restoration action uline

c4 c3 shuffle?<div>a superpac of a PAC?!
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</div><div>=[[= OMG evil crypto<a href="https://www.alternet.org/gop-megadonor-citizen-ballot-initiatives/" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.alternet.org/gop-megadonor-citizen-ballot-initiatives/</a>
https://yyy.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jun/23/foundation-government-accountability-democracy an 6 23no lnxThis GOP megadonor is funding efforts to 'derail citizen-led ballot initiatives': reportAlex HendersonJune 23, 2023Over the years, Illinois-based shipping magnates Richard and Elizabeth Uihlein have been major donors to the Republican Party. And these days, they have a preference for far-right MAGA candidates, including 2022 Pennsylvania gubernatorial nominee Doug Mastriano (who lost by double digits to Democratic now-Gov. Josh Shapiro).In 2023, The Guardian reports, Richard Uihlein has been a major funder of a Florida-based group known as the Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) — who are trying to make it more difficult to get initiatives on ballots.The Guardian's Brendan Fischer, in an article published June 23, reports, "These efforts are designed to derail citizen-led ballot initiatives to protect abortion rights, raise the minimum wage or expand Medicaid. In effect, FGA and its allies seek to give 41 percent of the voting population an effective veto over the wishes of the other 59 percent."READ MORE: 'A stark illustration of our broken campaign finance system': Here's how rich mega-doners hacked US politicsFischer notes that in "at least four states," FGA has "lobbied or testified in favor of changing ballot initiative rules to enshrine minority rule."He then explains, "The latest fight is in Ohio, where Republican lawmakers last month passed a measure requiring future constitutional amendments to receive at least 60 percent support from voters — rather than a simple majority — and that would make it harder for proposed amendments to make it on to the ballot. Ohioans will now vote in August on whether to approve the higher thresholds…. FGA's tactics in Ohio echo those used previously — and unsuccessfully — in Arkansas and South Dakota."In 2021, Fischer reports, FGA "issued a legal memo arguing for the constitutionality of a 60 percent requirement for enacting ballot initiatives, and a report decrying how voters in red states like Missouri, Oklahoma and Nebraska had approved Medicaid expansion through the ballot initiative process."READ MORE: Appeals court dismisses GOP megadonor’s lawsuit against Beto O’Rourke: reportThe Guardian's full report is available at this link.
FROM YOUR SITE ARTICLESMeet the billionaire Trump donor pushing for recall of Wisconsin’s governor over stay-at-home order after claiming 'the media is overblowing COVID-19' ›GOP billionaire donor who funded Clarence Thomas’ lavish lifestyle also donated heavily to Sinema, Manchin ›'You sort of just gasp': Clarence Thomas’ billionaire GOP donor hoards Hitler artifacts ›RELATED ARTICLES AROUND THE WEBHow Richard Uihlein became one of the GOP's biggest megadonors ... ›The Most Powerful Conservative Couple You've Never Heard Of ... ›How the Uline Box Empire Has Fueled Election Denial — ProPublica ›
----refno lnxFlorida group primarily funded by an Illinois billionaire is driving the recent attacks on direct democracy in states such as Ohio, Missouri, South Dakota and Arkansas.The Foundation for Government Accountability, a Florida-based group affiliated with the alliance of conservative thinktanks called the State Policy Network, has played a key role in recent efforts to raise the threshold for passing citizen ballot initiatives from a simple majority to a supermajority, and to make it harder to place measures on the ballot in the first place.These efforts are designed to derail citizen-led ballot initiatives to protect abortion rights, raise the minimum wage or expand Medicaid. In effect, FGA and its allies seek to give 41% of the voting population an effective veto over the wishes of the other 59%.In at least four states, FGA and its lobbying arm, the Opportunity Solutions Project, have lobbied or testified in favor of changing ballot initiative rules to enshrine minority rule, and in some cases have financed ballot committees advocating for those changes. FGA has also issued reports, legal memos, op-eds and polling that advocate for gutting direct democracy.The latest fight is in Ohio, where Republican lawmakers last month passed a measure requiring future constitutional amendments to receive at least 60% support from voters – rather than a simple majority – and that would make it harder for proposed amendments to make it on to the ballot. Ohioans will now vote in August on whether to approve the higher thresholds.The controversial plan is designed to derail an abortion rights initiative expected to be on the ballot in November.
Deuel Ross, center, plaintiff’s counsel in Allen v Milligan, speaks with members of the press after oral arguments outside the supreme court on 4 October 2022.]‘Historic and significant’: key lawyer’s verdict on Alabama supreme court rulingRead moreWhen Ohio Republicans first proposed the supermajority requirement last year, a representative of FGA’s lobbying arm was the only person who testified in favor. FGA’s lobbying arm again testified in support of the proposal earlier this year, in hearings before the House and Senate. FGA argued that the proposal was necessary to “make it more difficult for out of state billionaires and dark money groups” to change Ohio law.
As the measure moved through Ohio’s Republican-controlled legislature, the Illinois billionaire Dick Uihlein gave $1.1m to the newly created “Save Our Constitution PAC”, which ran ads pressuring state lawmakers to support the measure; Uihlein is expected to contribute more as the August vote approaches.
A foundation controlled by Uihlein is also the largest known source of FGA’s funding, giving $17.6m since 2014. Uihlein has also been one of the key funders of election denial. Among other things, Uihlein has poured tens of millions into his “Restoration of America” network that promotes ludicrous election conspiracy theories and which created a controversial database that published voters’ personal information online in the name of uncovering election fraud. In the 2022 cycle, Dick Uihlein and his wife, Liz, were also top donors to election-denying candidates like the Pennsylvania gubernatorial hopeful Doug Mastriano and Nevada secretary of state candidate Jim Marchant.
FGA itself began to focus on “election integrity” in 2021, and boasted that it “achieved more than 70 election integrity policy wins across 19 states” last year.
FGA has also been promoting a supermajority requirement in Ohio and other states since at least 2021.
That year, FGA issued a legal memo arguing for the constitutionality of a 60% requirement for enacting ballot initiatives, and a report decrying how voters in red states like Missouri, Oklahoma and Nebraska had approved Medicaid expansion through the ballot initiative process. FGA and its lobbying arm also began testifying in support of state efforts to make it harder to enact ballot measures, and its in-house polling firm released Ohio polling showing voter support for a 60% threshold and for placing other restrictions on the initiative process.
FGA’s tactics in Ohio echo those used previously – and unsuccessfully – in Arkansas and South Dakota.
In Arkansas last year, FGA’s lobbying arm produced a fact sheet, an op-ed and social media posts advocating for Issue 2, which would have raised the ballot initiative threshold to 60%. As the billionaire-backed dark money group warned of “shady groups funded by billionaires you’ve never heard of” pushing ballot measures in Arkansas, it also gave $65,000 to the ballot committee advocating for the supermajority requirement. Arkansas voters defeated the measure by 19 percentage points.
In South Dakota, a representative of FGA’s lobbying arm testified in February 2021 in support of HJR 5003, which would require 60% approval for constitutional amendments. The legislation passed and was placed on the June 2022 ballot, with a goal of thwarting a Medicaid expansion initiative slated for the November 2022 ballot. FGA’s lobbying arm then gave $50,000 to the ballot committee advocating for the supermajority requirement – but voters rejected the measure by 35 points. Later that year, South Dakota voters approved Medicaid expansion.
FGA has also pressed Missouri lawmakers to create new hurdles for the initiative process. In 2021, FGA’s lobbying arm released polling claiming to show public support for “initiative integrity”, then sent a letter to Missouri legislative leadership arguing for a supermajority requirement and other changes to the initiative process. “Without reform,” the letter warned, “[o]ut-of-state billionaires will continue to pump millions of dollars to [promote] destructive, leftist policies like Medicaid expansion.” The group testified in support of Missouri HJR 22 that year, which would have created new requirements for putting measures on the ballot.
FGA’s lobbying arm would go on to testify in support of four different Missouri proposals to erect barriers to the ballot initiative process in 2022, and four more similar proposals this year. The Missouri house passed a measure to raise the initiative threshold, but it unexpectedly failed in the state senate.
This article was produced in partnership with Documented, an investigative watchdog and journalism project. Brendan Fischer is deputy executive director with Documented
LNX...===ref  <a href="https://documented.net/investigations/the-foundation-for-government-accountabilitys-attack-on-voting-rights">https://documented.net/investigations/the-foundation-for-government-accountabilitys-attack-on-voting-rights</a>
the  Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) and its 501(c)(4) arm, the Opportunity Solutions Project, have emerged as key drivers of state policies that undermine the freedom to vote.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">Founded in Florida in 2010, FGA is part of the alliance of state-based think tanks called the <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/is-ikea-the-new-model-for-the-conservative-movement" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;">State Policy Network</a>. Although initially focused on Florida state policy, FGA has since expanded its focus nationwide, and following President Trump’s lies about the 2020 election being “rigged,” added “election integrity” as a top priority in 2021.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">FGA boasted that it “achieved more than 70 election integrity policy wins across 19 states” in 2022, with Missouri enacting 13 of FGA”s “election integrity solutions” and South Carolina passing an election bill “containing 18 of our reforms," <a href="https://documented.net/media/fga-2022-annual-report" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">according to FGA's annual report</a>. In 2021, FGA claimed “65 [election reform] policy victories across 14 states including Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Ohio, and Texas,” according to its <a href="https://documented.net/media/2021-foundation-for-government-accountability-annual-report" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;">2021 annual report</a>.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;" /><p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">FGA is not a grassroots operation; instead, it largely provides technical expertise and support to state lawmakers and advocates. FGA has boasted of its role in helping to craft dozens of election bills, and FGA staff regularly provide expert testimony on election legislation in state legislative hearings—in some cases, FGA staff are the <a href="https://kansasreflector.com/2023/02/01/kansas-ballot-drop-boxes-need-to-be-more-secure-lawmaker-says-comparing-issue-to-9-11/" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">only people testifying</a>.<br style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;" /><p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">In 2023, one of FGA’s top priorities has been blocking states and local communities from enacting ranked choice voting (RCV), a reform that allows voters to rank their preferred candidates and which has long had bipartisan support. FGA has issued multiple reports, talking points, op-eds, and model state bills to block voters from having a ranked choice voting option. FGA has testified in favor of ranked choice voting bans in states like <a href="https://mylrc.sdlegislature.gov/api/Documents/250153.pdf" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">South</a> <a href="https://mylrc.sdlegislature.gov/api/Documents/247166.pdf" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">Dakota</a>, <a href="https://capitol.texas.gov/tlodocs/88R/witlistbill/html/SB00921S.htm" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">Texas</a>, Idaho, and Montana, and reportedly played a key role in thwarting bipartisan RCV reforms in Georgia and Virginia. FGA <a href="https://documented.net/media/fga-2022-annual-report" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;">says</a> that in 2023 it is also focusing on “promoting election integrity reforms to prevent ballot harvesting, enforce existing election laws, and stop outside influence in the election process.”<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;" /><p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">Since 2021, FGA has had a particular focus on promoting “Zuck bucks” laws that ban outside support for under-resourced election offices. Those laws, which have passed in over a dozen states, are a response to conspiracy theories pushed by Trump and his allies alleging Facebook’s CEO and his wife “rigged” the 2020 election by <a href="https://www.apmreports.org/story/2020/12/07/private-grant-money-chan-zuckerburg-election" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">funding</a> a nonprofit that <a href="https://www.protocol.com/policy/zuck-bucks-election" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;">supported</a> local election offices in red, purple, and blue municipalities.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">FGA <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20230227141610/https:/excellenceinpolling.com/about-us/about-fga/" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">launched an in-house polling center in 2021</a>, the “Center for Excellence in Polling,” which has conducted <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/2/https:/excellenceinpolling.com/topic/election-integrity/" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">polling on "election integrity" in dozens of states</a>, as well as <a href="https://gop.com/blog/real-clear-politics-results-are-in-republican-election-integrity-efforts-workop-ed/" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">widely cited</a> <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20220924162121/https:/thefga.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Secure-Voter-Registration-Brief.pdf" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;">polling</a> and messaging guidance to shape public support for restrictive voting laws.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;" /><p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">FGA’s single largest financial backer is a foundation controlled by billionaire Dick Uihlein, who has been one of the <a href="https://www.thedailybeast.com/inside-the-billionaire-backed-dick-uihlein-hub-for-election-denial-restoration-action" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: 0px;">key funders</a> of <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/uline-uihlein-election-denial" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">election denial</a>. Since 2014, FGA has <a href="https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Contributions_of_the_Ed_Uihlein_Family_Foundation" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">received $17.6 million</a> from Uihlein’s foundation. FGA has also received <a href="https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Contributions_of_the_Bradley_Foundation" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">substantial funding</a> from the Milwaukee-based Bradley Foundation, which the <span style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">New Yorker’s Jane Mayer <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/08/09/the-big-money-behind-the-big-lie" target="blank" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow);">has described as</a> “an extraordinary force in persuading mainstream Republicans to support radical challenges to election rules,” and in 2020 FGA received <a href="https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/The_85_Fund" style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-bottom: 0px;">$2 million</a> from the Leonard Leo-tied 85 Fund.<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">---<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">
<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">ref 2<p style="border: 0px solid currentcolor; box-sizing: inherit; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-transform: translateX(var(--tw-translate-x)) translateY(var(--tw-translate-y)) rotate(var(--tw-rotate)) skewX(var(--tw-skew-x)) skewY(var(--tw-skew-y)) scaleX(var(--tw-scale-x)) scaleY(var(--tw-scale-y)); --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-brightness: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-contrast: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-grayscale: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-hue-rotate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-invert: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-saturate: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-sepia: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-drop-shadow: var(--tw-empty,/!/ /!/); --tw-filter: var(--tw-blur) var(--tw-brightness) var(--tw-contrast) var(--tw-grayscale) var(--tw-hue-rotate) var(--tw-invert) var(--tw-saturate) var(--tw-sepia) var(--tw-drop-shadow); margin-top: var(--wysiwyg-desktop-space); margin-right: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; padding: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.02em; line-height: 1.4em;">the Ohio House effort to make amending the state constitution more difficult has been notable thus far for its lack of public support. In committee hearings and press conferences opponents have lined up against the proposal. Indeed, despite the resolution’s rapid progress, 140 interest groups have already signed on denouncing the plan.Although three organizations have voiced support for <a target="blank" href="https://ohiocapitaljournal.com/2022/12/01/ohio-house-sponsor-defends-raising-threshold-for-citizen-ballot-amendments-in-first-hearing/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">HJR 6</a> with written testimony, none had shown up to advocate for the proposal in person. That changed Thursday.<h4 class="editorialSubhed" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: " barlow="Barlow" condensed="Condensed" sans-serif="sans-serif" font-weight="font-weight" margin-top="margin-top" px="px" margin-bottom="margin-bottom" rem="rem" font-size="font-size" color="color" var="var" brand_one="brand_one" line-height="line-height">Opportunities Solutions Project</h4>Travis N. Taylor, of Hamilton County, holds a PhD in political science and serves as a visiting fellow with the Opportunity Solutions Project (OSP). The Florida-based organization is non-partisan but describes its mission as “advocating for public policies based on the principles of free enterprise.”OSP has had an in-state visiting fellow advocate for raising requirements to pass constitutional amendments previously in <a target="blank" href="https://www.arkansasonline.com/news/2022/sep/15/a-cleaner-ballot/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Arkansas.</a> OSP has also advocated for election changes in <a target="blank" href="https://www.prweb.com/releases/opportunity_solutions_project_supports_pennsylvania_s_efforts_to_secure_its_elections/prweb18008850.htm" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Pennsylvania</a>, <a target="blank" href="https://www.prweb.com/releases/the_opportunity_solutions_project_supports_florida_s_reform_efforts_to_secure_elections/prweb17902364.htm" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Florida</a>, <a target="blank" href="https://solutionsproject.org/commentary/liberals-openly-assault-election-integrity-reform-in-iowa/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Iowa</a>, and <a target="blank" href="https://www.kansascity.com/article259551539.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Kansas.</a>The Kansas City Star <a target="blank" href="https://www.kansascity.com/article259551539.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">reported in a profile of OSP</a>, “In the wake of former President Donald Trump’s lies about the 2020 election being stolen, the organization has become a leading advocate for state bills to place restrictions on election administration.”The Opportunity Solutions Project’s CEO, <a target="blank" href="https://solutionsproject.org/staff/tarren-bragdon/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Tarren Bragdon</a>, is also the CEO of the <a target="blank" href="https://thefga.org/fga-author/tarren-bragdon/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Foundation for Government Accountability,</a> which has close ties to the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). Founded by right-wing billionaire Charles Koch, ALEC crafts model policy bills for legislators to use around the country.Ohio state Rep. Rep. Bill Seitz, R-Cincinnati, who <a target="blank" href="https://ohiohouse.gov/committees/government-oversight" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">sits on the Ohio House Government Oversight Committee,</a> also <a target="blank" href="https://alec.org/group/board-of-directors/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">sits on ALEC’s Board of Directors</a>. Seitz currently has <a target="blank" href="https://www.cleveland.com/news/2022/12/get-ready-to-show-your-drivers-license-at-the-polls-ohio-voter-photo-id-bill-expected-to-pass-during-lame-duck-session.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">a separate bill moving to install photo voter ID in Ohio</a>, as well as <a target="blank" href="https://www.legislature.ohio.gov/legislation/legislation-summary?id=GA134-HB-594" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">legislation to overhaul the Ohio Elections Commission</a>.In line with <a target="blank" href="https://thefga.org/alec/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">the ALEC priorities listed on the FGA website regarding welfare program reform</a>, the OSP also has a track record of lobbying around the country for new restrictions on public benefit programs. In <a target="blank" href="https://www.lpm.org/investigate/2022-05-06/meet-the-florida-think-tank-pushing-for-welfare-restrictions-in-kentucky" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Kentucky</a> it advocated for work requirements for food assistance, and in <a target="blank" href="https://wisconsinexaminer.com/2022/02/10/bills-take-away-unemployment-pay-other-aid-to-fill-more-jobs/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Wisconsin</a> it backed similar requirements for Medicaid recipients. In <a target="blank" href="https://kansasreflector.com/2022/03/10/out-of-state-groups-drive-to-limit-federal-benefits-in-kansas-meets-pointed-opposition/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Kansas</a>, OSP lobbied for both.As a 501(c)(4) organization, OSP doesn’t need to list its donors. In its native <a target="_blank" href="https://readsludge.com/2022/02/25/florida-republican-introduces-alec-bill-to-protect-dark-money-in-politics/" style="box-sizing: border-box; text-decoration-line: none; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition: background-size 0.4s ease 0s;">Florida</a>, OSP has backed and even helped draft legislation that would further shield the identity of entities that contribute to organizations like itself.<h4 class="editorialSubhed" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: " barlow="Barlow" condensed="Condensed" sans-serif="sans-serif" font-weight="font-weight" margin-top="margin-top" px="px" margin-bottom="margin-bottom" rem="rem" font-size="font-size" color="color" var="var" brand_one="brand_one" line-height="line-height" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">The argument</h4>Taylor argued the changes proposed for Ohio’s Constitution are a “simple reform with strong roots in American constitutionalism.” Demanding broad consensus for passage, he argued, insulates the constitution from frivolous changes.“Out of state interests,” Taylor argued, “have made it their mission in recent years to drop into states, skirt the people’s representatives — you all — produce slick and at times misleading advertising campaigns, and pass their preferred policies by a slim margin of the vote.”He insisted that approach undermines the integrity of the process. A higher threshold for passage, he argued, “would give Ohioans an important layer of trust in the initiative process.”“Constitutions are fundamental law,” he said, “and changing that fundamental law should be more difficult than simply enacting a statute.”Taylor went on to note excepting the Bill of Rights, the U.S. Constitution has been amended just 17 times in 231 years. He argued the proposed changes won’t foreclose access to the ballot.<h4 class="editorialSubhed" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: " barlow="Barlow" condensed="Condensed" sans-serif="sans-serif" font-weight="font-weight" margin-top="margin-top" px="px" margin-bottom="margin-bottom" rem="rem" font-size="font-size" color="color" var="var" brand_one="brand_one" line-height="line-height" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">The questions</h4>Taylor spent the better part of the next hour fielding questions from Democratic committee members. The irony of Taylor warning of out of state interests while speaking on behalf of a Florida-based dark money group wasn’t lost on Rep. Bride Rose Sweeney, D-Cleveland.“Isn’t that an out of state based organization?” Sweeney asked about Opportunity Solutions Project.“I know you’re an Ohioan yourself,” she went on, “but you’re here representing an organization that, your work is to go into states — which I’m not saying that’s wrong or bad — but your organization comes in to share your perspective, your agenda in multiple different states on ballot issues like this.”Reps. Bishara Addison, D-Cleveland Heights, and Elgin Rogers, D-Toledo, both pressed Taylor on dark money. If Taylor’s complaint is with well-funded out of state interests, they asked, why aren’t you advocating for financial transparency legislation?“It sounds like philosophically, you have an issue with out of state interests or out of state money coming into Ohio’s electoral process,” Addison said, “So do you have a position on the kinds of money that come into our campaigns?”Chair Shane Wilkin, R-Hillsboro, batted those questions down, however, arguing they strayed too far from the content of the resolution.Rep. Richard Brown, D-Canal Winchester, grilled Taylor on the proposal’s timing. If greater consensus will better protect the constitution, Brown asked, why would the amendment go to voters during a low-turnout, odd-year primary election? Taylor didn’t offer much in response.“I can’t speak to the intent of the sponsors, or to the wisdom of which ballot this should go on should it pass the House,” he said. “This is about restoring trust in democracy, and I believe that this resolution would accomplish that.”<h4 class="editorialSubhed" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: " barlow="Barlow" condensed="Condensed" sans-serif="sans-serif" font-weight="font-weight" margin-top="margin-top" px="px" margin-bottom="margin-bottom" rem="rem" font-size="font-size" color="color" var="var" brand_one="brand_one" line-height="line-height" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">The road ahead</h4>The committee schedule for the coming week isn’t set. Before gaveling out, though, Chair Wilkin noted they may meet again Monday. That likely gives the committee time to vote on the resolution, and get it to the House floor next week.Speaking after the hearing, Wilkin explained they held back a planned vote on the resolution because a few members weren’t able to attend. As for next week’s hearing, Wilkin said he expects the resolution will get a vote.Follow OCJ Reporter <span style="box-sizing: border-box; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition-duration: 0.4s; transition-property: background-size;">Nick Evans on Twitter.<span style="box-sizing: border-box; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition-duration: 0.4s; transition-property: background-size;">---<span style="box-sizing: border-box; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition-duration: 0.4s; transition-property: background-size;">ref 4<span style="box-sizing: border-box; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition-duration: 0.4s; transition-property: background-size;">interceptno lnxMARCH, TWO former Ohio Republican Party leaders were convicted on racketeering and bribery charges in a scheme that federal prosecutors described as the state’s largest-ever corruption case. In total, five Republican operatives were indicted in the plot, which involved a power company bankrolling efforts to elect industry-friendly lawmakers and a new state House speaker who would support a $1.1 billion bailout of a failed nuclear power plant.Now, despite the departure of the convicted Ohio Republican state House speaker and state party chair, the vestiges of Ohio’s GOP are still trying to undermine democracy in the state — and getting help from powerful outside groups.In November, Ohio voters could decide on ballot measures covering abortion, cannabis legalization, and qualified immunity, the legal principle that protects government officials, including police, from many civil suits. Before those proposals are voted on, however, a separate measure put forward for an August special election could determine their fate. The measure would amend the state constitution to require more votes to approve the November ballot measures.The constitutional amendment is deeply unpopular — it was first introduced in January and faced bipartisan opposition — but the proposal counts a major national political force among its supporters: Chicago-area billionaire Richard Uihlein, a GOP megadonor who supported groups involved in the January 6 attack in Washington and subsequent efforts to overturn elections.The amendment is one of a raft of efforts in states across the country where extremist Republicans are taking drastic measures to circumvent the will of the public on issues like abortion, criminal justice, and education.“It’s a broader project of enforcing political power for the hard-right-end of the Republican party.”“It’s hard to come up with a better example of one individual — who, by the way, is of course not from Ohio and has no connection whatsoever to Ohio — using nothing but raw financial power to interrupt democracy,” Eli Szenes-Strauss — political director at Public Wise, a watchdog organization that has tracked Uihlein’s spending on election denial efforts — said of Uihlein. “It’s a broader project of enforcing political power for the hard-right-end of the Republican party.”Uihlein’s support for the amendment to preempt the ballot measures is being funneled through a new political action committee formed in March called Save Our Constitution PAC, which is running ads in support of the change. Uihlein, founder of the shipping company Uline, gave the PAC $1.1 million last month. The contribution has not yet appeared in public financial disclosures and was first reported by the Columbus Dispatch. Uihlein has also funded smaller independent expenditures backing the measure, according to Public Wise, which also operates a PAC. (Neither Save Our Constitution PAC nor representatives for Uihlein responded to requests for comment.)
MOST READKyrsten Sinema Moves to Slash Pilot Training After Taking Airline CashDaniel Boguslaw
LexisNexis Is Selling Your Personal Data to ICE So It Can Try to Predict CrimesSam BiddlePentagon’s Secret Service Trawls Social Media for Mean Tweets About GeneralsDaniel Boguslaw, Sam Biddle, Ken Klippenstein]One of the country’s biggest conservative political donors, Uihlein was the primary funder of the group that organized the rally that preceded the January 6 attack on the Capitol. In the days after the attack, he and his wife gave more than $5 million to groups seeking to overturn the results of the presidential election. Last month in Wisconsin, the Uihleins poured money into a competitive state Supreme Court race and backed a conservative candidate who lost.CRITICS OF THE constitutional amendment have pointed out that voting on the proposal in August, instead of November, could mean that Republicans pushing the measure are violating a recently passed election law — that was advanced by Republicans. The August vote, however, will go ahead as planned unless the state Supreme Court decides otherwise in response to a pending lawsuit.An advocacy group called One Person One Vote filed the suit against the Ohio Ballot Board earlier this month, arguing that putting the measure on the August ballot would violate the GOP’s new voting law that went into effect this year. The law prohibits elections with statewide ramifications from occurring outside of the regular primary or general election, partially because of the low attention voters pay to elections held in off-months.One Person One Vote filed a second suit on Tuesday against the ballot board, claiming that it adopted a “misleading, prejudicial ballot title and inaccurate, incomplete ballot language that improperly favor[s] the Amendment in flagrant violation [of] Ohio’s Constitution and laws and this Court’s jurisprudence.”The irony of Republicans trying to break their own law by holding an election in a summer month when voters won’t be paying attention was not lost on political observers: Republicans could use low turnout to advance a measure that would allow a minority to stop constitutional changes with support from the majority of Ohio voters.
RelatedHuge Jan. 6 Funder Is Pouring Money Into the Wisconsin Supreme Court ElectionThe proposed constitutional amendment asks voters to relinquish “the power of our majority vote and elevate minority rule in Ohio,” Ohio Capital Journal columnist Marilou Johanek wrote last week. Giving a minority of voters the power to block the majority could have an affect on hot-button issues, as in the case of abortion in Ohio, where a majority of voters — nearly 60 percent — support abortion rights.Should it win in August, the constitutional change could make it harder to pass two other proposed November ballot initiatives that would legalize recreational cannabis and make it easier to hold police accountable for violating people’s civil rights. The second proposed change would prohibit the use of qualified immunity as a legal defense to civil actions brought under the amendment.“Call it the tyranny of the minority over the will of most Ohio voters on abortion rights, on fair legislative districts, on commonsense gun safety, on minimum-wage increases,” Johanek wrote. The measure’s GOP sponsor and his colleagues “openly admit their plan is to thwart a likely pro-choice amendment on the November ballot with a preemptive legislative amendment to obliterate majority rule.”Republicans claim the measure is an effort to fight outside special interests pushing a pro-abortion agenda. Those claims are belied by the fact that a billionaire from Illinois is funding the Republicans’ own anti-abortion effort.<span style="box-sizing: border-box; background-image: linear-gradient(transparent 65%, rgb(229, 233, 237) 0px); background-size: 0px 100%; background-repeat: no-repeat; transition-duration: 0.4s; transition-property: background-size;" />“I’ll give them this, they’re very good at what they do,” said Szenes-Strauss, of Public Wise. “If I worked for them, I’d be pleased with their progress. It’s just a rolling effort to find a place where your money can make sure that people don’t do with democracy things that you’d rather they not do.”
some lnx...The constitutional amendment is deeply unpopular — it was first <a href="https://ohiohouse.gov/members/brian-stewart/news/stewart-reintroduces-ohio-constitution-protection-amendment-113094" style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; text-decoration-line: none; text-decoration-thickness: inherit; text-decoration-style: inherit; text-decoration-color: inherit; --tw-text-opacity: 1; outline-width: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.2px;">introduced</a> in January and faced <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/05/11/1175405899/ohio-constitution-question-foil-abortion-rights-push" style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; text-decoration-line: none; text-decoration-thickness: inherit; text-decoration-style: inherit; text-decoration-color: inherit; --tw-text-opacity: 1; outline-width: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.2px;">bipartisan opposition</a> — but the proposal counts a major national political force among its supporters: <a href="https://theintercept.com/2023/04/02/wisconsin-supreme-court-election-january-6/" style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; text-decoration-line: none; text-decoration-thickness: inherit; text-decoration-style: inherit; text-decoration-color: inherit; --tw-text-opacity: 1; outline-width: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.2px;">Chicago-area billionaire</a> Richard Uihlein, a GOP megadonor who supported groups involved in the January 6 attack in Washington and subsequent efforts to overturn elections.....
<p style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; margin: 0px 0px 1em; line-height: 1.5; letter-spacing: 0.01em;">Uihlein’s support for the amendment to preempt the ballot measures is being funneled through a new political action committee formed in March called <a href="https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-04-28/pac-backed-by-illinois-billionaire-pushes-for-vote-on-making-it-harder-to-amend-ohio-constitution" style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; text-decoration-line: none; text-decoration-thickness: inherit; text-decoration-style: inherit; text-decoration-color: inherit; --tw-text-opacity: 1; outline-width: 0px;">Save Our Constitution PAC</a>, which is running ads in support of the change. Uihlein, founder of the shipping company Uline, gave the PAC $1.1 million last month. The contribution has not yet appeared in public financial disclosures and was first <a href="https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/politics/2023/04/27/richard-uihlein-backs-60-proposal-to-amend-ohio-constitution-abortion-august-election-net-worth/70153897007/" style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; text-decoration-line: none; text-decoration-thickness: inherit; text-decoration-style: inherit; text-decoration-color: inherit; --tw-text-opacity: 1; outline-width: 0px;">reported</a> by the Columbus Dispatch. Uihlein has also funded smaller independent expenditures backing the measure, according to Public Wise, which also operates a PAC. (Neither Save Our Constitution PAC nor representatives for Uihlein responded to requests for comment.<p style="box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px solid; --tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-pan-x: ; --tw-pan-y: ; --tw-pinch-zoom: ; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-gradient-from-position: ; --tw-gradient-via-position: ; --tw-gradient-to-position: ; --tw-ordinal: ; --tw-slashed-zero: ; --tw-numeric-figure: ; --tw-numeric-spacing: ; --tw-numeric-fraction: ; --tw-ring-inset: ; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-color: #3b82f680; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-blur: ; --tw-brightness: ; --tw-contrast: ; --tw-grayscale: ; --tw-hue-rotate: ; --tw-invert: ; --tw-saturate: ; --tw-sepia: ; --tw-drop-shadow: ; --tw-backdrop-blur: ; --tw-backdrop-brightness: ; --tw-backdrop-contrast: ; --tw-backdrop-grayscale: ; --tw-backdrop-hue-rotate: ; --tw-backdrop-invert: ; --tw-backdrop-opacity: ; --tw-backdrop-saturate: ; --tw-backdrop-sepia: ; margin: 0px 0px 1em; line-height: 1.5; letter-spacing: 0.01em;">one of the country’s biggest conservative political donors, Uihlein was the primary funder of the group that organized the rally that preceded the January 6 attack on the Capitol. In the days after the attack, he and his wife gave more than $5 million to groups seeking to overturn the results of the presidential election. Last month in Wisconsin, the Uihleins poured money into a competitive state <a href="https://theintercept.com/2023/04/02/wisconsin-supreme-court-election-january-6/

...p;and backed a conservative candidate who lost.

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...p;and backed a conservative candidate who lost.

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" https="https" www.propublica.org="www.propublica.org" article="article" voter-ref-foundation="voter-ref-foundation" at="At" a="a" wedding="wedding" hall="hall" in="in" rural="rural" northwest="northwest" wisconsin="Wisconsin" an="an" evangelist="evangelist" hollered="hollered" question="question" to="to" eager="eager" crowd="crowd" of="of" conferencegoers="conferencegoers" who="Who" thinks="thinks" can="can" be="be" saved="saved">
</a>He was answered with enthusiastic whistles and cheers. The truth, he said, would be revealed. “We need transparency!”
The subject: the nation’s election systems. The preacher was among a group of conservative speakers, including politicians, data gurus and former military officers, who theorized on the mechanics of voter fraud in general — and specifically distrust in the voter rolls, the official lists of eligible voters.“Voter rolls are very, very important to the process,” Florida software and database engineer Jeff O’Donnell told the gathering of 300 in late January in Chippewa Falls, deeming the rolls “the ground zero” of what he called Democratic plots to steal elections. The only way former President Donald Trump could have lost his reelection campaign in 2020, O’Donnell said in an interview, was if voter rolls had been inflated with people who shouldn’t have been able to cast ballots.
Ever since Trump failed to convince the world that he lost the 2020 election because of fraud, like-minded people across the country have been taking up the same rallying cry, revisiting that vote with an eye toward what will happen in 2022.
Now, a new group is stepping into a more conspicuous role in that world by providing easily accessible tools for people in Wisconsin, other Midwest battleground states and, eventually, the entire country to forge ahead with a quest to prove election irregularities.
Calling its work unprecedented, the Voter Reference Foundation is analyzing state voter rolls in search of discrepancies between the number of ballots cast and the number of voters credited by the rolls as having participated in the Nov. 3, 2020 election.
The foundation, led by a former Trump campaign official and founded less than a year ago, has dismissed objections from election officials that its methodology is flawed and its actions may be illegal, ProPublica found. But with its inquiries and insinuations, VoteRef, as it is known, has added to the volume in the echo chamber.
Its instrument is the voter rolls, released line by line, for all to see.
In early August, the foundation published on its website the names, birthdates, addresses and voting histories for 2 million Nevada voters, information that is normally public but only available on request, for a fee. It claimed to have found a significant discrepancy between the number of voters and the number of ballots cast, despite being warned by state election officials that its findings were “fundamentally incorrect.”
In the months since, VoteRef has reported similar discrepancies in rolls posted for 18 other states, including the 2020 election battlegrounds of Michigan, Georgia, Ohio and Wisconsin. Most recently, it added Texas. It intends to post the rolls of all 50 states by year’s end.
“Voter File Transparency site adds Michigan; large discrepancy found,” read a headline on a Dec. 6 press release put out by the organization, which is led by Gina Swoboda, a high-ranking officer in the Republican Party of Arizona.
The project is still in its early stages, and the people at the Chippewa Falls conference did not mention VoteRef specifically.
Still, the VoteRef initiative is an important indication of how some influential and well-funded Republicans across the country plan to encourage crowdsourcing of voter rolls to find what they consider errors and anomalies, then dispute voter registrations of specific individuals. Visitors to the VoteRef site are able to scroll through data on more than 106 million people in a free, easy-to-use format. The VoteRef data includes personal identifying information of every voter and the years they voted, but not how they voted.People line up at a polling place in Franklin, Wisconsin, on Nov. 3, 2020. VoteRef has posted that state's voter rolls. Credit:Chang W. Lee/The New York Times via ReduxVoteRef’s methods have already led to pushback from state officials. The New Mexico Secretary of State believes posting data about individual voters online is not a permissible use under state law and has referred the matter to the state attorney general for criminal investigation.
And an attorney for the Pennsylvania Department of State notified VoteRef in January that state law prohibits publishing the voter rolls on the internet and asked that the data be removed. VoteRef complied.
ProPublica contacted election officials in a dozen of the states where VoteRef has examined voter rolls, and in every case the officials said that the methodology used to identify the discrepancies was flawed, the data incomplete or the math wrong. The officials, a mix of Democrats and Republicans, were in Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin.
“The accuracy and integrity of Michigan’s election has been confirmed by hundreds of audits, numerous courts and a GOP-led Oversight Committee analysis,” said Tracy Wimmer, director of media relations for Michigan’s secretary of state.
“This is simply another meritless example of election misinformation being disseminated to undermine well-founded faith in Michigan’s election system, and from an organization led by at least one former member of the Trump campaign,” Wimmer said.
VoteRef, records show, is an initiative of the conservative nonprofit group Restoration Action and its related political action committee, both led by Doug Truax, an Illinois insurance broker and podcaster who ran unsuccessfully in the state’s GOP primary for the U.S. Senate in 2014.
A ProPublica review found that VoteRef’s origins and funders are closely linked to a super PAC predominantly funded by billionaire Richard Uihlein, founder of the mammoth Wisconsin-based packaging supply company Uline. A descendant of one of the founders of the Joseph Schlitz Brewing Company, Uihlein is a major Trump supporter and a key player in Wisconsin and Illinois politics. Among his political donations: $800,000 in September 2020 to the Tea Party Patriots political action committee, a group that helped organize the Jan. 6 rally that led to the Capitol insurrection.
Uihlein and his wife, Elizabeth Uihlein, have contributed in excess of $30 million combined over two decades to mainly Republican candidates on the state and local level, particularly in Illinois and Wisconsin, according to OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan organization that tracks campaign donor information. The total includes money given to groups that advocate on behalf of candidates as well as direct contributions.Doug Truax during his unsuccessful 2014 campaign in Illinois for the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate. VoteRef is an initiative of Truax’s nonprofit group Restoration Action and its political action committee. Credit:Joe Lewnard/Daily Herald via AP PhotoVoter rolls are public information, typically used by campaigns to identify potential supporters, target messages or persuade people to go to the polls. Journalists and some businesses also at times use the rolls for newsgathering or commercial purposes.
VoteRef has said its aim is to increase transparency in the elections process, echoing the language used to justify door-to-door address checks, painstaking ballot audits and other efforts that Trump supporters are continuing to employ to parse the 2020 election. To publicize the results of its analysis of ballot inconsistencies, it crafted press releases that then were parroted on sites that purport to be legitimate news outlets and were connected to a media network that received large sums of money from VoteRef.
“VoteRef is the beginning of a new era of American election transparency,” Swoboda, VoteRef’s executive director, said in its Nevada press release. “We have an absolute right to see everything behind the curtain.” 
Until a few months before the 2020 election, Swoboda, a resident of Scottsdale, a Phoenix suburb, was a professional in Arizona’s election system, working as the campaign finance and lobbying supervisor in the Arizona Secretary of State’s Office.
Swoboda then served as Election Day operations director for the Trump campaign in Arizona, according to a sworn court affidavit she gave in Arizona in November 2020 as part of Trump’s legal challenge to election results there. She described how she took complaints from people who thought poll workers allowed defective ballots to be submitted, in what later became known as “SharpieGate.” (Votes made with a Sharpie do count, the state said.)
She and others associated with VoteRef declined to be interviewed for this story. But Swoboda did respond via email.
“In each of the states we’ve researched to date, the election data math simply doesn’t add up,” she wrote. “That requires reform. We seek to spur this reform through the sustained spotlighting of inaccuracies or wrongdoing.”
Flawed MethodologyAs of late February, VoteRef showed 431,173 more ballots cast overall than people credited by voter rolls with having participated in the 2020 election.
To those unschooled in the mechanics of elections, VoteRef’s approach could seem reasonable: Compare the total number of ballots cast in the Nov. 3, 2020 election with the number of current voters on the rolls who have recorded histories of having participated in the vote.
For example, the VoteRef table for Nevada shows 8,952 more ballots cast than individuals credited with voting, based on histories obtained in February 2021.“Theoretically, these numbers should match,” VoteRef claimed in an August press release.But there are valid reasons the numbers do not match. Nevada election officials explained it this way in a press release: “If ‘John Doe’ votes and has his ballot counted in Lander County, then moves to Mineral County, once he is registered in Mineral County, he will show no vote history because he has no vote history in Mineral County. The farther away from the election the data is acquired, the more it will have changed.”In Connecticut, there were 1,839,714 ballots cast in 2020, according to VoteRef, but the group’s examination of voter histories in October, 2021, showed 1,802,458 people voting. VoteRef’s conclusion is that there was a discrepancy of 37,256 ballots.But state election officials said that the registration database is “live,” and voting histories of those who moved out of state or died in the months after the election would have been removed from the rolls, accounting for the discrepancy.   “The list is not a static list,” said Connecticut Secretary of State Denise Merrill. “It changes all the time.”In Michigan, where VoteRef found a difference of more than 74,000 votes, an elections official said that state’s qualified voter file also constantly changes as it's updated, making the data the foundation relied on in late May 2021 — more than six months after the election — out of date.In a recent email to ProPublica, Swoboda conceded as much.“It's up to election officials who run election offices to reconcile their data, not the Voter Reference Foundation, which merely publishes their information in a consumer-friendly format,” she said. “Of course, our election experts are well aware of the time lag between certification and data pulls — we posted the documents online for all to see!”Federal law requires that election supervisors make reasonable efforts to update voter lists, but provides leeway in how states carry out the task. The law prohibits administrators from removing people for simply not voting in repeated elections, unless notices go unanswered and officials wait for two federal election cycles before putting the voters on an inactive list.Counties haven’t always done a good job, however, in maintaining the voter rolls, leading some people to distrust the system. One of VoteRef’s key aims is to task ordinary people with the chore of finding anomalies.
Scrutinizing Voter Rolls and NeighborsIn announcing the launch of its website, the Voter Reference Foundation touted it as a “first of its kind” searchable tool for all 50 states “that will finally give American citizens a way to examine crucial voting records.”“Citizens will be able to check their voting status, voting history, and those of their neighbors, friends and others. They will be able to ‘crowd-source’ any errors,” the press release stated.The group’s backers have encouraged scrutiny outside of one’s own household.“With VoteRef.com you can find out who voted and who didn’t. Did your aunt who died 10 years ago ‘vote’ after she died? Did your ‘neighbor’ who moved to another state vote? Did 55 votes emerge from a five-unit apartment complex?” Jeffrey Carter, a partner in a venture capital group who earlier had appeared on Truax’s podcast, wrote on the newsletter site Substack in December. Matt Batzel, whose organization American Majority recently highlighted VoteRef’s efforts in Wisconsin, said in an interview with ProPublica that VoteRef’s vision is for citizens to detect and then report potential problems with the voter rolls, such as people who are registered to vote at vacant lots or unusually high numbers of votes coming from nursing homes.Election experts say the type of work being done by VoteRef risks leading to further misinformation or being weaponized by people trying to undermine the legitimacy of the past election or give the sense that voter fraud is a more encompassing problem than it’s proven to be. Or it could be used to harass or intimidate valid voters under the guise of challenging their legitimacy. [A woman votes in Columbus, Ohio, on Nov. 3, 2020. The Voter Reference Foundation has posted that state’s voter roll. Credit:Maddie McGarvey/The New York Times via ReduxEven without any clear evidence of fraud during the 2020 election, the vast, decentralized election system still is drawing scrutiny from those who believe that the system can be easily manipulated. At the daylong voter integrity conference in Chippewa Falls, speakers invoked war imagery, spoke of coverups, and urged people to “expose the tactics” of the political left. The group — saluted via video by Trump acolyte and MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell — is seeking to put like-minded individuals in vote-certifying secretary of state offices nationwide.The voter rolls have been targeted, too, by others in Wisconsin, including special counsel Michael J. Gableman, a former state Supreme Court justice and Trump supporter who the state’s Republican Assembly speaker appointed in June to conduct a review of Wisconsin’s administration of the 2020 election. On March 1, Gableman released a report blasting what he called “opaque, confusing, and often botched election processes.”Gableman urged the Legislature to consider legal methods to enable citizens or civil rights groups to help maintain election databases.“As it stands, there is no clear method for individuals with facial evidence of inaccurate voter rolls to enter state court and seek to fix that problem,” he wrote. He envisioned a system that “could even provide nominal rewards for successful voter roll challenges.”While information about voters is available in most states, it comes at a cost and with limits on how it can be distributed to avoid having some private information be easily accessible. In January, an official with the Pennsylvania Department of State wrote to Truax warning that it appeared that the Voter Reference Foundation had “unlawfully posted Pennsylvania-voter information on its website” and demanding that the organization “take immediate action” to remove the information.Soon, Pennsylvania data disappeared from the website. Swoboda declined to answer questions about the matter. Attempts to reach Truax were unsuccessful.In New Mexico, Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver also said the undertaking is not an allowable use of voter data. By state law, she said, the rolls can only be used for governmental or campaign purposes.“Having voter registration data ‘blasted out across the internet’ violates state law limiting use of the voter rolls solely for campaign or government activities,” she said. In December, Toulouse Oliver’s office referred the matter to the state attorney general for investigation and possible prosecution.Associates of the Voter Reference Foundation dismiss these privacy concerns."You are joking, right?” said Bill Wilson, chairman of the conservative-leaning Market Research Foundation of Fairfax, Virginia, which paid more than $11,000 to the state of Virginia in March 2021 for the voter roll data and shared it with the Voter Reference Foundation.“Big tech, both political parties and big media have no interest or concern for privacy and have mountains of data on individuals that is shared and sold on an hourly basis. You called me at my home, after all.’’
Support in GOP CirclesRestoration Action/PAC describes itself on its website as an “effective dynamo against those trying to destroy our country.” It produces ads on behalf of state and national candidates, castigates Planned Parenthood, “biased liberal media” and “Big Tech” and advocates for fair elections.Truax, the group’s head, frequently assumes the role of news anchor to host the First Right video podcast, interviewing far-right conservatives. In early June last year, he introduced his audience to VoteRef, telling them: “We helped create the organization, and we’ll have much more to say about it in the coming weeks.”Gina Swoboda, left, who leads VoteRef, appears with Truax on his video podcast. Credit:Screenshot via RestorationPAC, YouTubeRichard Uihlein’s quiet role was essential. He’s been the primary funder of Restoration PAC since its inception in 2015, contributing at least $44 million, according to the data from OpenSecrets. In May 2021, Federal Election Commission records show, Uihlein donated $1.5 million to Restoration PAC. That same month, the Voter Reference Foundation was incorporated in Ohio.Two weeks after the Uihlein donation, money started flowing from Restoration PAC to a media network that did some data procurement and analysis for VoteRef, with payments totalling more than $955,000 as of the end of 2021, the FEC records show.The network, which includes Pipeline Media, is operated by Bradley Cameron, a Texas business strategist, state corporation records show. Brian Timpone is listed as a manager at Pipeline Media. He made headlines a decade ago after his firm, then called Journatic, came under fire for outsourcing hyperlocal news offshore using phony bylines.In recent months, VoteRef has released press releases about its activities that have been turned into stories on sites owned by Metric Media, which Cameron leads, according to his online profile. The sites mimic legitimate news outlets but print press releases, shun bylines, do little to no original reporting and rely on automated data. “New website to publish which Arlington residents voted, did not vote in gubernatorial election,” read an Oct. 28 headline in the Central Nova News of Virginia, a Metric Media site.Uihlein did not respond to calls or emails from ProPublica seeking comment. Cameron and Timpone also did not reply to messages seeking an interview.Political figures with ties to Trump have been touting the efforts of VoteRef.Among them: former Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, an immigration hard-liner appointed by Trump to serve as acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.Cuccinelli now heads the Election Transparency Initiative, a Virginia organization opposed to expanding early voting or easing registration requirements. The initiative, a project of the conservative group Susan B. Anthony List, says it partners with The Heritage Foundation’s political arm.The Biotech Edge: How Executives and Well-Connected Investors Make Exquisitely Timed Trades in Health Care StocksCuccinelli spoke in September to about 100 party loyalists at a gathering at a suburban Milwaukee hotel about how they could use the VoteRef tools and become involved in securing the elections process. Similarly, J. Hogan Gidley, former national press secretary for the 2020 Trump campaign, promoted the work of VoteRef on Philadelphia conservative talk radio before Christmas. “We’re doing some work with them, too. We know the folks over there really well,” said Gidley, who is now with the America First Policy Institute, a nonprofit packed with Trump administration alums.Truax, meanwhile, brought in Swoboda for his podcast last summer. They talked about the Arizona ballot audit and briefly referenced her work with the Voter Reference Foundation.“It always feels like to me that the states, in general, have gotten a little sloppy in different areas and just you know nobody’s really paying a lot of attention to it,” Truax said.He added: “Now I think as conservatives we’re in a place we really got to pay a lot more attention. There’s a lot of energy now on this.”===<a href="https://theintercept.com/2023/04/02/wisconsin-supreme-court-election-january-6/

...p;and backed a conservative candidate who lost.

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" https="https" www.propublica.org="www.propublica.org" article="article" voter-ref-foundation="voter-ref-foundation" at="At" a="a" wedding="wedding" hall="hall" in="in" rural="rural" northwest="northwest" wisconsin="Wisconsin" an="an" evangelist="evangelist" hollered="hollered" question="question" to="to" eager="eager" crowd="crowd" of="of" conferencegoers="conferencegoers" who="Who" thinks="thinks" can="can" be="be" saved="saved"></a><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2022/11/gop-megadonors-funding-election-denial/" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.alternet.org/2022/11/gop-megadonors-funding-election-denial/</a>
In an <a href="https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-gops-biggest-donor-dick-uihlein-has-a-soft-spot-for-election-deniers" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">article published on November 3</a>, the Daily Beast’s Roger Sollenberger reported that “nearly 80 percent” of the $1.7 million that right-wing shipping magnates Dick and Elizabeth Uihlein donated to Republican candidates “between January 7, 2021 and August 31, 2022” went to “campaigns or committees tied to the 147 Republicans who voted, on January 6, (2021), to overturn President Joe Biden’s victory.” But their fondness for MAGA election denialists, according to Sollenberger, goes beyond donations.Sollenberger, writing for the Beast in an <a href="https://www.thedailybeast.com/inside-the-billionaire-backed-dick-uihlein-hub-for-election-denial-restoration-action?via=mobile&source=Reddit" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">article published on November 28</a>, reports that in 2021, Arizona Republican Party Vice Chair Gina Swoboda was hired as executive director for “the Uihlein-backed dark money nonprofit Restoration Action Inc.” Her salary was $108,750 per year.“Swoboda, a former Trump campaign official and the vice chair of the Arizona Republican Party, is now leading a misguided charge against the ballot count in that state on behalf of GOP gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake,” Sollenberger explains. “Swoboda currently serves as ‘election integrity’ coordinator for Lake, whose repeated false claims of voter fraud have ingratiated her to former President Donald Trump and who still refuses to acknowledge her election loss to (Democratic Arizona Secretary of State) Katie Hobbs.”READ MORE: <a href="https://www.alternet.org/2022/11/donald-trump-kari-lake-installed/?utm_source=push_notifications" target="self" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">'Another criminal voting operation': Donald Trump demands Kari Lake be 'installed' as Arizona governor</a>The Beast reporter continues, “After the election, Lake promoted Swoboda’s appearance on a right-wing podcast. In addition to hiring Swoboda, the filing shows Restoration Action’s accounts swelling for the second year in a row. According to the filing, in the 12 months following the January 6 attack on the Capitol, Restoration Action’s revenue topped $20.5 million — double what the group raised in 2020, and light years beyond its $64,000 haul in 2019.”Sollenberger notes that Restoration Action is “tied to the larger Restoration of America network, funded almost exclusively by the Uihleins.”Brendan Fischer, who serves as deputy executive director of the watchdog group Documented, told the Beast, “Restoration Action is a hub for election denial, including funding some of the key players pushing election falsehoods in Arizona at the moment. This is a reminder that there’s big money behind the push to undermine democracy. Through Restoration Action and other entities, an array of groups pushing election conspiracy theories are backed by literally tens of millions of dollars from just one billionaire couple.”Restoration America, according to Sollenberger, “also threw $600,000 to the super PAC affiliated with January 6 rally organizer Tea Party Patriots” and “another $1.5 million…. to the Lawyers Democracy Fund, a conservative dark money group that advocates for changes in election law.”READ MORE: <a href="https://www.alternet.org/2022/11/gop-megadonors/" target="self" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">These GOP megadonors are showing an 'overwhelming' preference for far-right 'election deniers': report</a>“The group sent another half a million to Fight Voter Fraud, which has also pushed baseless claims of election malfeasance, including in 2021,” Sollenberger reports. “Another recipient, the Liberty Initiative Fund, donated $675,000 to a group fighting for more restrictive voter ID requirements in Michigan. That Michigan group raised $2.2 million total, with $1.5 million coming from Uihlein himself.READ MORE: <a href="https://www.alternet.org/2022/11/kari-lake-2658650792/" target="self" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">'Selling the Big Lie': Reporter unloads on Kari Lake after her campaign ends in defeat</a>=ref 5<a href="https://documented.net/media/fga-2022-annual-report">https://documented.net/media/fga-2022-annual-report</a>
slick mike lee=igor salon
https://www.alternet.org/2021/10/glenn-youngkin-2655355138/A billionaire <a href="https://www.salon.com/2021/05/10/trump-spawned-a-new-group-of-mega-donors-who-now-hold-sway-over-the-gops-future_partner/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">Trump donor</a> who funded a group that marched on the Capitol ahead of the <a href="https://www.salon.com/topic/capitol_riot" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">Jan. 6 Capitol riot</a> is bankrolling a dark-money group boosting Virginia Republican gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin's attacks on Democratic opponent Terry McAuliffe.The Republican-aligned Restoration PAC this week launched <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3CHUDIw4Yac" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">new ads</a> attacking McAuliffe, who served a previous term as governor, over crime rates. (Virginia's unusual term limits restrict governors to one term, but does not bar them from running again after leaving office.) The PAC has spent <a href="https://www.vpap.org/indexpenditures/150240/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$1.767 million</a> funding ads against McAuliffe, making it <a href="https://www.vpap.org/money/independent-expenditures/spenders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">by far the largest</a> independent expenditure group in the race.The group is funded almost entirely by Republican mega-donor Richard Uihlein, co-founder of the Wisconsin shipping supply giant Uline. Uihlein contributed <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/contrib.php?cycle=2020&cmte=C00571588" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$24.5 million</a> to the group in the 2020 election cycle, making up 97% of its funding, according to data from the Center for Responsive Politics. He put another $1.5 million into the group in May, according to <a href="https://www.fec.gov/data/receipts/?cycle=2022&data_type=processed&committee_id=C00571588&line_number=F3X-11AI" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">FEC filings</a>.Uihlein and his wife Liz are among the biggest Republican donors in the country, having given more than <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/summ.php?disp=D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$65 million</a> to former President Donald Trump, Republican candidates and conservative groups since 2019. The Uihleins have also contributed <a href="https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-area-billionaire-gave-millions-to-patriots-group-that-backed-pro-trump-rally/a5ea9afa-e58f-4987-a698-7d847c244189" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$4.3 million</a> over the past five years to the Tea Party Patriots, including $800,000 in October 2020, making them by far the <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/contrib.php?cycle=2020&cmte=C00540898" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">group's biggest donors</a>. The Tea Party Patriots participated in the "March to Save America" rally that preceded the Capitol riot and were one of 11 groups listed as part of the "#StopTheSteal coalition," according to <a href="https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-area-billionaire-gave-millions-to-patriots-group-that-backed-pro-trump-rally/a5ea9afa-e58f-4987-a698-7d847c244189" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">WBEZ</a>. The group also contributed to Rep. Mo Brooks, R-Ala., who was <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/01/13/ali-alexander-capitol-biggs-gosar/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">accused</a> by "Stop the Steal" organizer Ali Alexander of helping plan the rally, which Brooks has denied. Tea Party Patriots also contributed to Sens. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, and Josh Hawley, R-Mo., who led objections to the certification of Electoral College results in the Senate.Restoration PAC last month also gave <a href="https://www.vpap.org/committees/399840/women-speak-out-virginia-2021/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$942,000</a> to Women Speak Out Virginia — 2021, a PAC affiliated with the anti-choice Susan B. Anthony List that launched a <a href="https://www.sba-list.org/newsroom/press-releases/women-speak-out-virginia-2021-announces-1-4m-campaign-to-defeat-abortion-extremist-terry-mcauliffe" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$1.4 million</a> campaign to attack McAuliffe on abortion.Uihlein's foundation also contributed $275,000 to Trump booster Charlie Kirk's Turning Point Action between 2014 and 2016. The group was listed as a participant in the Capitol protest and Kirk took credit for "sending 80+ buses full of patriots to DC to fight for this president" in a <a href="https://twitter.com/yashar/status/1348660824886296577?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">since-deleted tweet</a>.Turning Point Action also previously received <a href="https://jacobinmag.com/2021/01/dark-money-gop-capitol-riot-biden-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$50,000</a> from the Judicial Crisis Network, a conservative <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2020/05/conservative-dark-money-network-voting-restrict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">dark-money group</a> that helped Trump fill federal courts with conservative judges and is pushing to restrict voting. The group also <a href="https://documented.net/2020/10/new-filing-shows-massive-dark-money-support-from-judicial-crisis-network-to-republican-attorneys-general-association/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">funds</a> the Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA), giving it $2.1 million last October and a total of $12.7 million since 2014. RAGA's fundraising arm, the Rule of Law Defense Fund, <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/republican-ags-group-sent-robocalls-urging-march-capitol-n1253581" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">sent out robocalls</a> urging supporters to "march to the Capitol building and call on Congress to stop the steal" on Jan. 6.The Judicial Crisis Network has <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2021/06/secretive-dark-money-network-anti-critical-race-theory/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">multiple legal aliases</a> it uses for other initiatives, including The Concord Fund and Free to Learn Action. That latter group has launched a <a href="https://freetolearn.org/press-release-free-to-learn-coalition-launches-with-national-ad-campaign-focused-on-taking-politics-out-of-the-classroom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$1 million</a> ad campaign focused on "critical race theory" in schools, an issue Youngkin and other conservatives have seized on. The group is spending <a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/577761-education-group-backed-by-conservatives-1-million-ad-campaign-hitting" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$1 million</a> attacking McAuliffe for arguing that parents should not dictate school curricula.The Judicial Crisis Network is also <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2020/05/conservative-dark-money-network-voting-restrict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">closely aligned and shares staff</a> with the Judicial Education Project and its Honest Elections Project, a conservative initiative pushing voting restrictions. The Judicial Education Network is almost entirely funded by the Donors Trust, a dark-money group backed by the Koch network. Donors Trust in 2019 gave more than <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/13/dark-money-gop-fund-funneled-millions-groups-that-pushed-voter-fraud-claims.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">$20 million</a> to at least a dozen groups who would later question the results of the election. Last year, the Honest Elections Project <a href="https://www.salon.com/2021/10/22/billionaire-donor-funded-jan-6-group-now-pouring-dark-money-into-glenn-youngkin-campaign/#blogHeader" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">announced</a> a six-figure ad campaign stoking fears of a "brazen attempt to manipulate the election system for partisan advantage" before the election even happened.Youngkin has tried to <a href="https://www.salon.com/2021/10/12/va-candidate-backs-away-from-trumps-big-lie--but-wants-an-audit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">walk a fine line</a> on Trump's election lies as he tries to solidify his Republican base without alienating independent and suburban voters in the increasingly blue state. He refused to acknowledge President Biden's election victory while seeking the Republican nomination, doing so only after he had already triumphed over Republican rivals. And while Youngkin has said he would have voted to certify the election results, he is nonetheless <a href="https://www.salon.com/2021/10/12/va-candidate-backs-away-from-trumps-big-lie--but-wants-an-audit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">calling for an "audit"</a> of voting machines in Virginia (something the state already does) and boosting election conspiracy theorists.Youngkin, the former CEO of the private equity firm the Carlyle Group, is also the primary funder of <a href="https://www.salon.com/2021/07/24/virginia-gop-candidate-glenn-youngkin-tries-to-pivot-away-from-trump--but-theres-nowhere-to-go/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">Virginia Wins</a>, contributing $1 million to back Republican candidates in down-ballot races. The PAC has funneled tens of thousands to candidates who attended the Stop the Steal rally, organized transportation for others to attend the event, defended Capitol rioters or pushed election conspiracy theories, <a href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2021/10/virginia-gop-candidate-glenn-youngkin-financed-a-pac-that-supports-2020-deniers-and-1-6-apologists/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="blank" class="rm-stats-tracked" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-line: none; opacity: 1; transition: color 0.25s ease 0s, background 0.25s ease 0s, opacity 0.25s ease 0s;">Mother Jones</a> reported on Thursday.Youngkin did not respond to a request for comment."It's no surprise that some of the most powerful, pro-insurrection dark money forces are rushing to Glenn Youngkin's side in this campaign," Manuel Bonder, a spokesman for the Virginia Democratic Party, said in a statement to Salon. "They are supporting Youngkin because he's all in on their agenda — and they have full confidence that if elected, Glenn will do exactly what Donald Trump says. He belongs nowhere near the governorship."===</div></div>