Open in TheBrain

Fishkin collab deliberation

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</font></div><div><a href="https://www.alternet.org/2019/10/a-rigorous-experiment-in-deliberative-polling-finds-civil-discourse-over-civil-war"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">https://www.alternet.org/2019/10/a-rigorous-experiment-in-deliberative-polling-finds-civil-discourse-over-civil-war</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A rigorous experiment in ‘deliberative polling’ finds civil discourse over ‘civil war’</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Written by Paul Rosenberg / Salon October 6, 2019</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Just

as Donald Trump’s fears of impeachment were leading him to tweet

threats about “civil war,” a real-life microcosm of the American

electorate that gathered just outside Dallas, dubbed “America in One

Room,” has produced a diametrically opposite picture of highly

functional civic dialogue. “By the end of their time there, they

referred to each other as friends,” one facilitator, Amy Carl, said of

her group of 14 people.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Think “New England town meeting” rather than “civil war.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Even

with our differences in opinion, we were able to constructively

converse, to be polite to one another,” said Raymond, an older white man

from Colorado. “I really believed our country was divided — I don’t

believe that anymore.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But

it wasn’t just a feel-good exercise, although 98.2% found it

“valuable.” Suggestions that entertainment would be needed to break

things up were politely ignored. Instead, there were reams of briefing

materials to digest, informative large-group plenary sessions with

experts on exciting subjects like tax policy, intensive deliberations in

small groups of 14 or 15 people, like the one Carl facilitated, and

rigorous polling before and after, with a control group for comparison.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">All

the polling, as well as recruitment, was done by NORC at the University

of Chicago, one of the oldest public opinion research institutions in

America, drawing on its 35,000-household AmeriSpeak Panel, through a

multi-step selection process. It’s arguably the best-curated polling

panel in America. NORC did preliminary polling to identify the issues

covered as well.</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In short, it was a rigorous experiment in democracy, testing the soundness of the process called “<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">deliberative polling,” which Stanford political scientist James Fishkin first came up with more than 30 years ago,</span>

and which has been used more than 100 times around the world. (See

previous Salon story here.)&nbsp; This effort was perhaps the most ambitious

ever, made possible with sponsorship from the Helena Foundation. which

focuses on identifying solutions for significant societal problems.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);" size="4" face="Times New Roman">“We

have a control group that didn’t change appreciably at all on the

issues,” Fishkin told Salon, while the America in One Room participants

“changed dramatically.” He added, “This is a pilot for a more

substantive form of public opinion, and a more substantive form of

democracy.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“There

are thousands and thousands of polls that show what the public is

thinking when it’s not thinking,” Fishkin said. “Because most of the

time the public’s not thinking very much, and my colleagues wrongly

conclude that the public is not capable of dealing with complicated

important issues.” But that’s mistaken, he believes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“They

are certainly capable, they just normally don’t do it, because they

think their voice doesn’t matter, and they know everybody’s trying to

manipulate them. They’re ‘rationally ignorant,’ they’ve got other things

to do with their time,” Fishkin explained. ”So if there’s so many polls

showing what the public is not thinking, why not have some that show

what they would think and insert that into the public dialogue and the

policy process?”</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“We

got very considerable movements in each of the five issue areas,”

Fishkin noted, even though some skeptics thought that five issues would

be too much, that “the public would just be overwhelmed — you’ll get

absolutely nothing.” Instead, it turned out just as Fishkin’s theory and

past experience predicted, even perhaps exceeding his expectations.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On

the question of undocumented immigrants being “forced to return to

their home countries before applying to legally come to the U.S.,” for

example, Republican support dropped from 78.7% before deliberations to

40.3% afterwards — a shift so dramatic it surprised even Fishkin.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“My

expectation about that was that the support and the opposition was

entrenched by this point,” he said. “So to get a big change in

Republican support on that issue is just stunning.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There

were also drops on the Democratic side — support for “baby bonds,” a

key plank in Sen. Cory Booker’s presidential campaign, dropped

dramatically from 61.6% to 21.3%. Aside from that, none of them matched

the largest GOP shifts on immigration-related proposals. On a set of

five immigration policies, Republican views shifted an average of just

over 30 points, while the average Democratic shift was just half that on

a set of five economic issues, which included Medicare for All and free

public college for those who can’t afford it.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“I

think what happened is they listened to the other side,” Fishkin said

of the GOP immigration shifts. “Of course there were also children of

immigrants and other immigrants in some of the rooms,” he added, “But

most importantly, they listened to the other side of the argument, and

they thought about the consequences.” They also learned some facts. By

far the largest knowledge gain was the increased percentage who could

correctly identify the number of undocumented immigrants in the U.S.

(roughly 10 million). That percentage rose from 20.5% to 74%, accounting

for roughly half the total knowledge gain across seven items.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><b>
</b></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>“The

most polarizing proposals, whether from the left or the right,

generally lost support, and a number of more centrist proposals moved to

the foreground,</b>” as the executive summary of the event noted. But

the shifts were somewhat asymmetrical, as noted above, and the more

centrist proposals tended center-left. Support for Medicare for All

dropped by 7.6% overall (13.5% among Democrats) to 39.9%, while support

for repealing the Affordable Care Act dropped by 9.2% (20.9% among

Republicans) to 25.6%. Support for a Medicare buy-in rose almost 4

points (similarly among Democrats) from 67.3% to 71.2%.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Similarly,

support for taxing income above $2 million at a higher tax rate rose

slightly from 70.4% to 71.8%. On the statement, “Cooperation between the

countries of the world is necessary to fight climate change,” agreement

rose from 80.4% to 92.9% overall (which is pretty much “mom and apple

pie” territory), and from 65.2 to 89.4% among Republicans.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Those

numbers highlight something else: There was bipartisan support for some

“far left” positions as Fox News would have it, even before

deliberations began. And not just on those that were on the official

menu.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div>
</div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In

the very first group discussion, which was just supposed to be a meet

and greet occasion, gun control came up. Carl joked, “I had a moment of,

‘Oh my God! I don’t want to do this! I do not want to have this

conversation with these people I do not know, that I am trying to

establish rapport with.’” But to her “delight and surprise,” she said,

“the group went around the table and immediately came to a consensus

that guns should be should be regulated like cars.” In this case, the

preconceived division lines didn’t need to be bridged, since they didn’t

exist in the first place.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>As

noted above, Fishkin has been promoting deliberative polling for over

30 years, and has a long string of success stories he can point to.</b>&nbsp;

But this approach has yet to receive the kind of broad acceptance that

its track record so clearly deserves. The reasons may reflect a deeper

sociopolitical reality: Fishkin’s idea was first floated in the late

1980s, roughly coinciding with two other proposals I highlighted in my

earlier story that share in common a concern for giving common citizens a

greater voice. The timing of all three roughly corresponded with an

early wave of mass discontent, reflect in the popular independent

candidacy of Ross Perot in 1992. But that discontent was largely not

shared by elites — a situation that has now changed.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Elites

as much as anyone else now seem to realize there are profound problems

with our democracy. This awareness lag can be explained in terms of

Peter Turchin’s “structural demographic theory” (Salon story here),

which explains why elite distress tends to lag behind mass immiseration

by about a generation or so across civilizations and centuries. Solving

the problems we face is far from a given, but an end to denial is a

start.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Still,

elite intransigence, and the tendency to blame-shift onto the mass

public remain serious impediments. One such strain of thought is

reflected in the idea that “human brains aren’t built for self-rule,” as

Politico recently summarized the argument of&nbsp; a controversial paper

that nonetheless echoes a widespread preoccupation with the failures of

democracy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But

the problem isn’t individual citizens, Fishkin argues, it’s the lack of

proper settings in which democracy can flourish. America in One Room

vividly shows what he means, and the results it produced should

influence the 2020 campaign — that’s one reason it was held when it was,

months ahead of the Iowa caucuses. But this was less an answer in and

of itself than a high-profile proof of concept, meant to inspire

emulation and repetition, both throughout the election cycle and beyond.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“It’s

very obvious there are problems with liberal democracy in the world,”

said Henry Elkus, Helena’s founder and CEO. “There is not in our

discourse, politically, a space where the will of the American people

can actually be ascertained or understood.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“From

my standpoint as a democratic theorist, the whole point of democracy is

to connect the will of the people with what is actually done,” Fishkin

said. But that’s easier said than done.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“On

a debate stage there’s only 30 seconds or 40 seconds per candidate for

them to get their point across,” Elkus noted. “They aren’t able to have a

nuanced discussion about the issues, because there’s not enough time.”

With a nod to Fishkin’s “rational ignorance,” he made a similar point

about citizens. “If you’re a coal miner in West Virginia, you simply

don’t have the time to sit with a strategic briefing document and

understand with nuance what your beliefs are on NAFTA. You have to put

food on the table,” Elkus said. “<b>There are simply not platforms for

folks to come together and understand what they actually believe about

the critical issues,. This event is a direct antidote to that.”</b></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Helena

is a new model foundation, not focused on any particular subject area,

Elkus explained. “Our purpose is to do individual, one-by-one projects.

The one goal of the organization for these projects is to identify

societal problems we feel should be solved and have feasible solutions,

find those solutions, turn them into these projects, and then do

whatever is necessary to make the project successful.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);" size="4" face="Times New Roman">For

Helena’s first project, “We identified and helped launch the first-ever

technology that can suck carbon dioxide out of the air, and then sell

it as a product in order to fight climate change,” Elkus explained. The

second project was to protect the national electric grid from multiple

forms of threat. Helena sees America in One Room as a way to

significantly improve democracy both immediately, in this election

cycle, and long-term at every level of government.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Not

only can the deliberative polling results influence political campaigns

and the media, the questions asked by participants can help as well —

along the lines of the “public agenda” model for campaign coverage, long

championed by NYU’s Jay Rosen as a substance-based alternative to the

media’s horse-race model. The full model calls for media organizations

to investigate what questions their audience wants candidates to answer,

and to ground their coverage in that. Doing it properly calls for an

intense front-end investment, but America in One Room provides a

virtually no-cost approximation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NORC’s

preliminary poll identified the issue areas of greatest public concern.

Then, in the process itself, the small groups came up with questions

they posed to experts in the plenary sessions.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Those

questions were “astoundingly good,” said Helena’s COO and executive

director, Sam Feinburg. They were “very nuanced, very detailed, very

on-the-nose, not ‘gotcha’ questions. Almost every single one of our

speakers remarked on how high-quality the questions were.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Helena

is already talking to CNN and the New York Times about using those

questions for the next round of Democratic primary debates, since “a

representative sample of the country came together to decide that these

are the most important things we the American people want to hear the

answers to.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Beyond

that, this model is producing data on something “far more important

than the short-term, ‘Who’s going to be president?’-type data,” Elkus

said. “It’s producing data on ‘What are the fundamental beliefs of our

country?’ And that data doesn’t really spoil like milk. Whether a

representative sample of the entire country believes America should be

interventionist as a foreign policy power — whether we should be the

global police force or not — is permanently important data. It’s going

to be permanently important data next November, but also the November

after that.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Elkus

and Feinburg are both in their early 20s. “We are about to go through a

lifetime of critical changes in the world, and our country is going to

be at the helm of those changes one way or the other, whether negative

or positive,” Elkus said. “The data that this event produces will be

very important to how America is going to tackle or not tackle climate

change. How it’s going to handle climate refugees, how it deals with

China, and ongoing shifts in global power in the decades to come. These

are the critical issues of my generation. We’re doing this event to

understand what the American public believes about those critical

points.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">At

the same time, Helena isn’t looking to this one event for all the

answers. “There should be a deliberative democracy poll of the entire

country every quarter, four times a year,” Feinburg said. “The American

people should be advised on what the American people believe on the

issues all the time. We should be as a country acting upon the best

information we can, and every other country should have this kind of

process as well.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In the meantime, Fishkin has also been involved in developing a streamlined version. “</b>A

cheaper way of doing it is to do the deliberate poll online and we have

done some deliverables online using video-based software,” Fishkin

said. “You have 300 people in the plenary session and you have 20 small

groups of 15 people, and you see everybody in your small groups, and we

go through one, two or three days in the same way as we do

face-to-face.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While

balanced, representative samples are essential for polling purposes,

the deliberative process is actually somewhat distinct. There was no way

for a 15-person small group to be representative of the whole country.

So the essentials required for deliberation to work were less rigorous.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The

experimental treatment if you will, is a moderated discussion with

diverse others in a context where you have good information and can get

your questions answered,” Fishkin said. “That’s a mouthful, but that

doesn’t require a random sample, it just requires diversity… . So with

that insight, we’ve been talking about spreading the deliberation to

much larger numbers in order to allow the deliberation to change opinion

right now.”</font></div><div><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></b></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Working with engineering colleagues at Stanford, they’ve developed special software with an automated moderator function</b>.

“So we could do thousands or tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands

of these groups,” Fishkin said. “We hope to scale this sometime during

this presidential election on the issues, maybe using some of the same

briefing materials, and use social media to recruit diverse others,”

using an algorithm to create politically and demographically diverse

small groups.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In

the meantime, Amy Carl reflected on perhaps the most basic takeaway

from the experience. “We are not as woefully divided and beyond hope as

we are made out to be,” she said. “I really feel that in my bones. I

think if people are forced to step out of their bubbles, their comfort

zones, people would be amazed at how fundamentally not different we

are.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==</font></div>