Sapone, ML
<p>Mary Lou Sapone
and
the
Brady
Campaign</p><p>===</p><p><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</em></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Fran Tutt set up by Perceptions Int'l, set up by self appt expert Jan Reber; paid Sapone and Marc Mead to befriend; he was told by PI when to bring bomb to US Surgical 51-2. tape of tutt played at trial, but goadings etc left out 52 offers of $</em></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">---</em></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">In the late 1990s, Greenpeace was working with environmental groups in the stretch of Louisiana dubbed "Cancer Alley," organizing against various forms of industry pollution. Its work there and that of its Louisiana partners became another target for BBI. In 1998, according to BBI emails, correspondence, and records, BBI retained Mary Lou Sapone, a self-described "research consultant," who recruited a paid operative in Louisiana to infiltrate an environmental group called CLEAN. Sapone had something of a talent for infiltrating activist groups. In the late 1980s, working for a security firm called Perceptions International, which was, in turn, working for the U.S. Surgical Corporation, she penetrated a Connecticut-based animal-rights group, gathering evidence on an activist who would later serve jail time for planting a pipe bomb near the parking space of the company's CEO. The activist would eventually accused Sapone of coaxing her into the plot.</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">
</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">Sapone's operative in Louisiana relayed to her information on what the local enviros were planning, provided gossip on the internal rivalries, and identified the scientists aiding the groups. She passed the intelligence to BBI. In an August 20, 1998 "client briefing," BBI boasted that "our operative is being nominated to the citizen action panels for local industries" and it asked which local industry Condea Vista, the chemical manufacturing firm, would prefer the operative to focus on. (The previous year, Condea Vista had lost a lawsuit brought by the residents of Lake Charles, Louisiana, against the company for the 1994 ethylene dichloride leak and had been slapped with a $7 million judgment.) Another BBI document noted, "The operative has been trained to be inquiring, but not participatory. Operatives are not allowed to offer suggestions or `help' targets in any way. They are trained to seek documents, ID friends and foe legislators and regulators, follow money trails, ID informants, discover future targets."</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">
</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">BBI produced detailed confidential reports for Ketchum on the environmental activism underway in Louisiana. And BBI records indicate that the firm worked for Nichols-Dezenhall on a "Condea Vista Project." Citing "strict confidentiality agreements," Dezenhall will not say whether his firm worked with Condea Vista (or any other company), but he notes in an email, "It would be extremely damaging and wrong…to interpret or portray the term 'operative,' a generic term often used by investigators and former law enforcement types to mean an individual, as implying someone necessarily engaged in illicit actions such as corporate espionage." (Sapone did not respond to a message requesting comment.)</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">
</p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;">Penetrating a citizens group was not a new endeavor for BBI. In 1996 and 1997 in northern California, where Browning-Ferris Industries was engaged in a battle over the future of a garbage dump, BBI conducted what its records labeled "covert monitoring" and "intelligence gathering" on the North Valley Coalition, a citizens group opposed to the Browning-Ferris project. In September 1997, BBI received a payment of $198,881.05 from BFI.</p><em style="font-size: small; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
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