In Consciousness Explained, (Dennett, 1991) I described a method, heterophenomenology, which was explicitly designed to be...
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In Consciousness Explained, (Dennett, 1991) I described a method,
heterophenomenology, which was explicitly designed to be
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the neutral path leading from objective physical science and its insistence on the
third-person point of view, to a method of phenomenological description that can (in
principle) do justice to the most private and ineffable subjective experiences, while
never abandoning the methodological principles of science. (CE, p72.)
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How does it work? We start with recorded raw data. Among these are the vocal sounds
people make (what they say, in other words), but to these verbal reports must be added all
the other manifestations of belief, conviction, expectation, fear, loathing, disgust,
etc., including any and all internal conditions (e.g. brain activities, hormonal
diffusion, heart rate changes, etc.) detectable by objective means.
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I guess I should take some of the blame for the misapprehension, in some
quarters, that heterophenomenology restricts itself to verbal reports. Nothing could be
further from the truth. Verbal reports are different from all other sorts of raw data
precisely in that they admit of (and require, according to both heterophenomenology and
the 1st-person point of view) interpretation as speech acts, and subsequent assessment as
expressions of belief about a subject’s “private” subjective state. And so my discussion
of the methodology focused on such verbal reports in order to show how they are captured
within the fold of standard scientific (“3rd-person”) data. But all other such data, all
behavioral reactions, visceral reactions, hormonal reactions, and other changes in
physically detectable state are included within heterophenomenology. I thought that went
without saying, but apparently these additional data are often conveniently overlooked by
critics of heterophenomenology.
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From the recorded verbal utterances, we get transcripts (e.g., in English
or French, or whatever), from which in turn we devise interpretations of the subjects’
speech acts, which we thus get to treat as (apparent) expressions of their beliefs, on all
topics. Thus using the intentional stance (Dennett, 1971, 1987), we construct therefrom
the subject’s heterophenomenological world. We move, that is, from raw data to
interpreted data: a catalogue of the subjects’ convictions, beliefs, attitudes, emotional
reactions, . . . (together with much detail regarding the circumstances in which these
intentional states are situated), but then we adopt a special move, which distinguishes
heterophenomenology from the normal interpersonal stance: the subjects’ beliefs (etc.) are
all bracketed for neutrality.
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Why? Because of two failures of overlap, which we may label false positive
and false negative. False positive: Some beliefs that subjects have about their own
conscious states are provably false, and hence what needs explanation in these cases is
the etiology of the false belief.
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For instance, most people–naive people–think their visual fields are roughly uniform in
visual detail or grain all the way out to the periphery. Even sophisticated cognitive
scientists can be startled when they discover just how poor their capacity is to identify
a peripherally located object (such as a playing card held at arm’s length). It certainly
seems as if our visual consciousness is detailed all the way out all the time, but easy
experiments show that it isn’t. (Our color vision also seems to extend all the way out,
but similar experiments show that it doesn’t.) So the question posed by the
heterophenomenologist is:
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Why do people think their visual fields are detailed all the way out?
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not this question:
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How come, since people’s visual fields are detailed all the way out, they can’t identify
things parafoveally?
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