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Beveridge Report

<p>climate of opinion had changed about the role of education in the falling birth-rate.

For in 1940 there were still those who argued that "even if free secondary education

were State-provided for all children instead of for the miserable ten or twelve per

cent who receive it today, little improvement would be seen" [5]. But Churchill's

subsequent omission of any mention of an Education Bill in the King's speech led

Beveridge's brother-in-law, Professor Tawney, to launch the Council for Educational

Advance to rectify such an omission [6].

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W. H. G. Armytage

Muscled by the T.U.C., the N.U.T., the W.E.A. and the Co-operative Union, its

twelve-point programme [7] carried the argument beyond the facile opportunism

afforded by falling numbers (two million less than in 1918) to re-organise the

schools and reduce the size of classes. And it was seen by the Journal of Education

as "making it plain that the birth rate in England is too low, and that it is in

everbody's interest to secure the physical and mental welfare of every child,

however humbly born" [8].

For R. H. Tawney, its chairman, had in 1940 introduced a study part-authored

by a research associate of the Population Investigation Committee in which "the

nemesis of a plutocratic educational system" was described as "the adjustment not

of education to the needs of the children but of the number of children to the

limitations of education" [9].

Just how far such sentiments had sunk into other journals aiming 'to lead rather

than to follow' can be seen in the Economist's editorial on 'Happy Families?', which

expected little from the Beveridge plan to bring about a rise in fertility as:

"social security means exactly what it says: security against want, the

maintenance of a minimum standard, but not the provision of a higher

standard".

• Stressing the connection between increased production and adequate manpower, it

urged that the Beveridge plan for children's allowances should have physical

counterparts in houses and schools of an adequate standard. And on schools it used

words suspiciously like Tawney's by arguing for:

"increasing the standard; not of restricting the children to the opportunities

available but of making far more opportunities available" [10].</p>