archer daniels a d m bak
<div>adm818</div><div>
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</div><div>got a pass, primary 5/126 on ethanol</div><div>
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</div><div>Since joining the EPA on April 20, Wheeler has met with multiple organizations and businesses that retained him in his capacity as a principal at Faegre Baker Daniels. The list includes biodiesel producer Darling Ingredients; agriculture giant Archer Daniels Midland and the South Coast Air Quality Management District, all of which ended their financial relationship with Wheeler’s firm before April 2016. "We’re very clear about what the definition of former client is,” Justina Fugh, senior counsel at EPA’s ethics office, said in an interview Friday. “You’re either in it, or you’re not. It’s a toggle switch.”</div><div>
</div><div>In Wheeler’s May 24 letter outlining his ethics obligations regarding former clients, he identified eight from which he needed to recuse himself when it came to EPA matters. Those included the nation’s largest privately owned coal company, Murray Energy; Sargento Food Co.; Underwriters Laboratories; Energy Fuels Resources.; Growth Energy; International Paper; Martin Farms, and Xcel Energy.</div><div>
</div><div>Wheeler did attend three events with groups connected to International Paper, E&E News reported Thursday, including a June 6 meeting with the Business Roundtable’s Energy & Environment Committee, a June 28 session with the American Forest and Paper Association’s board of directors and a “stakeholder” meeting with AFPA and other organization. But the ethics pledge allows for federal officials to meet with a former client if the session is on a subject that is “a matter of general applicability” and is “open to all interested parties.” Both the Trump and Obama administrations have defined an “open” session as one in which at least five people are present and the attendees represent a diversity of perspectives.</div><div>
</div><div>Melinda Pierce, legislative director for the environmental advocacy group Sierra Club, said in a statement that even if Wheeler was complying with the law, the recent meetings show that it took him “less than a month as acting EPA administrator to prove he can’t and won’t let go of his corporate polluter past.”</div><div>
</div><div>Wheeler has estimated he represented roughly 20 clients with business before the federal government during his time in private practice: That portfolio included the Nuclear Energy Institute, the Domestic Fuels Solutions Group, Whirlpool Corp. and chemical manufacturer Celanese Corp.</div><div>
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</div><div>The Alliance for Abundant Food and Energy, a front group supporting subsidies for ethanol fuel, with member companies including Archer Daniels Midland and Monsanto. [2]</div><div>
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</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland says GMO corn is killing US exports to China</div><div>Details</div><div> Published: 25 November 2014</div><div> Created: 25 November 2014</div><div> Last Updated: 25 November 2014</div><div>in</div><div>China has rejected the "vast majority of US corn shipments" because of the presence of Syngenta's GMO MIR162</div><div>
</div><div>China’s barriers to imports of some US GM crops are disrupting seed companies' plans for new product launches and keeping at least one variety out of the US market altogether.</div><div>
</div><div>1. In wake of China rejections, GMO seed makers limit U.S. launches</div><div>2. Archer Daniels Midland says GMO corn is killing U.S. exports to China</div><div>
</div><div>1. In wake of China rejections, GMO seed makers limit U.S. launches</div><div>By Tom Polansek</div><div>Reuters, 25 Nov 2014</div><div>http://mobile.reuters.com/article/idUSKCN0J90DU20141125?irpc=932</div><div>
</div><div>China’s barriers to imports of some U.S. genetically modified crops are disrupting seed companies' plans for new product launches and keeping at least one variety out of the U.S. market altogether.</div><div>
</div><div>Two of the world's biggest seed makers, Syngenta AG and Dow AgroSciences, are responding with tightly controlled U.S. launches of new GMO seeds, telling farmers where they can plant new corn and soybean varieties and how can the use them. Bayer CropScience told Reuters it has decided to keep a new soybean variety on hold until it receives Chinese import approval.</div><div>
</div><div>Beijing is taking longer than in the past to approve new GMO crops, and Chinese ports in November 2013 began rejecting U.S. imports saying they were tainted with a GMO Syngenta corn variety, called Agrisure Viptera, approved in the United States, but not in China.</div><div>
</div><div>The developments constrain launches of new GMO seeds by raising concerns that harvests of unapproved varieties could be accidentally shipped to the world's fastest-growing corn market and denied entry there. It also casts doubt over the future of companies' heavy investments in research of crop technology.</div><div>
</div><div>The stakes are high. Grain traders Cargill Inc [CARG.UL] and Archer Daniels Midland Co, along with dozens of farmers, sued Syngenta for damages after Beijing rejected Viptera shipments, saying the seed maker misrepresented how long it would take to win Chinese approval.</div><div>
</div><div>In the weeks since Cargill first sued on Sept. 12, Syngenta's stock has touched a three-year low. ADM in its lawsuit last week alleged the company did not follow through on plans for a controlled launch of Viptera corn.</div><div>
</div><div>Syngenta says the complaints are unfounded.</div><div>
</div><div>Bayer, told by Beijing in September that the new soybean seed, LL55, had not been approved for imports, says it will keep on trying, seven years after the company first filed its request. In the meantime, it will withhold the new seed. China granted its last import approval for any GMO grain in June 2013.</div><div>
</div><div>TEN YEAR EFFORT</div><div>
</div><div>"Our objective is to get the approval and the clearance from the Chinese authorities so that we can go into a full commercial launch as soon as possible," said Frank Terhorst, global head of seeds for the company.</div><div>
</div><div>It can take up to 10 years and $150 million to develop new GMO seeds and further delays in Chinese approvals will raise concerns about Bayer's future investment in new GMO products, Terhorst said.</div><div>
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</div><div>bbb: ADM 100k bribes to RMN, 25K to burglars</div><div>
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</div><div>sponsors npr: from farm to hearth of some such bs</div><div>
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</div><div>12 Politicians and Execs Blocking Progress on Global Warming</div><div>
</div><div>So why bother? Because the whole point of corn ethanol is not to solve America's energy crisis, but to generate one of the great political boondoggles of our time. Corn is already the most subsidized crop in America, raking in a total of $51 billion in federal handouts between 1995 and 2005 — twice as much as wheat subsidies and four times as much as soybeans. Ethanol itself is propped up by hefty subsidies, including a fifty-one-cent-per-gallon tax allowance for refiners. And a study by the International Institute for Sustainable Development found that ethanol subsidies amount to as much as $1.38 per gallon — about half of ethanol's wholesale market price.</div><div>
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</div><div>Q&A: Bill Gates on How to Stop Global Warming</div><div>
</div><div>Three factors are driving the ethanol hype. The first is panic: Many energy experts believe that the world's oil supplies have already peaked or will peak within the next decade. The second is election-year politics. With the first vote to be held in Iowa, the largest corn-producing state in the nation, former skeptics like Sens. Hillary Clinton and John McCain now pay tribute to the wonders of ethanol. Earlier this year, Sen. Barack Obama pleased his agricultural backers in Illinois by co-authoring legislation to raise production of biofuels to 60 billion gallons by 2030. A few weeks later, rival Democrat John Edwards, who is staking his campaign on a victory in the Iowa caucus, upped the ante to 65 billion gallons by 2025.</div><div>
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</div><div>Coal's Toxic Sludge</div><div>
</div><div>The third factor stoking the ethanol frenzy is the war in Iraq, which has made energy independence a universal political slogan. Unlike coal, another heavily subsidized energy source, ethanol has the added political benefit of elevating the American farmer to national hero. As former CIA director James Woolsey, an outspoken ethanol evangelist, puts it, "American farmers, by making the commitment to grow more corn for ethanol, are at the top of the spear on the war against terrorism." If you love America, how can you not love ethanol?</div><div>
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</div><div>Ethanol is nothing more than 180-proof grain alcohol. To avoid the prospect of drunks sucking on gas pumps, fuel ethanol is "denatured" with chemical additives (if you drink it, you'll end up dead or, at best, in the hospital). It can be distilled from a variety of plants, including sugar cane and switch- grass. Most vehicles can't run on pure ethanol, but E85, a mix of eighty-five percent ethanol and fifteen percent gasoline, requires only slight engine modifications.</div><div>
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</div><div>But as a gasoline substitute, ethanol has big problems: Its energy density is one-third less than gasoline, which means you have to burn more of it to get the same amount of power. It also has a nasty tendency to absorb water, so it can't be transported in existing pipelines and must be distributed by truck or rail, which is tremendously inefficient.</div><div>
</div><div>Nor is all ethanol created equal. In Brazil, ethanol made from sugar cane has an energy balance of 8-to-1 — that is, when you add up the fossil fuels used to irrigate, fertilize, grow, transport and refine sugar cane into ethanol, the energy output is eight times higher than the energy inputs. That's a better deal than gasoline, which has an energy balance of 5-to-1. In contrast, the energy balance of corn ethanol is only 1.3-to-1 — making it practically worthless as an energy source. "Corn ethanol is essentially a way of recycling natural gas," says Robert Rapier, an oil-industry engineer who runs the R-Squared Energy Blog.</div><div>
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</div><div>The ethanol boondoggle is largely a tribute to the political muscle of a single company: agribusiness giant Archer Daniels Midland. In the 1970s, looking for new ways to profit from corn, ADM began pushing ethanol as a fuel additive. By the early 1980s, ADM was producing 175 million gallons of ethanol a year. The company's then-chairman, Dwayne Andreas, struck up a close relationship with Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas, a.k.a. "Senator Ethanol." During the 1992 election, ADM gave $1 million to Dole and his friends in the GOP (compared with $455,000 to the Democrats). In return, Dole helped the company secure billions of dollars in subsidies and tax breaks. In 1995, the conservative Cato Institute, estimating that nearly half of ADM's profits came from products either subsidized or protected by the federal government, called the company "the most prominent recipient of corporate welfare in recent U.S. history."</div><div>
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</div><div>Today, ADM is the leading producer of ethanol, supplying more than 1 billion gallons of the fuel additive last year. Ethanol is propped up by more than 200 tax breaks and subsidies worth at least $5.5 billion a year. And ADM continues to give back: Since 2000, the company has contributed $3.7 million to state and federal politicians.</div><div>
</div><div>The Iraq War has also been a boon for ADM and other ethanol producers. The Energy Policy Act of 2005, which was pushed by Corn Belt politicians, mandated the consumption of 7.5 billion gallons of biofuels by 2012. After Democrats took over Congress last year, they too vowed to "do something" about America's addiction to foreign oil. By the time Sen. Jeff Bingaman, chair of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, proposed new energy legislation this spring, the only real question was how big the ethanol mandate would be. According to one lobbyist, 36 billion gallons became "the Goldilocks number — not too big to be impractical, not too small to satisfy corn growers."</div><div>
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</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland (ADM) "is one of the world's largest processors of oilseeds, corn, and wheat. Its main offerings include soybean, peanut, and other oilseed products. From corn, it produces syrups, sweeteners, citric and lactic acids, and ethanol, among other items. ADM also produces wheat and durum flour for bakeries and pasta makers. It processes cocoa beans and has a variety of other business interests, ranging from fish farming to banking and insurance. Archer Daniels Midland has interests in food processors in Asia, Canada, Europe, South America, and the US." [1]</div><div>
</div><div>Ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council</div><div>Archer Daniel Midland has been a corporate funder of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)[2]. See ALEC Corporations for more.</div><div>
</div><div>About ALEC</div><div>
</div><div>ALEC is a corporate bill mill. It is not just a lobby or a front group; it is much more powerful than that. Through ALEC, corporations hand state legislators their wishlists to benefit their bottom line. Corporations fund almost all of ALEC's operations. They pay for a seat on ALEC task forces where corporate lobbyists and special interest reps vote with elected officials to approve “model” bills. Learn more at the Center for Media and Democracy's ALECexposed.org, and check out breaking news on our PRWatch.org site.</div><div>
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</div><div>Case study in corporate welfare</div><div>In 1995, James Bovard of the Cato Institute described ADM's corporate welfare:</div><div>
</div><div>"The Archer Daniels Midland Corporation (ADM) has been the most prominent recipient of corporate welfare in recent U.S. history. ADM and its chairman Dwayne Andreas have lavishly fertilized both political parties with millions of dollars in handouts and in return have reaped billion-dollar windfalls from taxpayers and consumers. Thanks to federal protection of the domestic sugar industry, ethanol subsidies, subsidized grain exports, and various other programs, ADM has cost the American economy billions of dollars since 1980 and has indirectly cost Americans tens of billions of dollars in higher prices and higher taxes over that same period."[3]</div><div>Thanks to multi-million dollar hustling, a company that lives and dies on the generosity of American taxpayers managed to get itself revered as a great public servant. Although ADM is not the only corporation with its hand out in Washington, it is easily one of the most successful beggars on the block. According to Andreas in an issue of Mother Jones:</div><div>
</div><div>"There isn't one grain of anything in the world that is sold in a free market. Not one! The only place you see a free market is in the speeches of politicians."[4]</div><div>Corporate controlled food supply</div><div>In early 2009, corporations like ADM, Monsanto, Sodexo and Tyson Foods wrote and sponsored "food safety" bills which, according to critics; hand control and policing of food to factory farms and corporations. They point out that bills impose industrial, anti-farming "standards" to independent farms. Also, that they subject those who do not use chemicals and fertilizers to severe penalties, which apply even to producers growing food for their own consumption. The Food Safety Modernization Act of 2009: HR 875 [5] was introduced by Rosa DeLauro, whose husband (Stanley Greenburg) works for Monsanto. According to critics, the bill includes criminalization of seed banking, prison terms and confiscatory fines for farmers; 24 hour GPS tracking of their animals and warrentless government entry.[6], [7]</div><div>
</div><div>ADM coal issues</div><div>Carbon capture & storage project (Illinois)</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland's Decatur Plant is a coal-fired power station at an agricultural processing facility near Decatur, Illinois. The plant is currently the site of a carbon capture and storage demonstration project. The project aims to drill down to a 600-million-year-old layer of sandstone, where ADM hopes to bury about 1 million metric tons of CO2. The project is estimated to cost $84 million, with $66.7 million contributed by the Department of Energy. The project has made the most progress of any other federally-sponsored coal sequestration project in the U.S. The drillers have already dug through 5,300 feet and have 2,700 feet remaining before they reach the sandstone layer.[8]</div><div>
</div><div>Existing Coal Plants</div><div>Plant Name<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>State<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Year(s) Built<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Capacity</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Clinton Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>IA<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1940, 1954, 1965, 1974, 1991<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>31 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Des Moines Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>IA<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1988<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>7.9 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Cedar Rapids Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>IA<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1988, 1995, 2000<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>256 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Decatur Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>IL<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1987, 1994, 1997, 2005<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>335 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Peoria Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>IL<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1934, 1954, 1985, 2005<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>15 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Mankato Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>MN<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1987<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>6.1 MW</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland Lincoln Power Plant<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>NE<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>1988<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>67.9 MW</div><div>Political contributions</div><div>Archer Daniels Midland gave $120,000 to federal candidates in the 2006 election through its political action committee - 44% to Democrats and 56% to Republicans. [9]</div><div>
</div><div>Lobbying</div><div>The company spent $300,000 for lobbying in 2006. All lobbying was done using in-house lobbyists. [10]</div><div>
</div><div>Lobbyists for Archer Daniels Midland have included:[11]</div><div>
</div><div>Anthony Reed (2008-2011)</div><div>David Woodruff (2004-2011)</div><div>Beth Holzman (2007-2011)</div><div>Personnel</div><div>Board</div><div>Accessed September 2012: [12]</div><div>
</div><div>Patricia A. Woertz</div><div>Alan L. Boeckmann</div><div>George W. Buckley</div><div>Mollie Hale Carter</div><div>Terrell K. Crews</div><div>Pierre Dufour</div><div>Donald E. Felsinger</div><div>Antonio Maciel Neto</div><div>Patrick J. Moore</div><div>Thomas F. O'Neill</div><div>Kelvin R. Westbrook</div><div>Key executives & 2007 pay</div><div>Patricia A. Woertz, Executive Chairman, Chief Executive Officer, President, $7,637,295[13]</div><div>Douglas J. Schmalz, Chief Financial Officer and Senior Vice President, $759,000 (also exercised $2,210,000 in options)</div><div>Lewis W. Batchelder, Senior Vice President of Agricultural Services, $3,913,201[14]</div><div>John D. Rice, Executive Vice President of Global Marketing and Risk Management, $3,297,597[15]</div><div>David J. Smith, Executive Vice President, $897,000[16]</div><div>Board members</div><div>Patricia A. Woertz - Chairman, Chief Executive Officer and President</div><div>Alan L. Boeckmann - Chairman and Chief Executive Officer for Fluor Corporation (an engineering and construction firm)</div><div>Mollie Hale Carter - Chief Executive Officer, Sunflower Bank and Vice President, Star A, Inc. (a farming and ranching operation)</div><div>Roger S. Joslin - Former Vice Chairman of State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Company</div><div>Antonio Maciel Neto - Chief Executive Officer, Suzano Papel e Celulose (a producer of paper and pulp products)</div><div>Patrick J. Moore - Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer of Smurfit-Stone Container Corporation (a producer of paperboard and paper-based packaging products)</div><div>M. Brian Mulroney - Senior Partner, Ogilvy Renault (a law firm)</div><div>Thomas F. O'Neill - Principal of Sandler O'Neill & Partners, L.P. (an investment banking firm)</div><div>O. Glenn Webb - Farmer; Former Chairman of the Board and President, GROWMARK, Inc. (a farmer-owned cooperative)</div><div>Kelvin R. Westbrook - President and Chief Executive Officer of Millennium Digital Media, LLC (a broadband services company)</div><div>Director Emeritus - Dwayne O. Andreas - Chairman Emeritus[17]</div><div>Former personnel</div><div>William Henry Camp, Executive Vice President of Global Processing, $841,000 (2006)</div><div>Contact</div><div>4666 Faries Parkway</div><div>Decatur, IL 62525</div><div>Phone: 217-424-5200</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Fax: 217-424-6196</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Web address: http://www.admworld.com</div><div>
</div><div>Articles & sources</div><div>SourceWatch articles</div><div>Coal</div><div>Grocery Manufacturers Association</div><div>Meat & Dairy industry</div><div>Processed food industry</div><div>References</div><div>? Archer Daniels Midland Profile, Hoovers, accessed July 2007.</div><div>? Defenders of Wildlife, Natural Resources Defense Council, "Corporations and Trades Associations that Fund ALEC," Corporate America's Trojan Horse in the States: The Untold Story Behind the American Legislative Exchange Council, online report, 2003</div><div>? James Bovard Archer Daniels Midland: A Case Study In Corporate Welfare, Cato Institute, September 26, 1995</div><div>? James Bovard Archer Daniels Midland: A Case Study In Corporate Welfare, Cato Institute, September 26, 1995</div><div>? Text of H.R. 875: Food Safety Modernization Act of 2009, govtrack.us, accessed March 2009</div><div>? Linn Cohen-Cole Goodbye farmers markets, CSAs, and roadside stands, Oped News, March 2009</div><div>? Lydia Scott HR 875 The food police, criminalizing organic farming and the backyard gardener, and violation of the 10th amendment, Campaign for Liberty, March 2009</div><div>? "Archer Daniels Midland project aims to bury carbon dioxide,", Los Angeles Times April 7, 2009.</div><div>? 2006 PAC Summary Data, Open Secrets, accessed July 2007.</div><div>? Archer Daniels Midland lobbying expenses, Open Secrets.</div><div>? Lobbying Disclosure Act Database search, Accessed September 11, 2011.</div><div>? ADM Board, organizational web page, accessed September 17, 2012.</div><div>? Patricia A Woertz, Forbes, accessed February 2008.</div><div>? Lewis W Batchelder, Forbes, accessed February 2008.</div><div>? J D Rice, Forbes, accessed February 2008.</div><div>? ADM Key Executives, Yahoo Finance, accessed February 2008.</div><div>? Board of Directors, Archer Daniels Midland, accessed July 2007.</div><div>External resources</div><div>Profile: Archer Daniels Midland, Co-op America, accessed February 2008</div><div>External articles</div><div>Sasha Lilley, "Green Fuel's Dirty Secret", Corporate Watch, June 1, 2006</div><div>Doug Cameron, "ADM Makes Ethanol Push Into Brazil With Venture, Wall Street Journal, November 5, 2008</div><div>Categories:</div><div>Coal Issues</div><div>Energy</div><div>Global corporations</div><div>ALEC Exposed</div><div>Banking industry</div><div>Corporations</div><div>Food industry</div><div>Insurance industry</div><div>United States</div><div>Corporations Targeted by BEN Campaigns</div><div>Miscellaneous coal plant operators in the United States</div><div> </div><div>
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</div><div>Dwayne's World</div><div>Dwayne Andreas has made a fortune with the help of politicians from Hubert Humphrey to Bob Dole. But, he says, their talk of "free markets" is just wind.</div><div>—By Dan Carney</div><div>
</div><div>| July/August 1995 Issue</div><div>Just off Route 48 east of Decatur, Ill., the corn fields suddenly stop and the vast web of grain elevators, industrial stills, and office buildings that constitutes Archer Daniels Midland Co.'s headquarters begins. It is a colossal expanse of steel and concrete that alters both landscape and sky with its giant gray boxes spewing out clouds of steam.</div><div>
</div><div>This is the place where corn, wheat, and soybeans from the American breadbasket are brought to be manufactured into the "food products" that go into everything from Campbell's Soups to La Choy Chinese dinners. In the middle of the complex, in a building behind a bronze statue of Ronald Reagan, down the hall from the world's largest private commodity trading floor, Dwayne Orville Andreas runs the world.</div><div>
</div><div>MotherJones.com</div><div>
</div><div>"Tell me," Andreas says to his number two man, who has just returned from a tour of the company's plants in Eastern Europe, "what do they do for us in Bulgaria? Do they fix the prices? Or is there some kind of a free market?"</div><div>
</div><div>This type of brashness typifies Andreas and his company, whether the issue is possible price-fixing in Bulgaria or influence-peddling in Washington. For no other U.S. company is so reliant on politicians and governments to butter its bread. From the postwar food-aid programs that opened new markets in the Third World to the subsidies for corn, sugar, and ethanol that are now under attack as "corporate welfare," ADM's bottom line has always been interwoven with public policy. To reinforce this relationship, Andreas has contributed impressively to the campaigns of politicians, from Richard Nixon and Hubert Humphrey to Bill Clinton and Bob Dole.</div><div>
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</div><div>Standing just 5-foot-4 and raised a Mennonite, Andreas is a 77-year-old grandfather who, out of the context of his corporate empire, could easily be mistaken for a man of much more modest standing and concerns. This image vanishes, however, when he starts issuing opinions.</div><div>
</div><div>Sitting behind a lunch of soy burgers, soy taco meat, and soy cheese dessert, Andreas announces that global capitalism is a delusion. "There isn't one grain of anything in the world that is sold in a free market. Not one! The only place you see a free market is in the speeches of politicians. People who are not in the Midwest do not understand that this is a socialist country."</div><div>
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</div><div>It might seem odd that a man with personal assets well into nine figures would be so quick to hoist the red flag of socialism over the American heartland. But Andreas is essentially right. Agriculture is the last industry where the U.S. government so routinely sets prices and determines production levels, a complex arena in which doing business often has more to do with influencing legislation than with responding to supply and demand. Prospering in this environment is ADM's forte.</div><div>
</div><div>"We're the biggest [food and agriculture] company in the world," Andreas explains. "How is the government going to run without people like us? We make 35 percent of the bread in this country, and that much of the margarine, and cooking oil, and all the other things."</div><div>
</div><div>ADM is indeed a Goliath of world food production (it calls itself the "supermarket to the world"), with 1994 reported sales of $11.3 billion and profits of $484 million. Its total stock value is $9.7 billion, $417 million of which belongs to Andreas, or is held by him in a trust for his offspring.</div><div>
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</div><div>For all this, though, ADM still functions like an overgrown mom-and-pop outfit. Four Andreases are senior executives in the company. Another serves on the board. Vice President Howard Buffett (son of investment guru Warren Buffett) seems to be treated like family--he's called "Howie" around the boardroom.</div><div>
</div><div>When I spoke with Andreas and two of his sons, they were all clearly uncomfortable dealing with a reporter. Michael Andreas said, only half-jokingly, "I never knew what a reporter looked like."</div><div>
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</div><div>In addition to the executives' devotion to anonymity, the company markets no products under its own name, so ADM is familiar to most people only through the ads it runs on shows like "The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour." But ADM products are present in literally thousands of items found in supermarkets, liquor stores, even gas stations. In addition to milling much of the country's flour and manufacturing margarines and oils for such big-name brands as Crisco and Mazola, ADM processes ingredients found in such products as Nabisco Cheese Nips, Life cereal, and Reese's Peanut Butter Cups.</div><div>
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</div><div>ADM's protein enhancers are common in pet foods, and its texturized vegetable protein is the stuff burritos and meatless burgers are made of. If you look at the side of a can of Coca-Cola you will see that ADM corn sweetener is the second ingredient listed, after water. If you tank up on gasohol, the odds are 60 percent that the ethanol in the blend is made by ADM. And if you decide to get tanked on martinis, you will find that ADM is also the nation's largest producer of the grain alcohol used to make gin, vodka, and liqueurs.</div><div>
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</div><div>"Did somebody dream there is some way that the government doesn't need us?" Andreas continues. "What in the hell would they do with the farm program without us?"</div><div>
</div><div>For all ADM's size, the question now is not whether the government can survive without ADM but whether ADM can survive without the government. Three subsidies that the company relies on are now being targeted by watchdogs ranging from Ralph Nader to the libertarian Cato Institute.</div><div>
</div><div>The first subsidy is the Agriculture Department's corn-price support program. Despite ADM's close association with corn, this is the least important subsidy to the company. In the short run, ADM might actually benefit if this program is cut back since it might reduce the price the company pays for raw corn. But over time, the lack of a government regulation could lead to wild price fluctuations that would make long-term planning difficult for the company.</div><div>
</div><div>Of more benefit to ADM is the Agriculture Department's sugar program. The program runs like a mini-OPEC: setting prices, limiting production, and forcing Americans to spend $1.4 billion per year more for sugar, according to the General Accounting Office. The irony is that, aside from a small subsidiary in Metairie, La., ADM has no interest in sugar. Its concern is to keep sugar prices high to prevent Coke and all the other ADM customers that replaced cane sugar with corn sweeteners from switching back. "The sugar program acts as an umbrella for them," says Tom Hammer, president of the Sweetener Users Association. "It protects them from economic competition."</div><div>
</div><div>The third subsidy that ADM depends on is the 54-cent-per-gallon tax credit the federal government allows to refiners of the corn-derived ethanol used in auto fuel. For this subsidy, the federal government pays $3.5 billion over five years. Since ADM makes 60 percent of all the ethanol in the country, the government is essentially contributing $2.1 billion to ADM's bottom line. No other subsidy in the federal government's box of goodies is so concentrated in the hands of a single company.</div><div>
</div><div>Robert Shapiro, author of a corporate welfare report for the Progressive Policy Institute, describes ADM's federally supported journey this way: "ADM begins by buying the corn at subsidized prices. Then it uses the corn to make corn sweeteners, which are subsidized by the sugar program. Then it uses the remainder for the big subsidy, which is ethanol."</div><div>
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</div><div>The grease--or perhaps oleo--that helps keep these kinds of programs going is the money Andreas, his family, his company, and his company's subsidiaries provide politicians who have influence over agricultural policy. During the 1992 election, Andreas gave more than $1.4 million in "soft money" (which goes to party organizations rather than individual candidates, and is exempt from limits) and $345,650 more in contributions to congressional and senatorial candidates, using multiple donors in his family and his companies. In the nonpresidential 1994 election, the company and its people gave $656,768 in soft money and another $224,170 in contributions to individual candidates. More recently, Speaker Newt Gingrich's GOPAC received at least $70,000 from Andreas. (Gingrich has released the names of individual donors, but not yet of corporate ones.) "These guys are state-of-the-art," says Fred Wertheimer, the longtime Common Cause president who recently stepped down. "They play this game to the hilt."</div><div>
</div><div>ADM's next challenge is the 1996 presidential race. President Clinton has been extraordinarily generous to ADM, last year pushing through a mandate that 30 percent of the gasoline sold in the nation's most polluted cities contain ethanol products by 1996--and receiving a $100,000 check at essentially the same time. (Andreas insists the timing was coincidental.) Sen. Phil Gramm has not shown up on ADM's radar screen yet, but the company has begun to show up on his. Last summer, Gramm stunned his home-state oil companies by stalling on his position on the ethanol mandate. Although he eventually announced that he would support the oil companies against the mandate, he made a point of stating that there was really no good way to vote.</div><div>
</div><div>ADM's ultimate presidential candidate, though, is Bob Dole, who has long been one of ethanol's biggest champions. He promoted the 54-cent subsidy and helped keep it from applying to methanol as well. In 1980 he sponsored a tariff on imported alcohol fuels. During the 1990 Clean Air Act debate and the 1992 national energy strategy debate, he pushed pro-ethanol amendments. Dole also has close personal ties with Andreas. Andreas contributes to Dole's foundation for helping the disabled and frequently vacations with him, sometimes providing his own airplane for the trips. In 1982, Andreas helped expedite Dole's purchase of a condominium in the Sea View Hotel in Bal Harbour, Fla. Sea View is managed by an Andreas-owned company, and Andreas also has a condo in the building. Other past and present Sea View tenants include former Tennessee Senator Howard Baker, the late House Speaker Tip O'Neill, television journalist David Brinkley, and ADM board member and Washington superlawyer Robert Strauss.</div><div>
</div><div>Andreas has a long history of political philanthropy. In a recently released deposition, Richard Nixon's secretary, Rose Mary Woods, recalled a 1972 personal visit from Andreas in which he delivered an unmarked envelope containing $100,000 in $100 bills. The cash spent a year or so in a White House safe before Nixon, with the Watergate investigation closing in around him, decided to give it back.</div><div>
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</div><div>Another $25,000 of Andreas' money, however, was traced to a bank account used by the Watergate burglars. This was a revelation--and no doubt a disappointment--to Nixon's presidential opponent, Hubert Humphrey, who had been close friends with Andreas for years. The two, neighbors in Minneapolis in the 1940s and 1950s, had traveled the world together promoting food-aid programs. (Both the Watergate money and the envelope full of cash came at an inopportune time. Andreas had just been indicted, though never convicted, for making illegal campaign contributions.)</div><div>
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</div><div>Andreas portrays his large gifts as a necessity to silence the pleas of powerful people. Often, he says, solicitations come through someone affiliated with a major ADM customer. Take the $100,000 check to Clinton, says Andreas. The solicitation came from Vernon Jordan, Clinton's transition chief and golfing buddy--and a member of the board of ADM customer Sara Lee. "What are you going to say to Vernon Jordan: 'We've decided to quit you guys'? Of course, I gave him the money."</div><div>
</div><div>These protestations leave ADM's detractors unimpressed. "If Mr. Andreas thinks this whole system is a political shakedown, then he should join us in fighting for campaign reform," says Common Cause's Wertheimer.</div><div>
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</div><div>Recently ADM has been sending signals it wants to spend more of its time and energy seeking greener pastures abroad. Whether this is because Andreas sees an end to the corporate welfare gravy train here, or simply because the growth potential is greater abroad is not clear. But ADM claims to have plants in every single former Warsaw Pact country, is selling ever-increasing amounts of food to China, and is working hand in glove with the European Union.</div><div>
</div><div>But the most intriguing--and perhaps most ominous--push ADM is making is in biotechnology. Instead of having to buy soybeans, the company wants to make its own protein in giant vats that are the functional equivalent of cow stomachs. If ADM can pull this off, Andreas might not be so upset when he finds out that Bulgaria doesn't fix prices. With a monopoly on human-engineered protein, ADM will be able to fix its own.</div><div>
</div><div>Dan Carney is a freelance writer based in Washington, D.C.</div><div>
</div><div>Go back to the rest of our report on corporate pork.</div><div>See Hot Media for more resources.</div><div>
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</div><div>Perhaps America's champion all-time campaign contributor is Dwayne Orville Andreas. Although virtually unknown to most Americans, since the 1970s, leading politicians of both parties have been well acquainted with Andreas, his company, and his money.</div><div>
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</div><div>The 77-year-old Andreas rose from modest circumstances to become chairman of the Archer-Daniels-Midland Company, which is based in Decatur, Illinois, and is the largest U.S. processor of farm commodities such as wheat, corn and soybeans.</div><div>
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</div><div>Born to a Mennonite farm family outside Worthington, Minnesota, Andreas grew up mostly in Iowa and attended Wheaton College in Illinois. But after getting married in his sophomore year, the diminutive (height: 5-foot-4) Andreas dropped out and joined a small, family-owned food-processing firm in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.</div><div>
</div><div>The family eventually sold out its business, and Andreas wound up at A.D.M., becoming its chief executive in 1971. He has converted a company once known primarily as a soybean mill into a diversified multinational powerhouse with more than $12 billion in annual sales. Former U.S. Ambassador Robert Strauss, who is a close friend of Andreas and an A.D.M board member, told FRONTLINE: "He's a very able businessman, probably the ablest one I've ever known."</div><div>
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</div><div>While Andreas has been building A.D.M. into the self-proclaimed "Supermarket to the World," -- a phrase known to millions of Americans who watch A.D.M.-sponsored news and public affairs on both PBS and the commercial networks -- he has shown an extraordinary knack for cultivating powerful politicans. Among his past close friends and golfing partners: Republican presidential nominee Thomas Dewey and House Speaker Thomas (Tip) O'Neill, a Democrat. He was particularly close to Vice-President Hubert Humphrey, who was godfather to Andreas's son, Michael. Andreas has often been photographed with world leaders, including Mikhail Gorbachev. A statue of Ronald Reagan occupies a place of honor at A.D.M.'s headquarters.</div><div>
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</div><div>As far back as Watergate, Andreas' political giving has thrust him into controversy. A Watergate-era investigation led to criminal charges that he had illegally contributed $100,000 to Humphrey's 1968 campaign for President, but Andreas was acquitted. And his $25,000 cash donation to President Nixon's re-election bid in 1972 became a focus of Watergate inquiry into abuses surrounding unreported campaign money. According to an investigative memo uncovered in 1992 that quotes President Nixon's personal secretary Rosemary Woods, Andreas delivered $100,000 in $100 bills to the White House shortly before the 1972 election. Woods stored the money in a basement safe for about a year, when the President had her return the cash to Andreas.</div><div>
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</div><div>Andreas, who earns a $3.6 million salary, has continued donating generously to many Democratic and Republican candidates -- "tithing," he calls it. Over the years he has given money to Senator Bob Dole, President Clinton, President Bush, President Carter, Michael Dukakis, Jack Kemp, and Jesse Jackson, among others. Between 1981 and 1994, Senator Dole and his political foundations collected $178,000 in contributions from Andreas, members of Andreas' family and A.D.M. executives, according to Common Cause, a nonpartisan watchdog group in Washington. Andreas and A.D.M. have also given more than $2 million in "soft money" to the Democratic and Republican parties since 1991, according to federal records.</div><div>
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</div><div>Meanwhile, Dole has become known to some as "Senator Ethanol" because of his longtime, staunch support of federal tax subsidies for corn-based ethanol, a gasoline additive. A.D.M., which produces sixty percent of all U.S. ethanol, has been a major beneficiary. Congressional fans of ethanol, many of them, like Dole, representatives of corn states, say it has helped ease US dependence on foreign oil. Others are not convinced. Recently New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley told The Boston Globe, "This billion-dollar tax break is nothing more than a gift to a single, politically connected industry." Andreas' critics link federal subsidies -- including sugar price supports and the ethanol tax break -- to the influence that they say his political dollars have bought him among elected officials. The sugar subsidy has the effect of raising the price of a corn syrup sweetner, another important A.D.M. product. In his stock reply to such charges, Andreas says, "We do not talk to any government official about our business."</div><div>
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</div><div>Currently , however, the company has bigger problems than its reputation for political giving. Federal prosecutors are investigating allegations that the company has conspired to fix commodity prices. A.D.M. has denied any wrongdoing.</div><div>
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</div><div>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archer_Daniels_Midland</div><div>
</div><div>The Archer Daniels Midland Company (ADM) is an American global food processing and commodities tradingcorporation, headquartered in Chicago, Illinois.[2][3][4] The company operates more than 270 plants and 420 crop procurement facilities worldwide, where cereal grains and oilseeds are processed into products used in food, beverage,nutraceutical, industrial, and animal feed markets worldwide.</div><div>
</div><div>It was named the world's most-admired food-production company by Fortune magazine for three consecutive years: 2009, 2010 and 2011.[5]</div><div>
</div><div>The company also provides agricultural storage and transportation services. The American River Transportation Company along with ADM Trucking, Inc., are subsidiaries of ADM.</div><div>
</div><div>Contents [hide] </div><div>1<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Products</div><div>1.1<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Oilseeds processing</div><div>1.2<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Corn processing</div><div>1.3<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Agricultural Services</div><div>1.4<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Other products</div><div>1.4.1<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Investor services</div><div>1.4.2<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Insurance services</div><div>2<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>History</div><div>3<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Criticism</div><div>3.1<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Sherman Antitrust Law Violation</div><div>3.2<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Price fixing</div><div>3.3<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act</div><div>3.4<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Environmental record</div><div>3.5<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Agricultural subsidies</div><div>4<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>See also</div><div>5<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>References</div><div>6<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>External links</div><div>Products[edit]</div><div>Products include oils and meal from soybeans, cottonseed, sunflower seeds, canola, peanuts, flaxseed, and Diacylglycerol (DAG) oil, as well as corn germ, corn gluten feed pellets, syrup, starch, glucose, dextrose, crystalline dextrose, high fructose corn syrup sweeteners, cocoa liquor, cocoa powder, cocoa butter, chocolate, ethanol, and wheat flour. End uses are consumption by people and livestock and additives for fuel.</div><div>
</div><div>Long known as a food and ingredients company, it has also invested in fuel production. ADM nearly doubled capital spending in its 2007 budget to an estimated $1.12 billion. The increase is planned for bioenergy projects, focusing on bioethanol and biodiesel.[6]</div><div>
</div><div>...</div><div>
</div><div>In 1970, Dwayne Andreas became the chief executive officer of ADM, and is credited with transforming the firm into an industrial powerhouse. Andreas remained CEO until 1997 before his nephew G. Allen Andreas was named to this position.[9] He was one of the most prominent political campaign donors in the United States,[10] having contributed millions of dollars to Democratic and Republican candidates alike.</div><div>
</div><div>In 2001, Paul B. Mulhollem became the company's president.[11] Under his guidance, the company was the first U.S. company to sign a contract with Cuba since the embargo against Cuba was imposed October 1960.[12]</div><div>
</div><div>In May 2006, Patricia A. Woertz became the company's chief executive officer.[13][14] Formerly of Chevron, she was expected to focus on developing ethanol and biofuels. In February 2007, Ms. Woertz was elected Chairman of the Board at ADM.[15]</div><div>
</div><div>Starting in October 2012, the company sought to acquire strategic holdings to support serving Asian markets through acquisition of GrainCorp, an Australian grain firm with a network of storage and port facilities in Australia.[14] On 29 Nov 2013, this acquisition was blocked by the Australian Treasurer.</div><div>
</div><div>On July 7, 2014, the company said that it will buy Swiss-German natural ingredient company Wild Flavors for $3 billion, a move aimed at diversifying the company and helping brands appeal to consumers who increasingly favor foods with natural ingredients and flavorings.[16]</div><div>
</div><div>On November 5, 2014, ADM announced that effective January 1, 2015, Juan Luciano will become the company's new CEO.[17] Luciano was hired on in 2011 as the company's Chief Operating Officer. Woertz will retain the position of Chairman of the Board until 2016 when she is expecting to retire.</div><div>
</div><div>In October 2015, ADM announced the sale of its global cocoa business to Olam. The sale is valued at about $1.2 billion. Approximately 1,500 employees transferred to Olam with the sale.[18]</div><div>
</div><div>Criticism[edit]</div><div>Sherman Antitrust Law Violation[edit]</div><div>In 1920 the US Department of Justice brought suit against the National Linseed Oil Trust for violating the Sherman Antitrust Act. Several co-defendants were named, including the Archer-Daniels Manufacturing Company. The suit alleged all of these companies were acting in collusion to raise prices, citing a spike in linseed oil costs between 1916 and 1918, when the price rose from $.50 per gallon to $1.80.[19]</div><div>
</div><div>Price fixing[edit]</div><div>In 1993, the company was the subject of a lysine price-fixing investigation by the U.S. Justice Department. Senior ADM executives were indicted on criminal charges for engaging in price-fixing within the international lysine market. Three of ADM's top officials, including vice chairman Michael Andreas were eventually sentenced to federal prison in 1999. Moreover, in 1997, the company was fined $100 million, the largest antitrust fine in U.S. history at the time.[20] Mark Whitacre, FBI informant and whistleblower of the lysine price-fixing conspiracy, would also find himself in legal trouble for embezzling money from ADM during his time as an informant for the FBI. In addition, according to ADM's 2005 annual report, a settlement was reached under which ADM paid $400 million in 2005 to settle a class action antitrust suit.[21]</div><div>
</div><div>The Informant is a nonfiction thriller book [22] that documents the mid-1990s lysine price-fixing conspiracy case and the involvement of ADM executive Mark Whitacre. The book was adapted into the 2009 film The Informant!.</div><div>
</div><div>Violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act[edit]</div><div>On December 20, 2013 the SEC announced that it had charged ADM for failing to prevent illicit payments (bribes) made by its foreign subsidiaries to Ukrainian government officials in violation of the FCPA. ADM agreed to pay more than $36 million to settle the SEC's charges.[23]</div><div>
</div><div>Environmental record[edit]</div><div>The company has been the subject of several major federal lawsuits related to air pollution. In 2001, it agreed to pay a $1.46 million fine for violating federal and Illinois clean-air regulations at its Decatur feed plant and to spend $1.6 million to reduce air pollution there.[24] In 2003, the company settled federal air pollution complaints related to the its efforts to avoid New Source Review provisions of the Clean Air Act that require pollution control upgrades when a plant is modernized. The company paid $4.5 million in penalties and more than $6 million to support environmental projects. In addition, ADM agreed to eliminate more than 60,000 tons of emissions of carbon monoxide, particulate matter, organic volatile chemicals and other pollutants from 42 plants in 17 states at a cost of hundreds of millions of dollars.[25]</div><div>
</div><div>ADM is involved in a joint project with Daimler AG and Bayer CropScience to develop jatropha as a biofuel.[26]</div><div>
</div><div>In an attempt to reduce its carbon footprint, the company has partnered with the Midwest Geological Sequestration Association and other organizations to test the disposal of carbon dioxide emissions underground. If testing is successful, beginning in late 2010 the company expected to dispose of 1,000 metric tons per day of carbon dioxide emissions currently being released to the atmosphere.[27]</div><div>
</div><div>Agricultural subsidies[edit]</div><div>The company lobbies for agricultural subsidies and price supports including sugar and ethanol. According to a 1995 report by the libertarian think tank Cato Institute, "ADM has cost the American economy billions of dollars since 1980 and has indirectly cost Americans tens of billions of dollars in higher prices and higher taxes over that same period. At least 43 percent of ADM's annual profits are from products heavily subsidized or protected by the American government. Moreover, every $1 of profits earned by ADM's corn sweetener operation costs consumers $10, and every $1 of profits earned by its bioethanol operation costs taxpayers $30."[28]</div><div>
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</div><div>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lysine_price-fixing_conspiracy</div><div>
</div><div>The lysine price-fixing conspiracy was an organized effort during the mid-1990s to raise the price of the animal feed additive lysine. It involved five companies that had commercialized high-tech fermentation technologies, including American company Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), Japanese companies Ajinomoto and Kyowa Hakko Kogyo, and Korean companies Sewon America Inc. and Cheil Jedang Ltd. A criminal investigation resulted in fines and three-year prison sentences for three executives of ADM who colluded with the other companies to fix prices. The foreign companies settled with the United States Department of Justice Antitrust Division in September through December 1996. Each firm and four executives from the Asian firms pleaded guilty as part of a plea bargain to aid in further investigation against ADM. The cartel had been able to raise lysine prices 70% within their first nine months of cooperation.[1]</div><div>
</div><div>The investigation yielded $105 million in criminal fines, a record antitrust penalty at the time,[2] including a $70 million fine against ADM. ADM was fined an additional $30 million for its participation in a separate conspiracy in the citric acid market and paid a total fine of $100 million. Three former high-ranking ADM executives were convicted in September 1998 after a ten-week jury trial.[3] Buyers of lysine in the United States and Canada sued and recovered $80 to $100 million in damages from the five cartel members, and ADM paid $38 million to settle mismanagement suits by its shareholders.[4]</div><div>
</div><div>The lysine cartel was the first successful prosecution of an international cartel by the U.S. Department of Justice in more than 40 years.[5] Since then, the DoJ has discovered and prosecuted scores of international cartels.</div><div>
</div><div>Contents [hide] </div><div>1<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>ADM's role</div><div>2<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>Popular adaptations</div><div>3<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>See also</div><div>4<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>References</div><div>5<span style="white-space:pre"> </span>External links</div><div>ADM's role[edit]</div><div>The company and senior ADM executives were indicted on federal criminal charges for simultaneously engaging in price-fixing in the international lysine and citric acidmarkets. Three of ADM's top officials, including vice chairman Michael D. Andreas, were eventually sentenced to federal prison in 1999 to a total of 99 months, an antitrust record at the time. Moreover, in 1997, the company was fined $100 million, the largest antitrust fine in U.S. history at the time.[6] ADM was later fined almost $50 million by the antitrust authorities of Canada, Mexico, and the European Union.[7]</div><div>
</div><div>The FBI learned of the lysine price-fixing conspiracy from Mark Whitacre, a former Divisional President of ADM's BioProducts Division, because his wife threatened to inform the FBI if he did not.[8] Whitacre only then told the FBI that he and other ADM executives were involved in price-fixing agreements with other rival businesses around the world. The FBI and Whitacre attended and listened in on the cartel’s meetings in cities such as Tokyo, Paris, Mexico City, and Hong Kong.[9] During Whitacre's undercover tenure, the FBI collected hundreds of hours of video and audio tapes that documented crimes committed by executives from around the world fixing the prices of food additives in the largest price-fixing case in history at the time (1996).[10]</div><div>
</div><div>ADM ultimately settled federal charges for more than US$100 million and paid hundreds of millions of d</div><div>
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