Ramhurst

<h3>---</h3><div>Control the GOP Congress. The tobacco industry played a crucial role in the "Republican revolution." As Peter H. Stone reports, campaign contributions and a revolving door of operatives— working jointly for tobacco and for key Congress members—have locked the industry and the top Republican leadership in a tight embrace (see The Nicotine Network [3]). For instance, Stone relates how Majority Whip Tom DeLay has put a tobacco operative in charge of his main political organization, ARMPAC.  mojo 1996</div><div>==</div>

<h1 class="gb-volume-title" dir="ltr">Mother Jones Magazine May-Jun 1996</h1>

Nicotine Network

<h1 class="print-title" style=" margin-bottom: .2em;">The Nicotine Network</h1>

<div class="dek" style=" font-style: italic; margin-bottom: .5em;">How Big Tobacco and Republican congressional leaders help each other gain power.</div>

By <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/authors/peter-h-stone" rel="author">Peter H. Stone</a> | Tue Apr. 30, 1996 11:00 PM PDT

Just four blocks from the headquarters of RJR Nabisco in Winston-Salem, N.C., is a small company called the Ramhurst Corp., which has been playing an instrumental role in the beleaguered tobacco behemoth's political fortunes. Its key mission: to quash the biggest political and financial challenges the tobacco industry has ever faced--from federal efforts to regulate tobacco at the Food and Drug Administration to state attempts to impose excise taxes and smoking restrictions.

Launched in 1993 with the support of RJR, Ramhurst--which coordinates many of its activities closely with RJR--combines "grassroots" lobbying with inside-the-Beltway influence-peddling. "Grassroots" coalitions have become a vital tool for tobacco's survival because of the industry's increasingly negative public image. By forming coalitions with business groups, conservative activist organizations, and other industries, tobacco companies like RJR obtain useful cover and, in effect, go from being a "black hat" to a "white hat" in the political world.

</div>

Ramhurst occupies a special niche among grassroots organizers for tobacco, however: Its operatives have also forged ties with some of the most powerful GOP leaders in Washington, including Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole, House Majority Leader Dick Armey, and Arizona Rep. John Shadegg, Newt Gingrich's hand-picked choice to succeed him as director of the powerful political action committee GOPAC.

Most significantly, a key Ramhurst operative has been tapped to head House Majority Whip Tom DeLay's leadership PAC, considered by many the pre-eminent fundraising vehicle in the GOP, after Newt Gingrich's money machine.

</div>

<div class="print-source_url">Source URL: <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1996/05/nicotine-network">http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1996/05/nicotine-network</a>

<h1 class="title">The Nicotine Network (cont'd)</h1>

</div>

—By <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/authors/peter-h-stone" rel="author">Peter H. Stone</a>

<div id="dateline">| <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/toc/1996/05">May/June 1996 Issue</a></div></div>

<pre>M A R R Y I N G G R A S S R O O T S & I N F L U E N C E - P E D D L I N G

</pre>

Ramhurst grew out of an earlier operation, set up by RJR executive Mike Phillips in the mid-1980s. Phillips' team hosted dozens of smokers' rights group meetings around the country; those groups grew rapidly and were coordinated by an RJR team of field operatives and consultants, some of whom had strong backgrounds in conservative and GOP politics.

Two of these operatives, James Ellis, 39, and Doug Goodyear, 36, came up with the idea of launching Ramhurst in late 1993. Ellis, who had worked for Paul Weyrich's ultraconservative Free Congress Foundation before going to RJR in the late '80s, became Ramhurst's president; Goodyear, a former GOP political operative in Colorado and New Jersey, became the company's vice president and treasurer. Ramhurst is secretive about some pertinent details--such as how much money it receives from RJR yearly, and the size of the RJR mailing lists it taps to develop its campaigns.

</div>

<a href="http://www.motherjones.com/about/advertising/contact-form">Advertise on MotherJones.com</a>

</div>

From its inception, Ramhurst worked to refine the grassroots lobbying techniques used by RJR and the tobacco company's longtime consultant, Walt Klein & Associates. But to help RJR get more bang for its buck, Ramhurst married that strategy to some aggressive influence-peddling within the GOP.

T H E D E L A Y C O N N E C T I O N

</pre>

Ramhurst, which has a full-time staff of just three, boasts a sophisticated nationwide network of about two dozen independent contractors who help mobilize coalitions of smokers, conservative activists, and business allies to block regulations and expensive new taxes on tobacco products. These operatives, some of whom have their own firms, spend about half their time handling Ramhurst work for RJR and several other business and political clients; the rest of the time, they're free to conduct their own grassroots work. In fact, several of Ramhurst's grassroots gurus also are playing growing roles in the political fortunes and campaigns of leading GOP members.

The biggest coup for Ramhurst so far has been its relationship with Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Texas). Last summer, DeLay's leadership PAC, Americans for a Republican Majority (ARMPAC), contracted with Ramhurst to hire its operative Karl Gallant, a former lobbyist for the anti-union National Right to Work Committee and an old friend of DeLay's. ARMPAC named Gallant, who continues to work for Ramhurst, as its executive director. His hiring represents a kind of package deal: When DeLay does fundraising appearances around the country, Gallant can call on other Ramhurst operatives to help out.

Nor is this Gallant's first connection to top congressional Republicans. In the second half of 1994, Gallant had an outside consulting contract with Bob Dole's leadership PAC, Campaign America, advising the PAC on which GOP candidates to support in Pennsylvania and Ohio.

The Ramhurst-DeLay connection has already yielded dividends for both. In December, DeLay figured prominently among the 156 members of Congress who signed letters opposing FDA regulation of tobacco. Meanwhile, the tobacco money flowing into ARMPAC has helped DeLay become the most successful--and influential--fundraiser in the GOP Congress after Newt Gingrich. By doling out hundreds of thousands of dollars from ARMPAC to Republican candidates in need, DeLay has dramatically increased his clout with fellow Republicans.

Part of ARMPAC's power comes from its unique structure as both a federal and a state PAC. That flexibility has allowed RJR to direct huge corporate contributions in at least one state--Virginia--in an effort to gain political ground for tobacco interests in the state legislature. Last year, ARMPAC raised at least $175,000 from corporations in Virginia to support GOP candidates. A whopping $73,000 came from RJR, and Philip Morris also kicked in $10,000.

Virginia--in the heart of tobacco country--was not picked as a battleground by accident. Two PACs run by GOP leaders and some big business PACs invested heavily in the state's Republican challengers because the legislature, long under Democratic control, seemed as though it might be up for grabs and could become even more tobacco-friendly. ARMPAC gave $27,500 to 15 GOP candidates for the Virginia legislature and reported that it spent about $48,000 on fundraising expenses. (Only two of the 15 candidates backed by ARMPAC won seats, and the effort to take control of the legislature failed.)

This year, ARMPAC has already made contributions to GOP challengers in a few states, including California, Kentucky, and Tennessee, where the Republicans hope to gain more seats. To keep its coffers well stocked, DeLay held a big bash in Houston in January to honor Gingrich; the event pulled in about $280,000. Gallant and ARMPAC also plan to be active at the August GOP convention in San Diego.

Where else will ARMPAC be at work? Gallant declined to discuss his activities for Ramhurst with Mother Jones. Last year, he told the National Journal that ARMPAC will comply with all regulations about reporting donations in states that require it. But he made it clear that he is hardly going to provide information where the law doesn't mandate it. "Why give the enemy your blueprint for action?Ó he asked. "We're not going to unilaterally disarm."

O T H E R F R I E N D S I N C O N G R E S S

</pre>

Like Gallant, other Ramhurst operatives have capitalized on the company's loose structure to develop ties to the top echelon of the GOP Congress:

<li>Dole, besides having employed Gallant as a consultant, has long turned to grassroots specialist Tom Synhorst for campaign advice. Synhorst, who runs the Kansas City-based telemarketing company Direct Connect, is also one of Ramhurst's most important operatives. Direct Connect works for Ramhurst in several states, including Missouri, Iowa, Kansas, and Nebraska.</li>

<li>Ramhurst's Gallant was retained to consult and raise funds for the campaign coffers of freshman Rep. John Shadegg (R-Ariz.). Shadegg's star rose last year when he became chairman of GOPAC, the powerful PAC formerly run by Speaker Newt Gingrich. (According to Common Cause, RJR has also aided GOPAC, with contributions of at least $50,000 in recent years.)</li>

<li>For extra political cachet, Ramhurst last year signed on David Armey, the 20-something son of House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Texas), as an operative. "We're looking for new blood all the time," says Mike Phillips, RJR's director of field operations who oversees Ramhurst. "He's a sharp kid."</li>

</ul>

Thus far, Armey (who didn't return Mother Jones' phone calls) has worked on local issues in a few states, including Texas, Florida, and Montana, according to Phillips. One of his first battles was in Texas last spring, where he helped drum up support for an unsuccessful effort to overturn a local smoking ban in Wichita Falls (see <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1996/05/brokaw.html#texas">"Texas"</a>).

" G R A S S R O O T S " C A M P A I G N S

</pre>

In addition to creating close ties with GOP politicians, Ramhurst also has been artful at linking tobacco interests to other, more broad-based efforts. According to RJR's Phillips, as much as 75 percent of Ramhurst's work is at the state level. During 1994, for example, Ramhurst and RJR took part in the successful all-out assault by GOP, business, and conservative groups nationwide to kill the Clinton proposal that would have raised excise taxes 75 cents per pack to pay for health care reform.

"We held meetings with smokers and retailers," recalls Goodyear, Ramhurst's vice president. "We did town hall meetings with congressmen. We encouraged letters to members. I think that was one of our biggest accomplishments. Tobacco looked like it was going to take a big hit."

Ramhurst also maximized RJR's political leverage by working with powerful trade associations like the National Federation of Independent Business Inc., Washington's top small-business lobbying group. In the 1994 elections, NFIB retained Ramhurst to organize in about 14 congressional districts where NFIB hoped to elect GOP candidates.

Increasingly, Ramhurst is working with anti-tax groups, including Americans for Tax Reform, the National Taxpayers Union, and Citizens for a Sound Economy, says Goodyear. Last year, for example, Ramhurst helped derail a proposed New Jersey excise tax hike backed by Republican Gov. Christine Todd Whitman. Key to Ramhurst's success was forming alliances with groups opposed to taxes in general. "We try to reach out to like-minded people," says Goodyear. "Anti-tax groups are natural ones for us to reach out to."

Some of these groups, besides being ideological foes of tax hikes, have also been funded by the tobacco industry. Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), which led the New Jersey lobbying drive, received between $100,000 and $200,000 from Philip Morris in the early '90s. RJR also gave CSE an unknown amount of direct funds and provided the group with the use of its field operatives to fight the Clinton health plan. Similarly, the National Taxpayers Union, which has an annual budget of about $5 million, has received "significant" contributions from Philip Morris, according to director David Keating.

T H E M O V E T O T H E S T A T E S

</pre>

Though it has grown quickly, the Ramhurst operation still remains just one facet of Big Tobacco's multimillion- dollar-a-year jihad against government efforts to control tobacco. For Ramhurst and the tobacco industry, the stakes keep getting higher and the fights more intense. "The nature of the battle keeps changing," says Goodyear.

One of the most significant challenges the industry faces is the recent proliferation of local efforts to control tobacco. Victor Crawford, a former lobbyist for tobacco interests who became an anti-smoking advocate, summed up the problem in an interview early this year. "We started getting killed when the consumers started moving from the national level to the state and local levels," recalled Crawford, a longtime chain-smoker who died of lung and throat cancer in March. "We started getting a shellacking."

Peter H. Stone covers lobbying and campaign finance issues for the National Journal.

</div>

</div>

<h3>---

</h3>

<h3>Historical context for tobacco industry third-party efforts</h3>

The tobacco industry historically worked through ‘third-party’ allies<a id="xref-ref-28-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-28">28–32</a> because of its low credibility with the public. By the late 1980s, confronted with increasing success of the local grassroots non-smokers’ rights movement, RJ Reynolds (RJR) and Philip Morris began creating and facilitating ‘smokers’ rights’ groups to oppose smoke-free laws.<a id="xref-ref-28-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-28">28</a> ,<a id="xref-ref-33-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-33">33</a> The smokers’ rights groups were an important component of the tobacco industry's third-party advocacy efforts in the 1980s and early 1990s. A July 1993 Philip Morris draft plan to create what became the National Smokers Alliance (NSA) described the political environment: <q id="disp-quote-1">Lobbying efforts are facing increasing difficulty. Even national representatives from tobacco states are losing heart for defending smokers’ rights and sustaining the tobacco industry. The power of the vested interest of the tobacco industry has not been fully brought to bear in sustaining smokers [sic] rights.<a id="xref-ref-34-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-34">34</a></q>

As of 2012, key personnel from the smokers’ rights groups had founded or worked at firms that consulted for Tea Party groups (<a id="xref-fig-1-3" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>).

In the 1990s, RJR's smokers’ rights groups were organised through a network of field coordinators who recruited members, held meetings and provided meeting agendas, letters to editors and elected officials, a telephone script for contacting elected officials and petitions.<a id="xref-ref-33-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-33">33</a> By the mid-1990s, RJR was using public relations firms Ramhurst and Walt Klein & Associates to help coordinate their smokers’ rights groups. Ramhurst was formed in 1993 with support from RJR and run by former RJR smokers’ rights group coordinators, James Ellis and Doug Goodyear<a id="xref-ref-35-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-35">35</a> ,<a id="xref-ref-36-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-36">36</a> (past vice president of Walt Klein & Associates in North Carolina, see online supplementary table S2). By 1994 Ramhurst was coordinating RJR's smokers’ rights groups, providing ‘the field personnel necessary to implement and execute various programmes and activities related to RJR's national grassroots programme,’<a id="xref-ref-37-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-37">37</a> with Walt Klein & Associates providing ‘ancillary services necessary to support the field force.’<a id="xref-ref-37-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-37">37</a>

Tobacco Education Center

RJR's Field Force Included a Former Aide to Governor Romer (2000)

<dt>Subj: RJR's Field Force Unravelled #1

</dt>

<dt>Date: Monday, March 20, 2000 12:45:46 PM

</dt>

<dt>From:

</dt>

</dl>

<dt>Title: Public Issues 1994 Plans (940000)

</dt>

<dt>Doc # 51253 1448 (PART 1)

</dt>

<dt>Web site: http://www.rjrtdocs.com</dt></dl>

This document unravels RJ Reynolds field force in 1994, including the names and assignments of field operatives that where in charge of coordinating and developing the smokers' rights movement in various states and how much they were paid. Many of these RJR operatives, their activities, and some internal documents were mentioned in the 1996 May/June issue of Mother Jones. Now, we have an opportunity to see the specifics.

Note of Interest: Mike Stratton and Rick Reiter are both from Colorado. Stratton was a political aide to former Governor Roy Romer.

Since this document is hard to scan, I am providing some highlights only. Next week, I'll have the field operatives and their salaries and share information on RJR recruited truck drivers.

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Pete Bialick

</dt>

<dt>GASP of Colorado, GASPCO@aol.com</dt>

</dl>

---

<h4 class="main">RJR PUBLIC ISSUES 1994 PLANS</h4>

Budget Summary:

1. Field Force $2,605,000

<dt>The Ramhurst Company

</dt>

<dt>Field Force Compensation $1,345,600

</dt>

<dt>Field Force Expenses 773,000

</dt>

<dt>Agency Fees/Overhead 364, 300</dt>

</dl>

Stratton, Reiter, Dupree and Durante

<dt>Mike Stratton

</dt>

<dt>Fee $72,000

</dt>

<dt>Expenses 20,000</dt>

</dl>

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Rick Reiter

</dt>

<dt>Fee $22,500

</dt>

<dt>Expenses 7,600</dt>

</dl>

2. Morning Team $1,000,000

3. Training Programs $380,000 (broken down in the document)

4. Field Desk 325,000

5, Newsletters 60,000

6. SRG (Smokers' Rights Groups) Materials/Fulfillment 75,000

7. Coalitions 290,000

8. New Program Development/Contingency 50,000

TOTAL 1994 FIELD PROGRAM BUDGET: $4,765,000

<h4 class="main">ORGANIZATIONAL OVERVIEW</h4>

"... the two principals of The Ramhurst Corporation, James Ellis and Doug Goodyear, will be responsible for the day-to-day management of consultants assigned to the program."

"The Ramhurst Co will contract with Walt Klein & Associates for ancillary services necessary to support the field force."

1. FlELD FORCE ($2,605,000)

Consists of 18 members of its field force to RJR's national grassroots program, 12 in assigned regions.

Responsibilities include "executing tactical programs on federal, state or local issues, developing a network of smokers' rights groups and other coalition partners within the region that will speak out on issues important to the Company: implementing training and communication programs designed to inform activists and maintain their ongoing involvement in the grassroots movement."

TWO additional consultants hired specifically for Massachusetts and North Carolina

Stratton, Reiter, Dupree & Durante to provide special services including consulting, training programs, and consulting.

2. Morning Team $1,000,000

"Coordinates all grassroots activities against issues at the local level and state level."

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Lists issues expected in 1994 including:

</dt>

<dd>State excise tax fights in 25 to 30 states.

</dd>

<dd>Attempts to pass local preemption in 6 to 8 states.

</dd>

<dd>Attempts to strengthen existing clean indoor air laws in 8 to 10 states.</dd>

</dl>

3. SR (Smokers' Rights) Rapid Deployment Meetings $135,000

"Organizational meetings will be issue-driven. Meetings will be held to organize smokers around a local or state issue or to activate them in a key congressional district... plan budgets for 75 meetings at $1,800 each."

4. Statewide SR (Smokers' Rights) Conventions $60,000 Calls for SR conventions in 1994 in 20 priority states at $3,000 a meeting. Curriculum to include issue to emerge, media strategies, planning.

5. Sales/Retail Training Seminars $90,000 Like the SR meetings these are held to organize members of the trade at $3,000 each.

6. Media training Seminars $75,000 "Hold three media training seminars in W-S, primarily for EAGLE Alliance activists or for SR leaders who are near Dave Brenton caliber. Program will train these coalition partners to speak out on issue important to our mutual interests." Also discusses using Virgil Scudder & Associates or other trainers.

7. Field Desk $325,000 Walk Klein & Associates to handle logistics.

8. Regional SR (Smokers' Rights) Newsletters $60,000 "Produce and distribute region-specific, quarterly newsletters for smokers rights activists around the country." 4 rounds at $15,000 per round.

<hr />

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Subj: RJR's Field Force Unravelled #2

</dt>

<dt>Date: Monday, March 20, 2000 12:48:02 PM</dt></dl>

RJ Reynolds spent more than $2,000,000 in 1994 to employ its field force. This is about half of their 1994 deployment budget. You can find out more about the activities these operatives engaged in at the RJR document site http://www.rjrtdocs.com/ Click on the 'Basic Search' button and in the first field type ('Combined Text') enter the name of the field coordinator with the last name first followed by the first letter of the first name. For instance, type in 'Gallagher, E' and documents will come up including 'Weekly Reports' that detail local and state smokers' rights actions. Gallagher traveled all over the country speaking at smokers' rights meetings. When I searched 'Fox, W' (RJR Colorado coordinator) I found about a dozen documents including the '1991 Plan for Smokers' Rights Movement in Wyoming' and a number of personal letters to smokers' rights activists who attended an RJR ETS seminar.

I also recommend reading 'Public Issues 1994,' the 43-page document that contains the information provided today.

Last year I circulated an interview with someone who knows one of the Ramhurst operatives. Mr. X stated that the RJR grassroots program is 'second to none.' Some of this outreach, which included truckers, is spelled out in the trade team program (below).

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Pete Bialick

</dt>

<dt>GASP of Colorado GASPCO@aol.com</dt>

</dl>

<hr />

RJR's 1994 Field Force (from the document titled 'Public Issues 1994')

Bob Fackler

Will Fox

Elizabeth Gallagher

Karl Gallant

Greg Graves

Bruce Hennes

John Hoy

Janet Hughes

Martin Mayfield

Susan Mitchell

John Rainey

Yvonne Roberts

Jeff Schmidt

Bob Schuman

Toby Spangler Indiana, Rapid Deployment

Bob Stone

Tom Synhorst

J.J. Vigneault

Ken Walton

<table><tbody><tr><th class="main">Name</th><th class="main">Area</th><th class="main">1994 Compensation</th></tr><tr><td class="main">Pat Buckley</td><td class="main" valign="top">Delaware, District of Columbia, Maryland, West Virginia, Virginia</td><td class="main">$69,190</td></tr><tr><td class="main">Minnesota, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Wisconsin, Wyoming</td><td class="main" valign="top">$75,900</td></tr><tr><td class="main">Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah</td><td class="main">$68,860</td></tr><tr><td class="main">New York, Pennsylvania</td><td class="main" valign="top">$66,550</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">New Jersey, Rapid Deployment</td><td class="main" valign="top">$77,000</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Rapid Deployment</td><td class="main" valign="top">$66,000</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Ohio, Michigan</td><td class="main" valign="top">$64,900</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">California, Nevada</td><td class="main" valign="top">$74,580</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina</td><td class="main" valign="top">$67,650</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Alaska, Idaho, Oregon, Washington</td><td class="main" valign="top">$67,100</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont</td><td class="main" valign="top">$66,000</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Local Issues in North Carolina (6 months)</td><td class="main" valign="top">$33,440</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Assist in Philly Metro, Special Markets, Rapid Deployment</td><td class="main" valign="top">$77,000</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Tennessee, Rapid Deployment</td><td class="main" valign="top">$66,000</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Assist in San Diego, Rapid Deployment</td><td class="main" valign="top">$92,400</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">$67,100</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Local issues in Massachusetts (6 months)</td><td class="main" valign="top">$26,400</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Missouri</td><td class="main" valign="top">$80,300</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Arkansas. Oklahoma. Texas</td><td class="main" valign="top">$71,280</td></tr><tr><td class="main" valign="top">Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi</td><td class="main" valign="top">$67,925</td></tr></tbody></table>

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>Others (listed by last name only)

</dt>

<dt>Bickford $62,500

</dt>

<dt>Brady $58,100

</dt>

</dl>

RJR's 1994 Trade Team (from the document titled 'Public Issues 1994')

1. Direct Accounts Program - Top Accounts ($50,000)

Develop and deliver on a regular basis financial impact statements as to how a taxation or restriction issue will affect business. Develop and deliver an appropriate action/response to fit the issue.

2. National Organizations ($75,000)

Work with executive management and the legislative to insure that tobacco issues are receiving the appropriate attention.

<dd>

</dd>

<dt>NACS

</dt>

<dt>SIGMA

</dt>

<dt>AWMA

</dt>

</dl>

Others possible, pending future development of '94 plans.

3. State Organizations ($50,000) Same as national.

4. Truck stops and truckers ($50,000)

Continue to partner with the National Association of Truck Operators working through their executive and legislative committees. Build on and amplify the Truckers Speak Out for Freedom Program.

5. Media Efforts ($25,000)

Provide follow-up support to media trained executives to address future issues on an on-going basis.

</div>