff. Were there any more? How about the Washington Post? ... Why not reconstitute these two committees and let them work hand in glove with the FBI. That is what happened before 1965. J. Edgar Hoover would often suggest good targets to be investigated.<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated2_34-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated2-34" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[34]</a></sup></font></font></p></blockquote><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a 2006 interview<sup id="cite_ref-35" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-35" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[35]</a></sup> with <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michele_Norris" title="Michele Norris" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Michele Norris</a> of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Public_Radio" class="mw-redirect" title="National Public Radio" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">National Public Radio</a> about the 2006 <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mark_Foley_scandal" title="Mark Foley scandal" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Mark Foley scandal</a>, Weyrich expressed his views regarding <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homosexuality" title="Homosexuality" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">homosexuality</a>:</font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Weyrich</b>: It has been known for many years that Congressman Foley was a homosexual. <b>Homosexuals tend to be preoccupied with sex</b>—the idea that he should be continued, or should have been continued as chairman on the Committee for Missing and Exploited Children, given their knowledge of that is just outrageous (Interview at 1:08).
<b>Norris</b>: Now, before we go on, I think I can say, Mr. Weyrich, that there're quite a few people who would take exception to the statement that homosexuals are preoccupied with sex.
<b>Weyrich</b>: Well, I don't care whether they take exception to it—it happens to be true.
<b>Norris</b>: That is your opinion.
<b>Weyrich</b>: Well, it's not my opinion, it's the opinion of many psychologists and psychiatrists who have to deal with them. (Interview at 1:40)</font></p></blockquote><h3 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom: 0px; line-height: 1.6;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Culture war letter</font></h3><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Frustrated with public indifference to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lewinsky_scandal" class="mw-redirect" title="Lewinsky scandal" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Lewinsky scandal</a>,<sup id="cite_ref-Fuku_1999_36-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-Fuku_1999-36" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[36]</a></sup> Weyrich wrote a letter in February 1999 stating that he believed conservatives had lost the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_war" title="Culture war" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">culture war</a>, urging a separatist strategy where conservatives ought to live apart from corrupted mainstream society and form their own parallel institutions:</font></font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I believe that we probably have lost the culture war. That doesn't mean the war is not going to continue, and that it isn't going to be fought on other fronts. But in terms of society in general, we have lost. This is why, even when we win in politics, our victories fail to translate into the kind of policies we believe are important.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Therefore, what seems to me a legitimate strategy for us to follow is to look at ways to separate ourselves from the institutions that have been captured by the ideology of Political Correctness, or by other enemies of our traditional culture.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What I mean by separation is, for example, what the homeschoolers have done. Faced with public school systems that no longer educate but instead 'condition' students with the attitudes demanded by Political Correctness, they have seceded. They have separated themselves from public schools and have created new institutions, new schools, in their homes. I think that we have to look at a whole series of possibilities for bypassing the institutions that are controlled by the enemy. If we expend our energies on fighting on the "turf" they already control, we will probably not accomplish what we hope, and we may spend ourselves to the point of exhaustion.<sup id="cite_ref-37" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-37" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[37]</a></sup></font></font></p></blockquote><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This was widely interpreted as Weyrich calling for a retreat from politics, but he almost immediately issued a clarification stating this was not his intent. In the evangelical magazine <i>World</i> he wrote:</font></p><blockquote class="templatequote" style="overflow: hidden; margin: 1em 0px; padding: 0px 40px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">... [W]hen critics say in supposed response to me that 'before striking our colors in the culture wars, Christians should at least put up a fight,' I am puzzled. Of course they should. That is exactly what I am urging them to do. The question is not whether we should fight, but how. ...In essence, I said that we need to change our strategy. Instead of relying on politics to retake the culturally and morally decadent institutions of contemporary America, I said that we should separate from those institutions and build our own.<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated1_12-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated1-12" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[12]</a></sup></font></font></p></blockquote><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By 2004, Weyrich was reportedly more hopeful, given trends in public opinion and the reelection of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President_of_the_United_States" title="President of the United States" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">President</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W.Bush" title="George W. Bush" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">George W. Bush</a>. In spite of his initial support for Bush, he often disagreed with Bush administration policies. Examples of their disagreement included the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_War" title="Iraq War" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Iraq War</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Immigration" title="Immigration" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">immigration</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harriet_Miers" title="Harriet Miers" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Harriet Miers</a>, and fiscal policy.<sup id="cite_ref-38" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-38" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[38]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After the fall of the Soviet Union, Weyrich made many trip to Russia and was a supporter of a close Russia-United States relationship.<sup id="cite_ref-39" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-39" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[39]</a></sup></font></font></p><h2 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spinal injury, disability, and death</font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1996, Weyrich was diagnosed with a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spinal_injury" class="mw-redirect" title="Spinal injury" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">spinal injury</a> known as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arachnoiditis" title="Arachnoiditis" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">arachnoiditis</a>, resulting from a 1996 fall on <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_ice" title="Black ice" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">black ice</a>. From 2001 until his death in 2008, his injury left him in a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wheelchair" title="Wheelchair" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">wheelchair</a> and in chronic pain. Complications from that <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Falling(accident)" title="Falling (accident)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">fall</a> required a bilateral, below the knee <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amputation" title="Amputation" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">amputation</a> of his legs in July 2005.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich died on December 18, 2008, aged 66, at Inova Fair Oaks Hospital in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairfax,Virginia" title="Fairfax, Virginia" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Fairfax</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virginia(U.S.state)" class="mw-redirect" title="Virginia (U.S. state)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Virginia</a>. He was at the hospital for routine tests, and the cause of death was not released. In addition to his spinal injury and amputations, Weyrich also suffered from type 2 <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diabetes_mellitus" title="Diabetes mellitus" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">diabetes</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-wapo_6-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wapo-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[6]</a></sup> He was interred in Fairfax Memorial Park in Fairfax, Virginia, on December 22, 2008.<sup id="cite_ref-40" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-40" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[40]</a></sup></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich and his wife, the former Joyce Smigun, who resided with him in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annandale,Virginia" title="Annandale, Virginia" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Annandale</a>, Virginia, had five children: Dawn Ceol of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haymarket,Virginia" title="Haymarket, Virginia" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Haymarket</a>, Virginia, Peter Weyrich of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexandria,Virginia" title="Alexandria, Virginia" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Alexandria</a>, Virginia, Diana Pascoe of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Honolulu,Hawaii" class="mw-redirect" title="Honolulu, Hawaii" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Honolulu</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hawaii" title="Hawaii" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Hawaii</a>, Stephen Weyrich of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairfax_Station,Virginia" title="Fairfax Station, Virginia" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Fairfax Station</a>, Virginia, and Andrew Weyrich of Fairfax County; and thirteen grandchildren.<sup id="cite_ref-wapo_6-2" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-wapo-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[6]</a></sup></font></font></p><h2 style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Quotes</font></h2><ul data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%225%22" height="%2213%22%3E" ccircle="Ccircle" cx="%222.5%22" cy="%229.5%22" r="%222.5%22" fill="%22%2300528c%22/%3E" c="C" e="E" style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</span></font></font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>"I don't want everybody to vote</b>. Elections are not won by a majority of the people. They never have been from the beginning of our country and they are not now. As a matter of fact, our leverage in the elections quite candidly goes up as the voting populace goes down.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">"</span><sup id="cite_ref-41" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-41" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[41]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-42" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-42" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[42]</a></sup></font></font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">"</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">We are different from previous generations of conservatives... We are no longer working to preserve the status quo. <b>We are radicals, working to overturn the present power structure of this country.</b></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>"</b> – Soloma, John. </span><i style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Ominous Politics: The New Conservative Labyrinth</i><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> (1984), Hill and Wang Publ., New York</span></font></font></li><li style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The real enemy is the secular humanist mindset which seeks to destroy everything that is good in this society." – "The Rights and Wrongs of the Religious Right", <i>Freedom Writer</i>, Institute for First Amendment Studies, October 1995.</font></li><li style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>"Christ was crucified by the Jews.</b>.. He was not what the Jews had expected so they considered Him a threat. Thus He was put to death." – <i>Indeed, He is Risen!</i>, April 13, 2001<sup id="cite_ref-43" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-43" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[43]</a></sup></font></font></li><li style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We have to stop the movement of all our manufacturing to <b>China and other foreign countries. If that requires tariffs,</b> starting with tariffs to protect industries of strategic importance, so be it."<sup id="cite_ref-44" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-44" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[44]</a></sup></font></font></li><li style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"If we want to stop or at least reduce outsourcing of jobs to foreign countries, we should<b> tax outsourcing.</b> In my view, that would be a good new tax."<sup id="cite_ref-45" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-45" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[45]</a></sup></font></font></li><li style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I asked <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yegor_Gaidar" title="Yegor Gaidar" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[Yegor] Gaidar</a> why it was that he thought free-market efforts in the Soviet Union were being trashed by American media when the reality was far different from what I was seeing. He replied with a stinging answer, one I never will forget. He said, 'Well, the Soviets spent millions of dollars infiltrating your media. Just because the Soviet Union went away doesn't mean these people have gone away. They are still there.' Of course, I knew this."<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated2_34-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Weyrich#cite_note-autogenerated2-34" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[34]</a></sup></font></font></li></ul><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">WT BS obit</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2008/dec/18/paul-m-weyrich-dead-age-66/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2008/dec/18/paul-m-weyrich-dead-age-66/</font></a></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul M. Weyrich, one of the early founders of the Heritage Foundation and a leading force in the conservative movement, died Thursday morning at age 66, the foundation reported.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He was chairman and CEO of the Free Congress Foundation.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mr. Weyrich had been ill for several years, eventually having to have both legs amputated, yet he managed to remain active to the end, organizing summit meetings on the future of conservatism as well as writing opinion pieces for his own foundation and for news organizations.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform, said of Mr. Weyrich: “Ideas alone do not have consequences. Ideas, even — or especially — powerful ideas are like seeds. If they land in fertile soil and are cultivated, they can grow. On rock or sand or ignored or tended by incompetents, they die. The idea of individual liberty and a limited constitutional government has been around a long time. Liberty doesn’t need new ideas to advance, but institutions to give muscle and skeletal structure to a political movement for liberty. That is how Paul Weyrich changed the world for the better.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mr. Norquist said Mr. Weyrich understood that only freedom could successfully promote traditional values. “He brought leaders of various freedom impulses together. Most of the successes of the conservative movement since the 1970s flowed from structures, organizations, and coalitions he started, created or nurtured.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Rev. Louis P. Sheldon of the Traditional Values Coalition said of his friend: “Paul Weyrich was a pioneer of the conservative movement and a staunch defender of traditional values. He was a brilliant strategist, an aggressive defender of the faith, and a determined foe against the failed philosophy of liberalism. Most of all, he was a good friend, confidant and someone who could be relied upon to do the right thing for our nation and for the Christian faith, which he embraced. We will miss him — and the conservative movement has lost a giant whose influence will be felt for years to come.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">U.S. Sen. Lamar Alexander, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference, echoed those sentiments Thursday.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“During the last 40 years, Paul Weyrich helped create ‘cultural conservatism’ and infuse creative thinking into the conservative movement. He was a good friend, and I will miss him greatly.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rep. Tom Price, incoming chair of the Republican Study Committee, described the legacy of Mr. Weyrich’s work.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“America and conservatives lost a giant today,” Mr. Price said. “Like all who admired him, I am deeply saddened to learn of Paul Weyrich’s passing. Paul was a man of great passion who made our nation better by fighting for that in which he truly believed. His legacy will be one of enthusiasm, ingenuity, and unyielding principle. Only because of the hard work of Paul Weyrich do conservatives have the voice we enjoy today. Though Paul is in a better place today, we will honor his life by continuing to positively and actively defend the ideals for which he lived.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mr. Weyrich often made his views known in columns in The Washington Times.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his Dec. 11 column in The Times, Mr. Weyrich wrote: “When pundits are asked to name the best presidents of the 20th century, Harry S. Truman’s name always comes up. That is interesting because when he left office in 1953 he had even lower approval ratings than President Bush now has. … How will history judge Mr. Bush? Many of us won’t be alive when the first verdict is in.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">His last open column, dated Thursday at the Free Congress Foundation, was titled: “The Next Conservatism, A Serious Agenda for the Future.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In that column, he wrote: “It was the best of times. It was the worst of times. It is the worst of times because millions of Americans are unemployed this Christmas. It is the worst of years because we have mortgaged the future of our children and grandchildren for decades to come. It is the worst of years because many good friends have left us. It is the best of times because we still live in the greatest nation on earth. It is the best of years because we have the freedom to speak our minds. It is the best of years because we can organize as we see fit to support the political candidates of our choice.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Republican National Committee Chairman Robert M. Mike Duncan said, “Our thoughts and prayers go out to the family and friends of Paul Weyrich, whose life work was instrumental in the development of conservative thought. As the first president of the Heritage Foundation and respected leader of other conservative organizations and coalitions, Paul’s service to America has embodied and further advanced the Republican Party’s core values of limited government, lower taxes, and individual responsibility. We are saddened by the passing of Paul Weyrich, but we know that his contributions will continue to resonate for generations.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Heritage Foundation’s blog Thursday stated: “Weyrich was a good friend to many of us at Heritage, a true leader and a man of unbending principle. He won Heritage’s prestigious Clare Boothe Luce Award in 2005.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Weyrich will be deeply missed. Our thoughts and prayers are with his family, including son Steve, who currently works at Heritage.”</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div id="mw-content-text" lang="en" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr" style="font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; direction: ltr; line-height: 19.2px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Paul M. Weyrich</b><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="http://www.freecongress.org/about/pweyrich.asp" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">[2]</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>was an early founder of the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Heritage_Foundation" title="Heritage Foundation" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Heritage Foundation</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and "Chairman and CEO of the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Free_Congress_Research_and_Education_Foundation" title="Free Congress Research and Education Foundation" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Free Congress Research and Education Foundation</a>. He served as President of the Free Congress foundation from 1977 to 2002. From 1989 to 1996, Mr. Weyrich served as President of the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Kreible_Institute&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Kreible Institute (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Kreible Institute</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>of the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Free_Congress_Foundation" title="Free Congress Foundation" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Free Congress Foundation</a>, responsible for training democracy movements in the states comprising the Former Soviet Empire.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"He is a founder and past director of the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/American_Legislative_Exchange_Council" title="American Legislative Exchange Council" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">American Legislative Exchange Council</a>, and was a National Chairman of<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Coalitions_for_America&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Coalitions for America (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Coalitions for America</a>.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Early_ALEC_Supporter"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Early ALEC Supporter</font></span></h2><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">One of ALEC’s founders was right- wing political apparatchik Paul Weyrich, a Racine native who famously said: “I don't want everybody to vote. Elections are not won by a majority of people – they never have been from the beginning of our country and they are not now. As a matter of fact, our leverage in the elections quite candidly goes up as the voting populace goes down.” This spirit is reflected in ALEC’s push for “voter ID,” which purports to address the statistically non-existent (but greatly hyped) issue of voter fraud and which has the very real effect of making it harder for students, people of color, and the elderly to cast ballots. University of Wisconsin professor Kenneth Mayer recently testified that over 220,000 people in Wisconsin lack the specific kinds of identification now required to vote under the new Wisconsin law.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><sup id="cite_ref-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich#cite_note-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; white-space: nowrap;">[1]</a></sup></font></p><table style="vertical-align: top; border: 1px solid rgb(201, 215, 240);"><tbody><tr><th style="background-color: rgb(41, 102, 184); border: 1px solid rgb(64, 127, 212); text-align: left; padding: 0.2em 0.4em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">About ALEC</font></th></tr><tr><td><div style="padding: 2px 5px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/ALEC" title="ALEC" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">ALEC</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>is a corporate bill mill. It is not just a lobby or a front group; it is much more powerful than that. Through ALEC, corporations hand state legislators their wishlists to benefit their bottom line. Corporations fund almost all of ALEC's operations. They pay for a seat on ALEC task forces where corporate lobbyists and special interest reps vote with elected officials to approve “model” bills. Learn more at the Center for Media and Democracy's<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://alecexposed.org/" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">ALECexposed.org</a>, and check out breaking news on our<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.prwatch.org/" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">PRWatch.org site</a>.</font></div></td></tr></tbody></table><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Background"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Background</font></span></h2><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"A former reporter and radio news director, Mr. Weyrich is a regular guest on daily radio and television talk shows. A sought-after writer, Mr. Weyrich has published policy reports and journals on a variety of conservative issues and has contributed editorials to<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The New York Times</i>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Washington Post</i>, and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Wall Street Journal</i>. He has been described by<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Economist</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>as 'one of the conservative movement's more vigorous thinkers.' Voted three years in a row from 1981 - 1983 by readers of<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Conservative Digest</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>as one of the top three 'most popular conservatives in America not in Congress,' Mr. Weyrich has been named by<i>Regardie's Magazine</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>as 'one of the 100 most powerful Washingtonians.'</font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"He has been married since 1963 to the former Joyce Smigun, is the father of five children, and serves as a deacon in his church. Age: 57. Born in Racine, Wisconsin, married to Joyce Smigun Weyrich, July 6, 1963."</font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In an interview with<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Hill</i>, Weyrich noted that the rise of conservatives within Congress had led to groups such as his having greater influence through groups such as the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Conservative_Working_Group" title="Conservative Working Group" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Conservative Working Group</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(CWG) and the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Senate_Republican_Steering_Committee" title="Senate Republican Steering Committee" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Senate Republican Steering Committee</a>.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich headed the CWG when it was first established in 1974. "When we first started [in 1974], we didn't really have anyone in leadership favorable to our point of view," he said.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="http://thehill.com/news/10052004/agenda.aspx" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">[3]</a></font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We had to figure out ways to get around them. â?¦ Today, it's entirely different. Today, we have the most conservative leadership group in the modern history of Senate. â?¦ The Steering Committee under these circumstances is taken very seriously," he told<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Hill</i>.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="http://thehill.com/news/10052004/agenda.aspx" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">[4]</a></font></p><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Mr. Weyrich died December 18, 2008 at age 66.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich#cite_note-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; white-space: nowrap;">[2]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Quotes"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Quotes</font></span></h2><ul style="line-height: 1.5em; list-style-type: square; margin: 0.3em 0px 0.5em 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaauaaaancamaaabw4ls6aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaaazqtfrfafkm="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAUAAAANCAMAAABW4lS6AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAAZQTFRFAFKM" qiuk9qaaaaj0uk5t="QIUK9QAAAAJ0Uk5T" wdltzbkaaaagkleqvr42mjgbaegokggbjbgbxbxsbqaaamachwald5r8ygaaaaasuvork5cyii=");" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"<i>We are different from previous generations of conservatives. We are no longer working to preserve the status quo. We are radicals, working to overturn the present power structure of this country.</i>" (<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=John_Soloma&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="John Soloma (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">John Soloma</a>'s 1984 book,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Ominous Politics: the new conservative labyrinth</i>, Hill and Wang, New York ISBN: 0809072955 0809001594).</font></li></ul><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Background_and_positions"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Background and positions</font></span></h2><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">(<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.freecongress.org/about/pweyrich.asp" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">source</a>)</font></p><ul style="line-height: 1.5em; list-style-type: square; margin: 0.3em 0px 0.5em 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaauaaaancamaaabw4ls6aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaaazqtfrfafkm="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAUAAAANCAMAAABW4lS6AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAAZQTFRFAFKM" qiuk9qaaaaj0uk5t="QIUK9QAAAAJ0Uk5T" wdltzbkaaaagkleqvr42mjgbaegokggbjbgbxbxsbqaaamachwald5r8ygaaaaasuvork5cyii=");" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President, Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, 1977 - present.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President, The Krieble Institute of Free Congress Foundation (responsible for training democracy movements in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Empire) 1989 - 1996.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Open_Debates" title="Open Debates" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Open Debates</a>.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=The_Freedom_and_Democracy_Institute_of_Russia&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="The Freedom and Democracy Institute of Russia (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">The Freedom and Democracy Institute of Russia</a>, 1997 - present.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Treasurer,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Council_for_National_Policy" title="Council for National Policy" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Council for National Policy</a>, 1981 - 1992 (currently on the Executive Committee of the CNP).</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Chairman, Coalitions for America, 1978 - present.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founder,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/American_Legislative_Exchange_Council" title="American Legislative Exchange Council" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">American Legislative Exchange Council</a>, 1973; Director, 1975 - 1978.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founding President, The Heritage Foundation, 1973 - 1974.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President, Chief Operating Officer,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=NET&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="NET (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">NET</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>- now<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/America%27s_Voice" title="America's Voice" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">America's Voice</a>, public affairs cable channel, April 1991 - October 1997.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Host,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Direct Line</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(Daily talk show on America's Voice), December 1993 - December 1998.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-host,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Endangered Liberties</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>weekly syndicated TV show on the privacy/technology issues, April 1999 - present.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Executive Producer and Host,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Public Disclosure</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>syndicated Investigative show, February 1995 - present.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors, NET - now America's Voice, 1991 - 1998.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Political Commentator, BBC, 1989, 1992.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Executive Co-Publisher,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Conservative Digest</i>, 1988; Senior Editor, 1985 - 1988; Columnist, 1980 - 1990.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Advisors,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Texas Review</i>, University of Texas, Austin, 1986 - 1991.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Radio Commentator, Listen America Radio Network, 1985 - 1988.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors, Helen Broadcasting Corporation; WEEI Newsradio, Boston, Massachusetts, January 1984 - May 1990.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Publisher,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Election Politics Journal</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>1983 - 1988;<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Journal of Family and Culture</i>, 1984 - 1988; and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Empowerment!</i>, 1991 - 1994.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Publisher,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Family, Law & Democracy Report</i>, 1979 - 1990;<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Political Report</i>, 1977 - 1990.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator, Colorado television show from U.S. Senate, 1967 - 1972.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Substitute host,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Michael Reagan Show</i>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Alan Keyes Show</i>, WMAL, Newstalk 630, Washington.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Press Secretary, U.S. Senator Gordon Allott (Republican, Colorado), 1967 - 1971.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">News Director, KQXI, Denver, Colorado, 1966.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Political Reporter, Weekend Anchorman, CBS - Milwaukee, 1964 - 1965.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Reporter (City Hall, state politics), Milwaukee Sentinel, 1963 - 1964.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">News Director, Announcer, Program Director, WLIP, WAXO-FM, Kenosha, Wisconsin, 1960 - 1963.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Op-ed Contributor,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The New York Times</i>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Washington Post</i>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Wall Street Journal</i>, etc.</font></li></ul><p style="margin: 0.4em 0px 0.5em; line-height: 1.5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Also see Free Congress Foundation web site<a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="http://www.freecongress.org/about/pweyrich.asp" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">[5]</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>for Weyrich's connections to the Transportation industry and more on his political connections.</font></p><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Related_Sourcewatch_resources"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Related Sourcewatch resources</font></span></h2><ul style="line-height: 1.5em; list-style-type: square; margin: 0.3em 0px 0.5em 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaauaaaancamaaabw4ls6aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaaazqtfrfafkm="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAUAAAANCAMAAABW4lS6AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAAZQTFRFAFKM" qiuk9qaaaaj0uk5t="QIUK9QAAAAJ0Uk5T" wdltzbkaaaagkleqvr42mjgbaegokggbjbgbxbxsbqaaamachwald5r8ygaaaaasuvork5cyii=");" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/National_Empowerment_Television" title="National Empowerment Television" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">National Empowerment Television</font></a></li></ul><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="External_links"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">External links</font></span></h2><ul style="line-height: 1.5em; list-style-type: square; margin: 0.3em 0px 0.5em 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaauaaaancamaaabw4ls6aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaaazqtfrfafkm="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAUAAAANCAMAAABW4lS6AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAAZQTFRFAFKM" qiuk9qaaaaj0uk5t="QIUK9QAAAAJ0Uk5T" wdltzbkaaaagkleqvr42mjgbaegokggbjbgbxbxsbqaaamachwald5r8ygaaaaasuvork5cyii=");" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul M. Weyrich (attributed to),<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.enterstageright.com/archive/articles/0303/0303coors.txt" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">The most important legacy of Joe Coors</a>, web posted March 24, 2003.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Josephine Hearn, "<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://thehill.com/news/10052004/agenda.aspx" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">Quietly, the right shapes its agenda</a>",<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Hill</i>, October 5, 2004.</font></li></ul><h2 style="background-image: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); width: auto;"><span class="mw-headline" id="References"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">References</font></span></h2><ol class="references" style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0.3em 0px 0.5em 3.2em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li id="cite_note-0" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich#cite_ref-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">↑</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://alecexposed.org/w/images/c/cd/ALEC_Exposed_in_Wisconsin.pdf" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcaqaaaanowc2aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaae5jrefuef5lykekgdambdf="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAQAAAAnOwc2AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAE5JREFUeF5lykEKgDAMBdF" es="Es" qkiosicburxizjoozohmwex6gwmkcei="QkiosiCBURXIzJooZohmweX6gwmkCeI" oqc2c1fnvnf2ejlqyu0tlk2njy6f="Oqc2C1FnvnF2ejlQYU0tLK2NjY6f" l8v12ti7uhffgdj19b58ewxuqkaaaaabjru5erkjggg="=" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">ALEC Exposed in Wisconsin: The Hijacking of a State</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.alecexposed.org/" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">ALEC Exposed</a>, May 2012</span></font></li><li id="cite_note-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich#cite_ref-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">↑</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span class="reference-text">Maria Stainer,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Washington Times</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="http://www.insightmag.com/news/2008/dec/18/paul-m-weyrich-dead-age-66/" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaaoaaaakcayaaacnms="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs" aaaagxrfwhrtb2z0d2fyzqbbzg9izsbjbwfnzvjlywr5ccllpaaaafzjrefuef59z4ejadeiq1f36k7u5e7zkxeuqpacj3wk7unokvxvk9khnqh7by9hbdydhnxgjprlqflo4m2ggfyjhhjq8v4agfrgpqx3jtjqgbofmchga="AAAAGXRFWHRTb2Z0d2FyZQBBZG9iZSBJbWFnZVJlYWR5ccllPAAAAFZJREFUeF59z4EJADEIQ1F36k7u5E7ZKXeUQPACJ3wK7UNokVxVk9kHnQH7bY9hbDyDhNXgjpRLqFlo4M2GgfyJHhjq8V4agfrgPQX3JtJQGbofmCHgA" nakks="nAKks" jajfaaaaaelftksuqmcc="JAjFAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" background-position="background-position" background-repeat="background-repeat" no-repeat="no-repeat" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: url(" xmlns:data="data">[1]</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>December 18, 2008</span></font></li></ol></div><div id="catlinks" class="catlinks" style="font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; border: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); background-color: rgb(249, 249, 249); padding: 5px; margin-top: 1em; clear: both; line-height: 19.2px;"><div id="mw-normal-catlinks" class="mw-normal-catlinks"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Special:Categories" title="Special:Categories" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Categories</a>:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span> </font><ul style="line-height: 1.5em; list-style: none none; margin: 0px 0px 0.5em; padding: 0px; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><li style="margin: 0.125em 0px; display: inline-block; line-height: 1.25em; border-left-style: none; padding: 0px 0.5em 0px 0.25em; zoom: 1;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Category:Tobaccowiki" title="Category:Tobaccowiki" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Tobaccowiki</a></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></li> <li style="margin: 0.125em 0px; display: inline-block; line-height: 1.25em; border-left: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); padding: 0px 0.5em; zoom: 1;"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Category:Tobacco_documents_biographies" title="Category:Tobacco documents biographies" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none;">Tobacco documents biographies</a></li></ul></div></div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Paul_M.Weyrich</font></a></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><ul style="font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; line-height: normal; text-align: center;"><li style="text-align: left;"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The late Paul Weyrich, the Founder of Free Congress foundation, made 17 visits to the White House between May 2001 and July 2005, including six visits to President Bush and one to Karl Rove.</font></span></li></ul><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%" cellspacing="0"><tbody><tr><td colspan="2"><div class="story_summary"><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">blinded; built the infra: p 53 coors and vigurie $ --> heritage</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Free Congress (PACs)</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Maoist; grab thectry and capital fill fall</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">smeared John Tower nomination (waterhsed like Bork?) 55 drunk womaizer (not married at time?)</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/8/9/55443/17515"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/8/9/55443/17515</font></a></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When Paul Weyrich joined the Young Republicans in the late 1950s, the Party was controlled by what he called "the <a href="http://www.renewamerica.us/columns/weyrich/050401">Country Clubbers"</a>. "I" writes Weyrich, "came from the wrong side of the tracks."</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While I was a useful ornament for the Country Clubbers to display, they were glad there were not lots more like me. They were not anxious to have the great unwashed as part of their organization.</font></blockquote><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One would think that a young man whose father tended the boiler at a Catholic hospital would chose the Party that favored the working class, but not Weyrich. Instead, he played a major role in transforming the Party of "country clubbers" into the Party of "traditional values."
</font></p></div></td></tr></tbody></table><table bgcolor="#fafafa" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%"><tbody><tr><td class="stats" valign="top"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></td><td align="right" valign="top"><div class="more"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="left_margin"><div class="story_body"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This is the fifth article in a series on dominionism and the federal government.
</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As a strategist working for Republican Senator Barry Goldwater in his Presidential bid in 1964, Weyrich and other Goldwater conservatives had a rude awakening. Goldwater was soundly defeated. In fact, that presidential election was one of the most lopsided in U. S. history. Goldwater won only his native state of Arizona and five Deep South states that had been increasingly alienated by Democratic civil rights policies.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After Goldwater's defeat, Weyrich and his colleagues didn't waste any time. They formed the New Right and began the long, steady march to expand the base of their party. Weyrich focused on members of evangelical churches: a very large, mostly apolitical constituency that he vowed to bring into the Republican fold. Obviously, the New Right wasn't going to win over all evangelicals. Some were downright liberal. The New Right targeted members of fundamentalist, Pentecostal and charismatic churches.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Later, Goldwater was to become angry about what his Party had become. He lamented to a friend in 1994:
</font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Our problem is with ... the religious extremists whose interpretation is very narrow, and who want to destroy everybody who doesn't agree with them. I see them as betrayers of the fundamental principles of conservatism. A lot of so-called conservatives today don't know what the word means.</font></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Goldwater was speaking to journalist <a href="http://www.loper.org/george/archives/2003/Sep/998.html">Bill Rentschler</a>, when he said those words. Rentschler was another lifelong conservative. He had run the 1968 Nixon campaign in Illinois, and served briefly in the Nixon White House. He twice ran for the G.O.P. nomination for a U.S. Senate seat from Illinois, and lost both times. Rentschler sees in the politicizing of the Christian Right nothing less than the loss of democracy:
</font><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prepare yourself, fellow Americans, for historic change, the most dramatic and far-reaching change in your lifetime, a sweeping metamorphosis that may alter radically the distinctive, time-honored structure of the fabled American experiment, which has endured for most of the last 225 years.</font></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Goldwater's brand of conservatism couldn't win the White House because people liked the programs that President Roosevelt set up during the New Deal. They counted on receiving their social security checks in their old age. (President Bush discovered this when he tried to privatize social security.) And without necessarily understanding the complexities of government regulation, people continue to favor protections for the environment, public health, and worker safety.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So Weyrich and his gang set about reframing the political debate. He founded the highly influential Heritage Foundation in 1973 to translate controversial, very conservative beliefs into policy positions.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He went on to found the Free Congress Foundation in 1977 which describes its <a href="http://www.freecongress.org/about/index.asp">mission</a> on its website:</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[O]ur main focus is on the Culture War. Will America return to the culture that made it great, our traditional, Judeo-Christian, Western culture? Or will we continue the long slide into the cultural and moral decay of political correctness? If we do, America, once the greatest nation on earth, will become no less than a third world country.</font></blockquote><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">To fight the Culture War, Weyrich helped draft television preacher Rev. Jerry Falwell in 1979 to head a new political movement that Weyrich coined "the Moral Majority." How do you politicize a constituency that is mostly apolitical? And how do you get members of that constituency to join the political party that least represents their economic interests? In August of 1980, Weyrich laid out his vision for a new America at a meeting of fundamentalist ministers:
</font></p><blockquote><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We are talking about Christianizing America. We are talking about simply spreading the gospel in a political context.</font></b></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
So the Republican Party became the Party that would "Christianize America." (There is a very powerful 28- minute documentary made in 1982 that shows the rise of the Moral Majority and includes a scene of Weyrich making the above speech. If you haven't seen it, watch <a href="http://www.theocracywatch.org/audio-video.htm">Life and Liberty for All Who Believe.</a>)</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Moral Majority burst onto the political scene in 1979 like an earthquake, sending shockwaves throughout the United States. They made up the margin that got Ronald Reagan elected President in 1980, and they managed to defeat five of the most liberal Senators from the U.S. Congress that same year.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich is one of the founders of American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and served as it's treasurer (1981-1992). ALEC is a coalition of corporate leaders and culture warriors. It will be the topic of a future post. </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich is also one of the founders of the highly secretive Council for National Policy where he has served on the Executive Committee. ABC news wrote a story on the CNP with the subtitle, <a href="http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/story?id=121170&page=1">Meet the Most Powerful Conservative Group You've Never Heard Of.</a></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When Steve Baldwin, the executive director of an organization with the stale-as-old-bread name of the Council for National Policy, boasts that "we control everything in the world," he is only half-kidding.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Half-kidding, because the council doesn't really control the world. The staff of about eight, working in a modern office building in Fairfax, Va., isn't even enough for a real full-court basketball game.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But also half-serious because the council has deservedly attained the reputation for conceiving and promoting the ideas of many who in fact do want to control everything in the world.</font></p></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
<b>The Present</b></font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Now that Weyrich's culture warriors have won control of both houses of the U.S. Congress, the White House, and hold four of the nine seats on the U.S. Supreme Court, is Weyrich retiring, sitting back in his rocker to enjoy the fruits of his work? Not at all. He is as active as ever. His Free Congress Foundation holds weekly briefing luncheons attended by many of the most conservative members of Congress, leaders of the most influential Christian Right organizations, and a top administration official from the White House. <a href="http://www.time.com/time/nation/printout/0,8816,107219,00.html">Time Magazine</a> reported in April, 2001:</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Each Wednesday Rove dispatches a top administration official to attend the regular conservative-coalition lunches held at Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation.</font></blockquote><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Perhaps most disturbing of all is a strategy paper published by Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation. It is revealing of true Machiavelli and diabolical thinking. <b>The Integration of Theory and Practice: A Program for the New Traditionalist Movement</b> was written for CFC by Eric Heubeck.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Here are some samplings of what Katherine Yurica calls the <a href="http://www.theocracywatch.org/yurica_weyrich_manual.htm">most immoral political program</a> ever adopted by a political movement in this country.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This essay is based on the belief that the truth of an idea is not the primary reason for its acceptance.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Our movement will be entirely destructive, and entirely constructive. We will not try to reform the existing institutions. We only intend to weaken them, and eventually destroy them. We will endeavor to knock our opponents off-balance and unsettle them at every opportunity. All of our constructive energies will be dedicated to the creation of our own institutions.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We will maintain a constant barrage of criticism against the Left. We will attack the very legitimacy of the Left. We will not give them a moment's rest.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We will use guerrilla tactics to undermine the legitimacy of the dominant regime.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><i>We must reframe this struggle as a moral struggle, as a transcendent struggle, as a struggle between good and evil. </i>(emphasis theirs)</font></p></blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
We hear a lot in the media about the "moral issues" and "values voters" as if opposing gay marriage and abortion define morality while lying to the American public, torturing political prisoners abroad, and destroying the environment are not "moral" issues. You have to give Weyrich's CFC credit for turning the term "morality" on its head.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On April 1, 2005, Weyrich wrote a memo to former Senator John Danforth (R-MO) who is also an Episcopal Priest. Senator Danforth wrote an OP-ED to the <i>New York Times</i>, March 30, 2005, criticizing the religious right.:</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BY a series of recent initiatives, Republicans have transformed our party into the political arm of conservative Christians.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I am and have always been pro-life. But the only explanation for legislators comparing cells in a petri dish to babies in the womb is the extension of religious doctrine into statutory law.</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The problem is not with people or churches that are politically active. It is with a party that has gone so far in adopting a sectarian agenda that it has become the political extension of a religious movement.</font></p></blockquote><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Weyrich's response is fascinating. This personal account of his boyhood in the Republican Party appeared on his <a href="http://www.renewamerica.us/columns/weyrich/050401">Renew America</a> website. He concludes by saying that without the "values voters," the Republicans couldn't get elected dogcatcher:</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><blockquote><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Do you want to return to the way it was before the religious right became part of the GOP coalition? If that happens, the Republican Party will be dead. Its majorities in both the House and Senate soon would evaporate and the party would be unable to elect a President.</font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Each new Senator elected in 2004 had the support of the religious right, even Johnny Isakson of Georgia who entered the race as a moderate and who now has pledged to support most pro-life and pro-family initiatives. There is no doubt that John Thune (Mo.), David Vitter (La.), Mel Martinez (Fla.), Jim DeMint (S.C.), Richard Burr (N.C.) and Tom Coburn (Okla.) would not be in the Senate today but for the strong backing of values voters. Would former Senator Danforth care to return to the time when no legislation backed by values voters was passed, even legislation the establishment salivates over, because liberals controlled Congress?</font></p></blockquote><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I admire Paul Weyrich for what he, son of a working class German immigrant, has been able to accomplish. And I, like conservative Republican Bill Rentschler, fear that the "sweeping metamorphosis" Weyrich helped bring about could "alter radically the distinctive, time-honored structure of the fabled American experiment, which has endured for most of the last 225 years."</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Previous articles in the series on Dominionism and The Role of The Federal Government:</font></p><p><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/6/28/165440/336"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Dominionism and The Constitution in Exile Movement</font></a></p><p><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/7/12/11139/0623"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">House Bill Would Eliminate Most Regulatory Functions Of Federal Government</font></a></p><p><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/7/19/63029/5827"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">A Culture of Life or Death?</font></a></p><p><a href="http://www.talk2action.org/story/2006/7/26/153237/346"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Follow The Votes</font></a></p></div></div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></p></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>