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Police misconduct

rk NOTE:

This is why I do not believe that the U.S.Marshalls and/or the DOJ is doing right by WeThePeople. I claimed WHISTLEBLOWER STATUS and the URGENT NEED FOR PROTECTION in writing and published it YEARS AGO. It is here:

619). Link to:

MERGED FILES:

https://bra.in/3pJ2xg

UPDATED OCTOBER 5, 2026

In other words, all this time that I have been being abused by all the DEMONIC people and entities that have been pathogenicly haunting me, appears to have been CONDONED by the CULT OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT; despite the fact that my ONLY INTENT was to help people WAKE UP TO THE TRUTH.

620). Link to:

UNITED STATES MARSHALLs:

https://bra.in/7py8GQ

updated October 5, 2026

All along, it was/is the U.S. Marshalls that were/are SUPPOSED TO BE PROTECTING ME FROM THESE CRIMINALS.

So, WHO IS PREVENTING THEM FROM DOING SO?

On top of all that bullshit, I have been SEVERELY ABUSED BY POLICE (aka local LEOs), which I have also reported IN WRITING, UNDER OATH! AND NOTHING HAS BEEN DONE TO HELP ME.

#620). POLICE MISCONDUCT:

https://bra.in/4pdLEV

UPDATED October 5, 2026

#621). Lentz file:

https://bra.in/6pJ2xg

WHY?

WIKIPEDIA ARTICLE BEGINS HERE:

Police misconduct is inappropriate conduct and illegal actions taken by police officers.

Types of police misconduct

Types of police misconduct include, among others:

Police officers often share what is known in the United States as a "blue code of silence" which means that they do not turn each other in for misconduct. While some officers have called this code a myth,[4] a 2005 survey found evidence that it exists.[5] A 2019 study in the journal Nature found that misconduct by one police officer substantially increased the likelihood that peer officers would also engage in misconduct.[6][7] In addition to the blue code of silence, police misconduct also can lead to a miscarriage of justice and sometimes the obstruction of justice. At least 85,000 officers in the US have been investigated for misconduct, and some are constantly under investigation; nearly 2,500 have been investigated on 10 or more charges.[8]

In an effort to control police misconduct, there is an accelerating trend for civilian agencies to engage directly in investigations and to have greater inputs into disciplinary decisions. Additionally, individuals and groups are now filming police activities in an effort to make them accountable for their actions. With the proliferation of smart devices capable of high-quality video recording, instances of police misconduct and abuse are gaining attention on social media platforms and video-hosting sites such as YouTube. To protect their interests, some officers have resorted to verbal intimidation as well as physical violence against civilians attempting to record their misdeeds. In other circumstances, police will illegally seize, destroy or delete evidence recorded by civilians, in spite of laws that make it a crime to destroy evidence of a crime being committed.[9][10]

Contributors and prediction

Mexico City's Police Chief, Arturo Durazo Moreno, was arrested in 1984.

Police misconduct is sometimes associated with conscious or unconscious discrimination. Misconduct has been shown to be related to personality and correlated to education, but it can also be significantly affected by the culture of the police agency.[11] Education is negatively correlated to misconduct, with better-educated officers receiving fewer complaints on average.[12]

Some analyses have found that changes in structural disadvantage, population mobility, and immigrant population have been associated with changes in police misconduct. Social disorganization may create a context for police misconduct because residents may not have in place the social networks necessary to organize against police malpractice.[13] The fact that most police officers enjoy broad discretion and minimal supervision has been cited as increasing opportunities for police misconduct.[14]

Video and audio recording

Many police cars are now equipped with recording systems, which can deter, document or rebut police misconduct during traffic stops. Usually, the recordings have rebutted claims of police misconduct according to a 2004 study by the International Association of Chiefs of Police and Community Oriented Policing Service;[15] future innovations in recording equipment could allow an officer's entire workday to be recorded.[15] Some transparency advocates believe that such cameras should be installed in all police cruisers to ensure accountability.[16] Some police departments have experimented with Taser cameras that automatically begin recording when the Taser is deployed.[17] The Cato Institute recommends that police record all no-knock raids.[18] In recent times, police departments have been trying to implement the body camera as a step to fixing misconduct. The police departments in Pittsburgh have been trying body cameras on their officers to see both the positive and negative aspects of using body cameras.[19]

Recording by witnesses has made a significant impact on the notability and handling of police incidence[according ^to ^whom?], such as the Rodney King beating.

Adoption of Body Worn Cameras

Although body worn cameras (BWCs) can record several situations involving law enforcement misbehavior, the key question is whether they're able to also prevent it. In an effort to enhance interactions between the police and the community, several police departments are beginning to use BWCs. Not all police departments are utilizing video recording technology. Law enforcement agencies who do not believe the new technology is necessary, who indicate a lack of support for BWC adoption from the agency's leadership and from patrol personnel, and who have privacy and cost-related concerns, report resistance to the use of BWCs. Police departments that registered a higher percentage of complaints for the excessive use of physical force are significantly more likely to be against the adoption of BWCs. Police agencies who have already purchased other types of recording technology have a substantially higher level of support for the use of BWCs. Law enforcement agencies located in US states with strong police unions are more likely to show resistance to the adoption of BWCs.[20]

Studies on BWC toward police misconduct

Some studies suggest that body-worn cameras may offer benefits while others show either no impact or possible negative effects when it comes to police misbehavior and many police agencies choosing whether to use BWCs in hopes of reducing police misconduct or strengthen the police and community ties.[21] As an example, some studies have examined the claimed benefits of BWCs, including the ability to reduce citizen complaints and police use of force.[22] Early research claimed that using BWCs lowered both outcomes significantly, but several subsequent investigations have failed to find similar results.[23]

Another study examines how BWCs are marketed as a technological improvement that will result in more pleasant interactions between police and residents.[24] There have been attempts to explain how BWCs impact various policing outcomes, but little research has been done on how BWCs influence assaults on police. This study was limited to a few jurisdictions and has minimal relevance to a broader spectrum of police organizations; it nonetheless explores the relationship between BWCs and police victimization by focusing on total assaults and attacks with guns against police officers, using data from a sample of 516 police organizations. The data showed that BWC usage is negatively associated with police victimization.[24] The study concludes that BWCs can help prevent the occurrence of both moderate and severe violence against police in a variety of circumstances and among a wide spectrum of law enforcement organizations.[24]

Although there are numerous studies focusing on the implementation of BWCs in the hope of reducing police misconduct and the use of force by law enforcement toward citizens, there are others that underline the challenges that come with implementing BWCs. Techno-fixes by themselves may not necessarily resolve underlying issues of fractured community–police relations, including ongoing issues of racial and ethnic antagonism, and may even exacerbate these tensions.[25]

Mobile devices

As digital recording technology usage has increased, especially using cell phones, there have been more cases of civilians capturing video of alleged police misconduct.[9][26] In response, members of law enforcement have begun using eavesdropping and wiretapping laws to charge civilians who record police without their knowledge. Some police organizations such as the Fraternal Order of Police support the prosecutions.[27] In Illinois, from 1994 to 2014, recording police without consent was a class 1 felony that could carry a prison term of 15 years.[28] In a May 2012 ruling, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled 2-1 that the statute "likely violates the First Amendment's free-speech and free-press guarantees".[29] On 30 December 2014, then-Governor Pat Quinn signed into law an amendment to the Statute, PA 98–1142, which decriminalized the recording of law enforcement officers in the performance of their duties in public places or in circumstances in which the officers have no reasonable expectation of privacy.[30]

Most charges involving recording police are dropped or dismissed as courts have ruled on-duty police officers in public have no reasonable expectation of privacy.[9] However, police "can use vaguer charges, such as interfering with a police officer, refusing to obey a lawful order, obstructing an arrest or police action, or disorderly conduct". Perjury put along with this is lying under oath and giving false charges.[27] Arrests for these charges are more common, as are incidents of police illegally confiscating cameras, deleting evidence or misinforming citizens they cannot film. This video evidence has played a key role in raising public awareness of police misconduct during and after an incident such as the BART Police shooting of Oscar Grant, Death of Ian Tomlinson, Robert Dziekański death.[31]

Cost of police misconduct

see pdf

United States

Further information: Police brutality in the United States, Police riots in the United States, and Henry A. Wallace Police Crime Public Database

See also: New York City Police Department corruption and misconduct and Misconduct in the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department

The Chicago Police Department in August 1968 initiated a "police riot" according to the Walker Report which gathered testimony on the violence surrounding the 1968 Democratic National Convention and Anti-Vietnam War protests.[150] Years later, the Chicago Police Department would deal with even more scandal involving the now infamous crooked cop Lt. Jon Burge and the torture cases that came out of his district. The New York Police Department (NYPD) had a prominent case of two detectives working for the Mafia during the 1980s. The Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) in the late 1990s had a large incident of misconduct with the Rampart scandal implicating 70 officers of an anti-gang unit called C.R.A.S.H. This resulted in a US$70 million in lawsuit settlement payouts, dissolving of the unit and the LAPD entering into a consent decree with the U.S. Department of Justice on comprehensive reforms.[151][152][153]

During the 1990s the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) also came under the scrutiny of the Justice Department when a series of crimes, including murders, by officers prompted attempts at reform by then Police Chief Richard Pennington. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina there was a spike in allegations of misconduct and in March 2011 the Justice Department published a 158-page report that found "systemic violations of civil rights" by a NOPD that routinely failed to discipline officers involved.[154] Six cases stemming from Katrina have been investigated and followed closely by ProPublica,[155] one being the Danziger Bridge shootings that resulted in two civilian deaths and four wounded. In August 2011, four officers were convicted of unlawfully firing on citizens then trying to cover it up with the assistance of a fifth investigating officer.[156]

In a number of jurisdictions, police officers have been accused of ticket fixing.[157]

Police lying under oath, particularly in drug crimes, is allegedly commonplace in certain areas; some federal grant programs such as Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program are tied to numbers, and police officers may also feel pressured to prove their productivity.[158]

The New York State Police Troop C scandal involved the fabrication of evidence used to convict suspects in New York by the New York State Police.[159]

Police Misconduct in Chicago's Police Department (CPD)

Investigations have found that there is little to no accountability within the CPD. The department has neglected to investigate a majority of case complaints regarding police brutality. Investigations that were made were carried out poorly. Civilian and officer witnesses are often not interviewed, investigators ignored the potential for witness coaching and inappropriate coordination of testimony. Questioning of officers often aim to elicit favorable statements from them, often ignoring inconsistencies and unreasonable explanations when recounting events.[160]

See also

Individuals

Whistleblowers

Accused

Incidents

Organizations

Criticisms:

In 2015, the Wall Street Journal reported that during a five-year period the 10 United States cities with the largest police departments had spent over $1.4 billion on police misconduct settlements.[35] In between the years of 2010 and 2014 the total annual cost of police misconduct settlements increased, declining only in 2012, and then followed by the highest total in 2014 of $248.7 million.[35]

Largest police misconduct settlements

With the rise of body worn cameras by police departments, settlements have also increased in both the size of the settlement and frequency of settlements. In 2015, Eric Garner's family settled with New York City, and was awarded $5.9 million in a wrongful death suit at the hands of a New York City Police Department (NYPD) officer.[36] While Garner's case was more recent, and perhaps more known to the general public, it was not New York City's most expensive individual settlement due to police misconduct. Abner Louima was abused by NYPD personnel while in custody in 1997 and settled in 2001 with the city of New York for $8.75 million.[37]

Perhaps the most costly individual settlement ever due to police misconduct occurred in Chicago when Christina Eilman suffered from a bipolar episode at Midway Airport and was arrested. Eilman was then released in a high-crime neighborhood at night in Chicago without any assistance or follow-up on her well-being. Eilman fell from a 7th-story window after being raped and suffered permanent brain damage. Eilman received $22.5 million in a settlement with the city of Chicago.[37]

The most expensive group police misconduct settlement case in New York, and possibly the most expensive group police misconduct settlement case ever, was awarded to the Central Park Five. These five men were victims to police torture that eventually resulted in false confessions and convictions. These men settled for $41 million.[37]

Other notable police misconduct settlements

Jon Burge, a former Chicago Police Department Commander is estimated to have cost Chicago, the state of Illinois, and the county of Cook $132 million in over 20 different cases.[38] Burge was known to torture, beat, electrically shock, suffocate, and play games of Russian roulette to force confessions.[38] As part of a reparations package to victims of Burge and his team, Chicago opened the Chicago Torture Justice Center in Englewood to provide services such as counseling to those who have been victim of police misconduct.[39]

In 2000, Prince Jones, a student at Howard University, was followed by an unmarked police car; fearing for his safety he exited the car to confront the man following him who proceeded to flash a gun. Jones entered his car and put his truck into reverse, hitting the officer twice. The officer fired 16 shots into Jones' car, killing him.[40] This incident received national news coverage and was featured in Ta-Nehisi Coates' book Between the World and Me.[41] Jones' family received a settlement from Prince George's county of $3.7 million.[42]

Settling for Misconduct

The Chicago Reporter created a database titled "Settling for Misconduct" to track civil suits against the Chicago Police Department (CPD) with the intent of bringing awareness to the fact that a lawsuit against CPD is settled, on average, every other day.[43] The website lists cases such as the murder of Laquan McDonald by Jason Van Dyke which gained national attention and resulted in a $5 million settlement for McDonald's family.[44] The database also shows less-known cases such as an older settlement for $100,000 in which Jason Van Dyke was named for excessive force.[45] The database even includes a false arrest settlement for $1.00 against CPD officer Luis Luarenzana.[46]

Canada

Canada has also lost millions of dollars to police misconduct settlements. Toronto, in particular, has paid $27 million in settlements for actions of police dogs, use of force, false arrests, and car chases.[47] The biggest settlement was for $2 million when a taxi driver, Ali Adaba Ghomi, was hit by a car fleeing from police and was taken to the hospital in critical condition.[47] In October 2007 members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) tased Robert Dziekanski, ultimately killing him.[48] The settlement in Dziekanski's case was confidential, although it was revealed that the RCMP in addition to the cost of the settlement also donated $20,000 for a scholarship.[48]

South Africa

In 2011, Nathi Mthethwa, the South African Police Minister disclosed that across the country more than R106m ($7,153,276) was paid in police misconduct settlements due to actions of the South African Police Service (SAPS) in the 2010-2011 fiscal year.[49] According to financial statements of SAPS, the financial balance of civil claims against the South African Police at the conclusion of the 2012 fiscal year totaled R14.8 billion ($998,651,608).[50] In one of the more notable cases, Mido Macia was dragged by a police van, and assaulted by police in 2013 in Daveyton, South Africa, the event was caught on camera, and Macia later died while in the custody of police. On 21 November 2018, his family received R6.5m ($439,110.75) in a lawsuit settlement.[51]

Russia

The cost of police misconduct in Russia comes in the form of bribery. In 2015, Russia Police reported the average amount per bribe had reached 654,000 rubles (US$9,105.18).[52] Russia has attempted to crack down on the situation, in 2015, between January and September, Russian President Vladimir Putin reported that 8,800 people were convicted of corruption.[52] On a 5,000 kilometer route, truck drivers can expect to pay anywhere from 50,000 ($786) to 70,000 rubles ($1,101.45) on bribes to police officers.[52]

Oversight

Hong Kong and New York City

The Hong Kong and New York City police departments, both of which have had issues with police misconduct and corruption, have approached the problem in different ways. For corruption, Hong Kong created an external agency which investigates corruption, while New York reviews corruption through an internal department, although the information is reported to a monitoring commission. New York also uses "integrity checks" in which an officer's integrity is tested through an opportunity for corruption. For misconduct, Hong Kong reviews complaints internally with a monitoring commission while New York has created the New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board (NYCCCRB) which investigates and makes a formal recommendation to the commissioner.[53] The disciplinary records of police in New York State are confidential.

Norway

The Special Unit for Police Affairs (SUPA) was established on 1 January 2005. In 2006 the unit received 904 complaints, of which 101 led to indictment. Of these 26 ended with the issuance of a fine, 8 cases criminal charges were brought, 64 went to trial, and 3 cases were given "påtaleunnlatelse" (no charges despite misconduct likely took place). Four police officers alone were responsible for 63 of the 101 cases. In September 2007, Jan Egil Presthus, Director of SUPA, stated to the Oslo newspaper Dagsavisen that investigations of police conduct involving death are going to be posted on the Internet. He states that total openness will strengthen the publics confidence in the unit's integrity and impartiality.[citation ^needed] This came following Dagsavisen in June 2007 publishing an overview of police cases with a deadly outcome. The article showed that in the ten most serious cases after the establishment of the SUPA all charges against the police were eventually dropped.[citation ^needed]

A media discourse focusing on deaths incurred during police arrests and transports continued in Norway throughout 2007, and Presthus counts this as one factor triggering the initiative to publish ongoing investigations on the Internet.[citation ^needed] The cases will be presented on the web pages of SUPA, in a way that preserves the anonymity of officers and other parties involved where deemed necessary.[54]

United States

See also: Police brutality in the United States, Police riots in the United States, and Henry A. Wallace Police Crime Public Database

In the United States, access to police disciplinary records vary from state to state.[55] The Murder of George Floyd encouraged some US states to make police disciplinary records public.[56] The U.S. government does not regularly collect data on police misconduct. One attempt to track misconduct is the Cato Institute's National Police Misconduct Reporting Project, which estimates misconduct rates using newspaper reports.[57] The project's data suggest that police are more likely than the average person to commit a number of crimes including assault, sexual assault, and murder, but less likely to commit robbery.[58] The NPMSRP projects that roughly 1 in 4.7 officers will be implicated in an act of misconduct during the course of their career.[59] In the United States, the exclusionary rule means that evidence gathered through misconduct is sometimes inadmissible in court.

The Black Panther Party sought to oppose police brutality through neighborhood patrols. Police officers were often followed by armed Black Panthers, who at times came to aid African-Americans who were victims of brutality and racial prejudice. Groups like Copwatch continue to use the patrol method in communities, often using video cameras to document them.[60]

In a 2004 United States survey of the public's opinions on accountability in reforming police, most members of the public wanted an "early warning system" that flags officers who have received many complaints, video cameras on police cars, detailed records of police stops, and citizen review boards.[61] Citizen review of police has been an issue, with law enforcement concerned that citizens reviewing their actions do not understand the procedures they operate by and the citizen review board advocates arguing that the law enforcement "code of silence" requires that they have input into the disciplinary action. As of 2003, three-fourths of the United States' largest cities had citizen review boards.[62] Early warning systems are procedures designed to identify and address issues of problem officers, as around 10% of officers are theorized to cause 90% of the problems. Early warning systems were recommended by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in 1981, and by 1999 an estimated 27% of police agencies serving populations of over 50,000 people had implemented these programs. The systems collect data such as complaints, which triggers an intervention at a certain point. After the intervention, the officer is monitored as a follow-up.[11]

It had been argued that civil liability could create new deterrents to police misconduct.[63] Following major liability settlements in the Breonna Taylor and George Floyd cases insurance companies began to significantly raise rates for liability insurance. Insurance companies also began to inquire about the practices of the law enforcement agencies requesting insurance and requiring modification of their practices as a condition of obtaining coverage.[64] Police commissioners and citizen review boards have been cited as institutions that can help reduce police misconduct.[65] There is some variation as to how much access the civilian reviewers are given to internal police documents and personnel files.[66] Decertification of police has been cited as another possible remedy.[67] Surveys suggest that officers are aware of the detrimental impacts of police misconduct and hold strong opinions as to what strategies are preferable.[68] The exclusionary rule has been one classic deterrent to obtaining evidence through police misconduct, but it is proposed that it be replaced with restitution to victims of misconduct.[69]

United Kingdom

England and Wales

The Police Complaints Board was founded in 1977 to oversee the handling of complaints. This was succeeded by the Police Complaints Authority and the Independent Police Complaints Commission. The current police misconduct authority is the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC), which was created in 2018. The IOPC investigate only the most serious matters, with the majority of complaints and misconduct cases handled internally by the respective force.[70] In the 2018/19 financial year, 31,097 complaint cases were recorded by police forces in England and Wales.[71]

Northern Ireland

Complaints about the Police Service of Northern Ireland are handled by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland.[72]

Scotland

The Scottish Police Investigations and Review Commissioner oversees complaints about Police Scotland.[73]

Noted cases

see pdf

controversy

See also: Police misconduct § United States

Inspector General audits

An audit by the Office of Inspector General (OIG) (November 2010) of the Justice Department found "weaknesses in the USMS's efforts to secure federal court facilities in the six USMS district offices we visited".[86] The report found, among other things, that the Marshals Service's Judicial Security Division had contracted private security firms to provide Court Security Officers without having completed background checks. Another incident involved the Marshals Service awarding a $300 million contract to a security guard company named USProtect Corporation, which had a known history of numerous criminal activities leading to convictions for mail fraud and bank fraud and false insurance claims in addition to a civil judgment against its chief financial officer. Technical problems included court security officers not being properly trained on security screening equipment, which also meant equipment not being used. The OIG noted that in February 2009, several courthouses failed to detect mock explosives sent by Marshals Service Headquarters in order to test security procedures. They also found that 18% of court security officers had outdated firearms qualifications.

Internal thefts

In January 2007, Deputy U.S. Marshal John Thomas Ambrose was charged with theft of Justice Department property, disclosure of confidential information, and lying to federal agents during an investigation. Deputy Ambrose had been in charge of protecting mobster-turned-informant Nicholas Calabrese, who was instrumental in sending three mob bosses to prison for life.[87] A federal jury convicted Ambrose on April 27, 2009, of leaking secret government information concerning Calabrese to William Guide, a family friend and former Chicago police officer who had also served time in prison for corruption. Ambrose also was convicted of theft of government property but acquitted of lying to federal agents.[88] On October 27, 2009, Ambrose was sentenced to serve four years in prison.[89]

On March 26, 2009, the body of Deputy U.S. Marshal Vincent Bustamante was discovered in Juárez, Mexico, according to the Marshals Service. Bustamante, who was accused of stealing and pawning government property, was a fugitive from the law at the time of his death. Chihuahua State Police said the body had multiple wounds to the head – apparently consistent with an execution-style shooting.[90]

Racial discrimination

In 1998, retired Chief Deputy U.S. Marshal Matthew Fogg won a landmark EEO and Title VII racial discrimination and retaliation lawsuit against the Justice Department, for which he was awarded $4 million. The jury found the entire Marshals Service to be a "racially hostile environment" which discriminates against black employees in its promotion practices. U.S. District Judge Thomas Penfield Jackson summarized the jurors' decision by stating that they felt there was an "atmosphere of racial disharmony and mistrust within the United States Marshal Service".[91][92] As of 2011, Fogg is president of "Bigots with Badges",[92] and executive director of CARCLE (Congress Against Racism and Corruption in Law Enforcement), and is also associated with Law Enforcement Against Prohibition (LEAP), a drug law reform organization of law enforcement officers.[93]

In September 2023, U.S. Marshals Service settled a $15 million, nearly 30-year-old EEOC class action lawsuit filed by Matthew Fogg in January, 1994, alleging discrimination against African-American Deputy U.S. Marshal applicants, employees and Detention Officers with regard to hiring, promotions, recruitment and headquarter assignments.[94]

Ruby Ridge

Main article: Ruby Ridge standoff

The Department of Justice under Janet Reno acknowledged wrongdoing in U.S. marshals' decisions surrounding a firefight at Ruby Ridge in 1992, where a deputy U.S. marshal shot 14-year-old Samuel Weaver in the back. Afterwards, deputy U.S. marshals became involved in a gunfight with Weaver's father, who was wanted on a federal warrant for failure to appear, and another person. Deputy U.S. marshals dispute this claim. Deputy U.S. marshal Billy Degan was killed during a surveillance operation after identifying himself as a federal agent. This led to an extended gunfight in which both sides fired several rounds. Samuel Weaver was shot and killed. His body was taken to a small building for more than a week and an autopsy was unable to determine entry and exit wounds (see Idaho Federal Court Transcripts for clarification of this incident).[citation ^needed] Newsweek described the incident as "one of the most shameful episodes in the history of American law enforcement".[95]

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