Open in TheBrain

diamond, larry

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</font></div><div><table class="wikitable" style="background-color: rgb(248, 249, 250); margin: 1em 0px; border: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); border-collapse: collapse;"><tbody><tr valign="top"><td style="border: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); padding: 0.2em 0.4em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>105,052–114,731</b>&nbsp;violent civilian deaths
compiled from commercial news media, NGO and official reports
Over&nbsp;<b>162,000</b>&nbsp;civilian and combatant deaths</font></td></tr></tbody></table><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>The invasion and occupation led to sectarian violence, which caused widespread displacement among Iraqi civilians. The Iraqi Red Crescent organization estimated the total internal displacement was around 2.3&nbsp;million in 2008, with as many as 2&nbsp;million Iraqis having left the country. </b>Poverty led many Iraqi women to turn to prostitution to support themselves and their families, attracting sex tourists from the region. The invasion led to a constitution, which supported democracy as long as laws did not violate traditional Islamic principles, and the first parliamentary elections were held in 2005. In addition, the invasion preserved the autonomy of the Kurdish region, and stability brought new economic prosperity to Iraq. Because the Kurdish region is historically the most democratic area of Iraq, many Iraqi refugees from other territories fled here.</span><sup id="cite_ref-339" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_War#cite_note-339" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[335]</a></sup></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">By mid-2014 Iraq was in chaos with a new government yet to be formed following national elections, and the insurgency reaching new heights. In early <b>June 2014 the&nbsp;</b></span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_State_in_Iraq_and_the_Levant" class="mw-redirect" title="Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant</b></a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>&nbsp;(ISIL) took over the cities of Mosul and Tikrit </b>and said it was ready to march on Baghdad, while Iraqi Kurdish forces took control of key military installations in the major oil city of Kirkuk. The al-Qaida breakaway group formally declared the creation of an Islamic state on 29 June 2014, in the territory under its control.</span><sup id="cite_ref-344" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_War#cite_note-344" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[340]</a></sup></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">The CPA was strongly criticised for its mismanagement of funds allocated to the</span><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">&nbsp;</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reconstruction_of_Iraq" class="mw-redirect" title="Reconstruction of Iraq" style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-image="background-image" none="none" background-position="background-position" initial="initial" background-size="background-size" background-repeat="background-repeat" background-attachment="background-attachment" background-origin="background-origin" background-clip="background-clip" text-decoration-line="text-decoration-line">reconstruction of Iraq</a><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">, with over $8 billion of these unaccounted for,</span><sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference" style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" line-height="line-height" unicode-bidi="unicode-bidi" isolate="isolate" white-space="white-space" nowrap="nowrap"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority#cite_note-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[4]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference" style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" line-height="line-height" unicode-bidi="unicode-bidi" isolate="isolate" white-space="white-space" nowrap="nowrap"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority#cite_note-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[5]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference" style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" line-height="line-height" unicode-bidi="unicode-bidi" isolate="isolate" white-space="white-space" nowrap="nowrap"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority#cite_note-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[6]</a></sup><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">&nbsp;</span><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">including over $1.6 billion in cash that emerged in a basement in Lebanon</span></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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=</font></div><div><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_Study_Group"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_Study_Group</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">rudy meese</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"></font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">paul bremer</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority</a></font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">mta reccs</font></div><div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NEW WINTER COURSE STARTS JANUARY 24</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Freedom is in retreat while democracy faces a global crisis. For more than 15 years, political polarization, abuse, corruption, and coups have led to the rise of illiberal populist leaders and authoritarian states as the relative stature of American political influence has deteriorated.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In this new online course, political sociologist and scholar Larry Diamond leads an examination of the shifts away from democracy amid the rising powers and ambitions of states like Russia and China. We will also explore strategies for reversing these trends, catalyzing what Abraham Lincoln called "a new birth of freedom."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Course Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Larry Diamond</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution and Mosbacher Senior Fellow in Global Democracy, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies; Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science and Sociology, Stanford</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Larry Diamond's research focuses on democratic trends and conditions around the world and on policies and reforms to defend and advance democracy. He has received the Dinkelspiel, Lyman, and Cuthbertson awards for exceptional contributions to Stanford, and he is a past faculty director of the Haas Center for Public Service at Stanford. <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2004, he served in Baghdad as a senior advisor on governance to the <b>Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq</b>. He is the author of seven books, including Ill Winds: Saving Democracy From Russian Rage, Chinese Ambition, and American Complacency</span>, and the editor or coeditor of 50 books. Diamond served for 32 years as founding coeditor of the Journal of Democracy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">With Special Guests</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lisa Blaydes</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Professor of Political Science and Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies; Director of the Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies, Stanford</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brett Carter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hoover Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford; Faculty Affiliate, Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Stanford; Assistant Professor, USC</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Beatriz Magaloni</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Professor of Political Science and Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies; Founding Director of the Poverty, Violence, and Governance Lab at FSI's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Stanford</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Dinsha Mistree</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Research Fellow, Hoover Institution; Research Fellow, Rule of Law Program, Stanford Law School; Affiliated Scholar, Center of Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kathryn Stoner</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mosbacher Director of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law; Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies; Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science and Senior Fellow, by courtesy, at the Hoover Institution, Stanford</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div></td></tr></tbody></table></div><div align="center" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%" style="width: 1120px; background: rgb(246, 246, 246);"><tbody><tr><td style="margin: 0px; padding: 0in;"><div align="center"><table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="0" style="width: 6.25in; background: white;"><tbody /></table></div></td></tr></tbody></table></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><div id="editorialReviews_feature_div" class="celwidget" data-feature-name="editorialReviews" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-content-id="editorialReviews" data-csa-c-slot-id="editorialReviews_feature_div" data-csa-c-asin="" data-csa-c-is-in-initial-active-row="false" data-csa-c-id="ec722l-68hh3a-6uslfr-ty4jsn" data-cel-widget="editorialReviews_feature_div" style="box-sizing: border-box;"><div class="a-section a-spacing-small a-padding-base" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0px; padding: 10px 14px !important;"><h3 style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; padding: 0px 0px 4px; margin: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; line-height: 24px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Review</font></span></h3><div class="a-section a-spacing-small a-padding-small" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 22px; padding: 6px 10px !important;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">"[Diamond] has spent 40 years circumnavigating the globe promoting democracy in Nigeria, Venezuela and some 70 other countries. Yet today he is aghast...In his impassioned book</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">&nbsp;Ill Winds</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">, he proves a stalwart, persuasive champion for democracy at a moment when its reputation has been fouled by Britain mauling itself with Brexit and by the United States electing someone as morally, intellectually and literally bankrupt as Donald Trump.”</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">—Gary J. Bass,&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">New York Times Book Review</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“The question he poses is how to prevent the world’s democratic recession from turning into outright depression . . . Diamond’s solution is for the US to launch a concerted—though not warlike—promotion of global democracy. His case is well made.” —</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Financial Times</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“Diamond succeeds in making a compelling case that the global assault on democracy is the single most important trend driving global events today…Diamond’s entire book should be read as a clarion call that we have reached a critical moment where the price of inaction will render democratic government not only ineffective, but increasingly defenseless.”—</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Foreign Policy&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“[An] important new book… galvanizing”—</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">San Francisco Chronicle</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“&nbsp;One of the world’s foremost experts on democracy and a professor at Stanford University, Diamond emphasizes that the declining quality of American democracy is only part of a broader downturn from Venezuela to Turkey to Hungary, to name a few egregious cases. Rather than the outright coups of the past, democracy now suffers more discreetly… Political reforms, electoral design, campaign-financing legislation — these may not have the visceral appeal of debates over gun rights or taxation or the environment, but they are just as critical, even more so if we consider that a functional democracy is needed to tackle all our other challenges.”—</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">Carlos Lozada,&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">The Washington Post</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“A leading scholar of democracy combines his academic research with his direct experience to piece together a wide-ranging study of the creation—and possible destruction—of that specific form of governance.… A potent mix of theory and practice…inspiring.”</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">—Kirkus</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp; “From a scholar who has dedicated his life to studying liberal democracy comes a plan for its long-term preservation. ‘Ill winds’ are indeed blowing—and Diamond has shown us how to weather and, ultimately, beat back the storm.”&nbsp; —</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Madeleine K. Albright,</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> former Secretary of State and author of&nbsp;</span></span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Fascism: A Warning</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;“With&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">Ill Winds,&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">Diamond has provided a sobering description of the origins and impacts of the global assault—from both foreign and domestic sources—on democracy, and a thorough, thoughtful, and indeed, hopeful, prescription for what to do about it. His life-long devotion to the study of democracy is clearly evident in the scholarly and authoritative approach. This is a crucial read for anyone who is concerned about current trends, and reversing the insidious effects of the broad-gauged assault on truth that regrettably is eroding our traditional and long-held precepts of freedom.”&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">—James Clapper, former U.S. Director of National Intelligence and author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Facts and Fears</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;"Larry Diamond nails it. The rise of the authoritarian impulse globally comes at a time when the United States is unwilling to provide the leadership that nudges these countries toward freedom. There will be lasting consequences if we continue down this road. A must read.”</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">— Senator Jeff </span><span class="a-text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Flake</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">, author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Conscience of a Conservative</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;“Synthesizing a lifetime of democracy scholarship, Larry Diamond has written a brilliant, sweeping analysis of the ‘ill winds’ threatening the future of democracy both in America and around the world.&nbsp; Diamond not only provides a powerful, precise diagnosis of the causes of democratic erosion in the world today, but also offers concrete prescriptions for democratic renewal in the United States and around the globe.&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">Ill Winds</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">&nbsp;is a page-turning international manifesto, calling upon ‘democrats of the world to unite’ to preserve, reinvigorate, and expand those democratic institutions and values that have produced so much peace, prosperity, and freedom in the past. A must read for all, from future heads of state to every citizen of the world.”&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">—Michael McFaul, former U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation and author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">From Cold War to Hot Peace</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;"This is a powerful, vital, and essential treatment of the dangerous waters our nation must navigate in this turbulent 21st century. Without steady American leadership—which vacillates too often—chaos and instability will only increase.&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">Ill Winds</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">&nbsp;is a superb cautionary tale and a prescriptive guide as well."</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">—Adm. James Stavridis, USN (ret.), author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Sea Power</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />&nbsp;<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />“Larry Diamond is one of the world's foremost students of democracy. He has spent a lifetime studying, and advocating, self-government. In&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">Ill Winds,</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;">&nbsp;he distills decades of research to explain why Trump is not unique, but rather indicative of a worldwide threat to democracy whose dimensions we must take seriously. He offers astute advice on how we can repair the democratic fabric and stop the rise of dangerous demagogues. An imperative and important read in these deeply troubled times.”&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">—</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Max Boot, </span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">The Corrosion of Conservatism</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" />"I hope this book will be on every presidential candidate's reading list. Larry Diamond has distilled a lifetime of wisdom and experience into not only a diagnosis of what ails democracy around the world, including in the United States, but also, critically, a set of prescriptions for going forward. He provides a manual for a deep, broad, enduring strategy to fight the good fight."—</span><span class="a-text-bold" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">Anne-Marie Slaughter, president and CEO, New America; and author of&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-bold a-text-italic" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important; font-style: italic !important;">Unfinished Business</span></font></div><h3 style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; padding: 0px 0px 4px; margin: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; line-height: 24px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">About the Author</font></span></h3><div class="a-section a-spacing-small a-padding-small" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0px; padding: 6px 10px !important;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="a-text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">Larry Diamond&nbsp;</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and Stanford's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He is also a professor by courtesy of political science and sociology at Stanford University and a past director of its Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. In 2004, Diamond served in Baghdad as a senior adviser on governance to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq. He is the author of numerous books, including&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World,&nbsp;</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">the editor of coeditor of fifty books, and a counding&nbsp;founding coeditor of the&nbsp;</span><span class="a-text-italic" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-style: italic !important;">Journal of Democracy</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">.</span></font></div></div></div><div id="dpx-btf-right-rail_feature_div" class="celwidget" data-feature-name="dpx-btf-right-rail" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-content-id="dpx-btf-right-rail" data-csa-c-slot-id="dpx-btf-right-rail_feature_div" data-csa-c-asin="" data-csa-c-is-in-initial-active-row="false" data-csa-c-id="u982m4-am1ubi-ap6oyl-d8nijn" data-cel-widget="dpx-btf-right-rail_feature_div" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div id="detailBullets_feature_div" class="celwidget" data-feature-name="detailBullets" data-csa-c-type="widget" data-csa-c-content-id="detailBullets" data-csa-c-slot-id="detailBullets_feature_div" data-csa-c-asin="" data-csa-c-is-in-initial-active-row="false" data-csa-c-id="6srp5v-nw46rh-m2al8j-ze17ar" data-cel-widget="detailBullets_feature_div" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div id="detailBulletsWrapper_feature_div" data-feature-name="detailBullets" data-template-name="detailBullets" class="a-section feature detail-bullets-wrapper bucket" data-cel-widget="detailBulletsWrapper_feature_div" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 4.5px; padding: 5px 0px;"><hr aria-hidden="true" class="a-divider-normal bucketDivider" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: transparent; border-right-width: 0px; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-left-width: 0px; border-top-style: solid; border-top-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); height: 1px; line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 14px; margin-top: 0px; clear: left;" /><h2 style="box-sizing: border-box; padding: 0px 0px 4px; margin: 0px; text-rendering: optimizelegibility; font-weight: 400; line-height: 32px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Product details</font></h2><div id="detailBullets_feature_div" style="box-sizing: border-box;"><ul class="a-unordered-list a-nostyle a-vertical a-spacing-none detail-bullet-list" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 1px 18px; padding: 0px;"><li style="box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; overflow-wrap: break-word; margin: 0px 0px 5.5px;"><span class="a-list-item" style="box-sizing: border-box;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="a-text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700 !important;">Publisher ‏ : ‎&nbsp;</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">Penguin Press (June 11, 2019)</span></font></span></li></ul></div></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=
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</font></div><div><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Larry Jay Diamond</b>&nbsp;(born October 2, 1951)<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-1" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[1]</a></sup>&nbsp;is a&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_sociologist" title="Political sociologist" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">political sociologist</a>&nbsp;and leading contemporary scholar in the field of democracy studies. He is a professor of Sociology and Political Science (by courtesy) at&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanford_University" title="Stanford University" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Stanford University</a>&nbsp;and a senior fellow at the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hoover_Institution" title="Hoover Institution" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Hoover Institution</a>, a conservative policy think tank. At Stanford, he teaches courses on democratic development and supervises the democracy program at the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_on_Democracy,Development,and_the_Rule_of_Law" title="Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law</a>. He has published extensively in the fields of&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_policy" title="Foreign policy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">foreign policy</a>,&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_aid" title="Foreign aid" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">foreign aid</a>, and&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democracy" title="Democracy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">democracy</a>.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Diamond is also a senior fellow at the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freeman_Spogli_Institute_for_International_Studies" title="Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies</a>, which is Stanford University’s main center for research on international issues. At the Institute Diamond serves as the director of the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_on_Democracy,Development,and_the_Rule_of_Law" title="Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law</a>. The CDDRL’s most recent accomplishment came in the spring of 2011 by building a technological community between Tehrir Square (Cairo, Egypt) and Silicon Valley. This community was fully focused on helping mobilize protesters in Egypt who eventually helped in the downfall of the oppressive President Mubarak.<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-2" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[2]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Diamond has served as an advisor to numerous governmental and international organizations at various points in his life, including the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Department_of_State" title="United States Department of State" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">United States Department of State</a>,&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations" title="United Nations" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">United Nations</a>,&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Bank" title="World Bank" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">World Bank</a>, and&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S.Agency_for_International_Development" title="U.S. Agency for International Development" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">U.S. Agency for International Development</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-Hoover_3-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-Hoover-3" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[3]</a></sup>&nbsp;He is an advisory board member for the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roosevelt_Institution" title="Roosevelt Institution" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Roosevelt Institution</a>&nbsp;and a founding Co-Editor of the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Endowment_for_Democracy" title="National Endowment for Democracy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">National Endowment for Democracy</a>'s&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journal_of_Democracy" title="Journal of Democracy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Journal of Democracy</a>. He is also a coordinator of Hoover Institute's&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Iran_Democracy_Project&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Iran Democracy Project (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Iran Democracy Project</a>, along with&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abbas_Milani" title="Abbas Milani" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Abbas Milani</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_McFaul" title="Michael McFaul" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Michael McFaul</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-stanford_4-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-stanford-4" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Diamond is an ardent supporter of Israel, going so far as to buy dinner for student senators in order to lobby them against voting for a non-binding undergraduate divestment resolution.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-5" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-6" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[6]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><div id="toc" class="toc" style="border: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); padding: 7px; display: table; zoom: 1; background-color: rgb(249, 249, 249);"><div id="toctitle" style="direction: ltr; text-align: center;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4" /><h2 style="margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border: none; display: inline; line-height: 1.3; background: none;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Contents</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></h2>&nbsp;<span class="toctoggle" style="user-select: none;">&nbsp;[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#" id="togglelink" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">hide</a>]&nbsp;</span></div><ul style="line-height: 1.6; list-style-type: none; margin: 0.3em 0px; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Background" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">1</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Background</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Career" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">2</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Career</span></font></a><ul style="line-height: 1.6; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Post-2003_Iraq" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">2.1</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Post-2003 Iraq</span></font></a></li></ul></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Views_on_democracy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">3</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Views on democracy</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Books" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">4</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Books</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#Quotes" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">5</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">Quotes</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-7" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#References" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">6</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">References</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-8" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#External_references" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">7</span>&nbsp;<span class="toctext">External references</span></font></a></li></ul></div><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Background">Background</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0px; margin-left: 0px;">[</span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Larry_Diamond&action=edit&section=1&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" title="Edit section: Background" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px;">]</span></span></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Diamond was educated at&nbsp;</span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanford_University" title="Stanford University" style="background: none; text-decoration: none;">Stanford University</a><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">, completing a degree in Political Organization and Behaviour in 1974, an </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">MA at Stanford's Food Research Institute in 1978, and a PhD in sociology in 1980</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-stanford_4-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-stanford-4" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Career">Career</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0px; margin-left: 0px;">[</span></span></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Diamond was Assistant Professor of Sociology at&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanderbilt_University" title="Vanderbilt University" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Vanderbilt University</a>&nbsp;(1980-1985).<sup id="cite_ref-stanford_4-2" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-stanford-4" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a></sup>&nbsp;He was founding co-director of the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Endowment_for_Democracy" title="National Endowment for Democracy" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">National Endowment for Democracy</a>'s&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Forum_for_Democratic_Studies" title="International Forum for Democratic Studies" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">International Forum for Democratic Studies</a>&nbsp;(1994-2009).<sup id="cite_ref-stanford_4-3" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-stanford-4" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among the many governmental and nongovernmental agencies that he has advised, Diamond served as a consultant to the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USAID" title="USAID" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">U.S. Agency for International Development</a>&nbsp;from 2002 to 2003.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Diamond was named Stanford's “ Teacher of the Year” in May 2007. At the June 2007 commencement ceremonies he was awarded the Dinkelspiel Award for Distinctive Contributions to Undergraduate Education. Among the many reasons for Diamond to receive this award it was cited that he fostered dialogue between Jewish and Muslim students.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">He was the dissertation adviser for&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regina_Ip" title="Regina Ip" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Regina Ip</a>, former&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Police_chief" title="Police chief" class="mw-redirect" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">police chief</a>&nbsp;of&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hong_Kong" title="Hong Kong" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Hong Kong</a>&nbsp;during her years at Stanford.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-7" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[7]</a></sup></font></p><h3 style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom-style: none; line-height: 1.6; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Post-2003_Iraq">Post-2003 Iraq</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; font-weight: normal; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0px; margin-left: 0px;">[</span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Larry_Diamond&action=edit&section=3&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" title="Edit section: Post-2003 Iraq" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px;">]</span></span></font></h3><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In early 2004, Diamond was a senior adviser on governance to the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Provisional_Authority" title="Coalition Provisional Authority" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Coalition Provisional Authority</a>&nbsp;in Iraq.<sup id="cite_ref-stanford_4-4" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-stanford-4" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">His book&nbsp;Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to Iraq, published in 2005, was one of the first public critical analysis of America’s postwar strategy in Iraq.<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-8" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[8]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In 2006, Professor Diamond was among the people interviewed by the&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_Study_Group" title="Iraq Study Group" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Iraq Study Group</a>&nbsp;which was chaired by&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Baker" title="James Baker" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">James Baker</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lee_H.Hamilton" title="Lee H. Hamilton" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">Lee H. Hamilton</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-9" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[9]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Views_on_democracy">Views on democracy</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0px; margin-left: 0px;">[</span></span></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Despite the surge of democracy throughout the world up until the 1990s, Diamond believes democracy must improve where it already exists before it can spread to other countries.<sup id="cite_ref-Diamond_2004_10-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-Diamond_2004-10" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[10]</a></sup>&nbsp;He believes solving a country’s governance, rather than its economy, is the answer. Every democratic country needs to be held responsible for good governance, not just when it suits them. Without significant improvements in governance, economic growth will not be sustainable. As Diamond stated in his book, The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World, “for democratic structures to endure – and be worthy of endurance – they must listen to their citizens’ voices, engage their participation, tolerate their protests, protect their freedoms, and respond to their needs.”<sup id="cite_ref-11" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-11" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[11]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Diamond has written and edited many pieces on the growth of democracy and its current recession on an international level. In his paper The Democratic Rollback: The Resurgence of the Predatory State, Diamond states that one of the main reasons for this recession in democracy is a surge of young democratic countries who employ rigged elections, intense intimidation of any opposing political party, and unstoppable expansion in executive power. What makes it worse is that many of these countries are still being accepted as democracies by western states. He cites Putin in Russia and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela as examples. Due to the growth of these corrupted semi-democracies, which Diamond calls electoral authoritarianism, there has been a worldwide fall in the confidence in democracy especially in developing countries.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Unlike many other political scientists, Diamond doesn’t hold economic development, or lack there of, as the number one factor in the decline of democracy. Diamond states that the efficiency of the government is the first problem. If the government cannot provide a safe and equal economic and political playing field then any work in promoting economic development will be useless. He cites the Kenyan President Kibaki as an example. Kibaki helped Kenya reach some of its highest levels of economic growth but failed to address massive corruption, which led to claims of fraud in his 2007 presidential election, which in turn exploded into violence.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-12" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[12]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Diamond believes if governance is not improved in democratic states, people will turn to authoritarian alternatives.<sup id="cite_ref-Diamond_2004_10-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-Diamond_2004-10" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[10]</a></sup>&nbsp;This will then lead to predatory states. Predatory states produce predatory societies: people do not gain wealth and a better quality of life through ways beneficial to the entire country, but get rich by taking advantage of power and privilege, by stealing from the state, and diminishing the power of the law. In order to ensure predatory states do not occur, institutions must be put in place to establish control and order.<sup id="cite_ref-Diamond_2004_10-2" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-Diamond_2004-10" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[10]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">So that democracy can be revived, and sustained, throughout the world, the U.S. and other developed countries must play their part. The U.S. should only give financial aid to countries that are using the money to further develop their governance.<sup id="cite_ref-13" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larry_Diamond#cite_note-13" style="text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[13]</a></sup>&nbsp;This selectivity is defined in the Millennium Challenge Account (part of Bush’s foreign policy). Under this policy, it says a country will receive aid “whether they rule justly, whether they invest in basic health care and education, and whether they promote economic freedom.” The important thing to remember is promoting democracy will take time and effort.</font></p><h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Books">Books</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0px; margin-left: 0px;">[</span></span></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 22.4px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">His books include:</font></p><ul style="line-height: 22.4px; margin: 0.3em 0px 0px 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" c="C" fxml="Fxml" version="version" d="D" encoding="encoding" utf-8="UTF-8" f="F" e="E" a="A" csvg="Csvg" http="http" fwww.w3.org="Fwww.w3.org" f2000="F2000" fsvg="Fsvg" width="width" height="height" ccircle="Ccircle" cx="cx" cy="cy" r="r" fill="fill" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb" xmlns="xmlns" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Spirit of Democracy&nbsp;(Times Books, 2008)</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to Iraq&nbsp;(Owl Books, 2005,&nbsp;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0805078681" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn" style="text-decoration: none; background: none;">ISBN 0-8050-7868-1</a>)</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Promoting Democracy in the 1990s</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Class, Ethnicity, and Democracy in Nigeria</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Political Culture and Democracy in developing Countries&nbsp;ed.</font></li></ul></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/no-exit-strategy/">https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/no-exit-strategy/</a></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Nation no lnx</font></font></font></font></div><div>PoliticsWorldCultureEventsShop</div><div>
</div><div>NON-FICTIONBOOKS & THE ARTSAUGUST 1, 2005 ISSUE</div><div>No Exit Strategy</div><div><b>Two new books examine what went wrong in the planning and conduct of the war in Iraq.</b></div><div>By David Rieff&nbsp; &nbsp;JULY 14, 2005</div><div>
</div><div>One of the stranger domestic cultural subplots of the war in Iraq has been the confidence with which so many politicians, commentators and journalists alike have felt comfortable claiming, often on the basis of the most fleeting experience there, how postwar Iraq is going to turn out. With his “Mission Accomplished” speech aboard the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln in the immediate aftermath of the fall of Baghdad to American forces, and the Range Rover machismo of his “bring ’em on” response to the first serious signs of a homegrown Iraqi insurgent challenge to the US occupation, President Bush remains the world record-holder for this brand of hubris. But any number of people, from Vice President Cheney down to the most hectoring blowhard on Fox News, have been hard at work making a run for his title.</div><div>
</div><div>Mostly, it has been a habit of feeling (and of hype), not of thought. Given the fact that Gen. John Abizaid, who heads the US Central Command, and Gen. George Casey, who commands the multinational forces on the ground in Iraq, have both said publicly that over the past six months the insurgency has remained much the same in terms of its lethality and reach, and that Defense Secretary Rumsfeld has said it could go on for as many as twelve years, it is hard to believe the Vice President really thinks it is in its “last throes.” But to the right, it is an article of faith that the United States is winning. The problem is that it has been an article of faith since before the war even began. And by the fall of 2003, six months after Baghdad fell, pro-Administration pundits were already insisting that, as Max Boot, John M. Olin fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and contributing editor to The Weekly Standard, put it at that time, “the world press, which lavished such attention on Iraqi looting back in May, seems largely indifferent to the successful work of rebuilding that has gone on since.”</div><div>
</div><div>Boot pointed out such supposedly underreported or misrepresented success stories as what was taking place in Iraq’s Shiite south around the shrine city of Najaf, controlled by the Marines, and in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul, controlled by the Army’s 101st Airborne Division. By 2004 Americans had their hands full beating back a rebellion by the militia of radical cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, and after Baghdad Mosul is now probably the least secure and most heavily insurgent city in all of Iraq. Apparently undeterred, Boot recently published a column in the Los Angeles Times titled “Why the Rebels Will Lose.”</div><div>
</div><div>Some of the hard left, or what passes for it in the United States and Britain, has not been much better. An equally ideologically based divination of the Iraqi future has been in effect. The new Iraqi government, which Susan Watkins, writing in New Left Review, called “Vichy on the Tigris,” could not last (it did). The January elections would be a failure (they weren’t). There would be civil war between Shiites and Sunnis (so far not, in no small measure thanks to the Shiite Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani).</div><div>
</div><div>The fact is, no one really knows how things are going to turn out in Iraq, and the certainty with which those who don’t seem to think they do, from President Bush and Paul Wolfowitz to Noam Chomsky and Arundhati Roy, brings to mind Cicero’s remark that he cannot understand how, when two soothsayers meet in the street, they both don’t burst out laughing.</div><div>
</div><div>There is, however, a subset of books and articles on Iraq that are worth taking seriously. More limited in scope, they are mostly concerned with what went wrong either in the planning for the war or with the conduct of the US occupation in its aftermath. That things went not just wrong but badly wrong is, after all, perhaps the one thing on which opponents and supporters of the war (outside a lunatic fringe of right-wing bloggers and their audience, that is) can agree. Like the existence or, rather, the nonexistence of an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction in Saddam Hussein’s hands, the predictions of Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and others more or less all the way down the Administration food chain about Americans being welcomed with sweets and flowers, the ease with which order would be established, the speed with which US troops would be withdrawn and the relatively low cost of the entire venture, have all proved to have been mistaken. Indeed, there is something quite startling, perhaps even unique in the annals of US government, about the comprehensiveness of the Bush Administration’s misreading of the postwar situation in Iraq.</div><div>
</div><div><b>The depth of that misreading is exposed both in Larry Diamond’s Squandered Victory and David L. Phillips’s Losing Iraq.</b> The subtitle of each book telegraphs its thesis nicely while hinting at each writer’s area of expertise. Diamond, a professor of political science and sociology at Stanford and a leading figure in what has become the academic subdiscipline of “democracy building,” calls his “the American occupation and the bungled effort to bring democracy to Iraq.” Phillips, a longtime campaigner for humanitarian interventions from the Balkans to Afghanistan and a former adviser to the State Department planning group for postwar Iraq, uses the blunt phrase “inside the postwar reconstruction fiasco.” So we know where we are.</div><div>
</div><div>Reading Phillips and Diamond is like reading an account of the campaign of a seriously inept military commander–Alcibiades, say, or Custer. Given the scale of muddle, pigheadedness, amateurism, bureaucratic infighting, ego and turf wars that both men describe in the run-up to the war (the strongest and most original part of Phillips’s book, not least because he was an actor of some significance in that period) and during the first year of the American occupation, when Iraq was ruled by the so-called Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), in which Diamond served for some months, it is a wonder that things in Iraq have not turned out even worse than they appear to have done so far. Diamond says as much. “Mistakes,” he writes, “were made at virtually every turn.”</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Of course, some of these mistakes are by now very well known. As Diamond rightly puts it, “The United States invaded Iraq without an effective plan to secure the peace.” The looting of Baghdad, which those of us who were there at the time witnessed in all its stupefying comprehensiveness even as we were flabbergasted by the unwillingness of US forces to intervene in any way, was emblematic of the whole sorry postwar mess. Diamond covers this, as he glancingly treats the prewar planning failures that are Phillips’s main focus. But he is most instructive in his account of the nuts and bolts of the dysfunctionality of the CPA. “We never had enough civilian employees, or enough armored cars, body armor, helicopters, and other forms of secure transportation to move the staff members safely around,” he writes. “We never had enough translators and interpreters….We never had sufficient expertise on the ground–people who knew the country, its culture, and its history, and who could speak its language reasonably well.”</span></div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Worse still, unable to attract many people with real experience to its ranks, “the CPA relied heavily,” as Diamond puts it, “on a revolving door of diplomats and other personnel who would leave just as they had begun to develop local knowledge and ties, and on a cadre of eager neophytes–some arrogant and others reflective, some idealistic and others driven mainly by political ambition.”</span></div><div>
</div><div><b>Here, Diamond is being unnecessarily discreet. He really should have been much more severe with regard to these people he calls “eager neophytes”–in reality, disproportionately young men and women who worked in low-level positions within the Bush Administration, the Washington right-wing think-tank orbit, the Congressional Republican Party or the national Republican Party. </b>A few,<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> notably the CPA’s senior adviser, Dan Senor (now a contributor to Fox News), cut their institutional teeth in AIPAC, the powerful American-Israeli Political Action Committee. </span>It was commonplace to talk to young people in the Green Zone–the heavily fortified palace complex where the CPA was headquartered and from which most CPA employees rarely ventured except under heavy military escort–and find them fully up to speed on the Bush Administration’s revolutionary project (a favorite word of theirs) for democratizing the Middle East but with only the haziest knowledge of Iraq, let alone of Arab, Persian or Islamic history. A favorite joke among these kids–and they were kids–at the time was, “anyone can go to Baghdad. Real men want to go to Tehran.” Thus did neoconservative dreams, hatched within the Beltway, flourish for a time along the Tigris.</div><div>
</div><div>Diamond’s story, well told and carefully judged, is, to paraphrase Joan Didion, how those dreams came to dust. For him, it was as much as anything a matter of hubris–“the same imperial hubris,” in his words, “that had landed the United States in Iraq with a democratizing mission but no real sense of how to accomplish it.” For Diamond the CPA’s administrator, L. Paul Bremer, exemplified this combination of complacency tipping into arrogance–above all, the failure to realize how Iraqis saw their American occupiers and to reckon with the gap between “how the powerful behave and how the powerless behave,” as one of Diamond’s CPA colleagues once remarked to him. This attitude extended to the disbanding of the Iraqi army and the barring of mid-grade as well as senior Baathists from public employment, along with naïveté about the Iraqi political situation–starting with an overestimation of exile leader and then-Defense Department favorite Ahmad Chalabi, but more crucially in what Diamond views as a radical underestimation of the importance of Grand Ayatollah Sistani.</div><div>
</div><div><b>It does credit to his sense of fairness that Diamond goes to some lengths to paint a mixed picture of Bremer and of the CPA</b>. Not for him the American military’s contempt for the organization, exemplified, as<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> Max Boot reported, in the joke that CPA stood for “Can’t Provide Anything</span>.” Diamond notes that some of the worst decisions Bremer made were probably imposed on him by senior members of the Bush Administration, and he compliments Bremer’s commitment and his work ethic. And yet the portrait Diamond paints of this erstwhile US Ambassador to the Netherlands, Ambassador at Large with special responsibility for counterterrorism and onetime managing director of Kissinger Associates (and, by extension, of the US occupation of Iraq as a whole) is devastating–more devastating, perhaps, than even Diamond realizes. It is well-known that Bremer could never establish decent relations with Sistani, who sedulously refused to meet with him (indeed, Diamond should properly have stressed the role of Brazilian diplomat Sergio Vieira de Mello, the United Nations special representative who before his assassination in Baghdad was mostly responsible for keeping channels open between the American occupiers and Sistani). What is less well-known is what Diamond describes as Bremer’s insistence–shades of his ex-boss Kissinger–on controlling every aspect of the CPA. One of his senior aides confided to D<b>iamond that Bremer “stovepiped everything. Nobody knew what anyone else was doing.”</b></div><div>
</div><div>Squandered Victory ends on a note of self-questioning rather than certainty, as well it should, given the fact that, as Diamond rightly says, “despite the litany of blunders we have committed, Iraq may yet emerge slowly from political chaos, first into a troubled semidemocracy, and then, gradually, into a democracy.” But while, in the last chapter of his book, he lapses back into his Stanford political science persona and offers a series of policy recommendations for how a future American occupation might be better prepared and better carried out, his heart doesn’t really seem to be in this (already curiously tentative) blueprint. Even before laying out his recommendations, Diamond quotes a senior Arab diplomat of his acquaintance who told him that “the war itself was the original sin,” and it is worth recalling that Diamond himself opposed the war before it started. That said, for Diamond even to attempt to persuade his readers after what his book documents so ably that “if we learn from our mistakes, our next engagement to help rebuild a collapsed state might have a more successful outcome” seems not just conformist but intellectually irresponsible–hope for hope’s sake, which is a sentiment, not a rational conclusion. If anything, his contention that the real lesson of Iraq is not “‘don’t do it’ but ‘don’t do it alone’ and ‘don’t do it with an imperial approach'” has an even more unreal quality.</div><div>
</div><div><b>After reading these lines, one can’t help asking in what world Diamond thinks he’s living. He clearly has a fine mind and he has written a serious and valuable book, but he also seems to have a conventional mind</b>. Iraq is not a conquered or even, if one were to take the neoconservative view, a “liberated” country; it is a collapsed state. And the lessons of previous “nation-building” efforts could and should have been applied to Iraq. Perhaps. But when Diamond, following the Australian academic Simon Chesterman, seriously contends that it is possible to combine “international trusteeship or imperial functions with a distinctly non-imperial attitude,” any reader possessed of the most rudimentary skeptical faculties will start tuning out. Still, this kind of senior-common-room utopianism inadvertently makes clear what is missing from Diamond’s otherwise unflinching look at what took place in Iraq under US occupation. And that is the problem of empire. It is empire that is the ghost at the banquet in Diamond’s approach, and it is the problem of imperialism that, although he treats it glancingly, he never quite confronts.</div><div>
</div><div>But at least Diamond remains troubled by the entire project of America going into Iraq, if not (or at least not sufficiently) by the project of imposing democracy from without. Whatever their other differences, that project is a major point of convergence between the Bush Administration and human rights liberals who are otherwise most critical of it. As William Schulz, the executive director of Amnesty International (USA), put it recently, “Had any president other than George Bush promised in his inaugural address to tie U.S. policy to the pursuit of ‘freedom’s cause’ and uttered words like ‘America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains or that women welcome humiliation and servitude,’ our [i.e., the human rights movement’s] hands would ache from applause.”</div><div>
</div><div><b>David L. Phillips has far fewer doubts than Diamond.</b> Losing Iraq is perhaps the best recapitulation we have so far had of the position of those who ardently supported US intervention in Iraq and, for that matter, generally support so-called humanitarian interventions throughout the world (though calling them interventions on human rights grounds would probably be more accurate), as Phillips devoted himself to doing during the Balkan wars of the 1990s. And while his book is largely an indictment of the way the Bush Administration decided to deal with Iraq after it had deposed Saddam, Phillips goes to some lengths to point out the continuities between George W. Bush’s foreign policy goals and those of his predecessors–goals that Phillips summarizes by quoting from a speech by President Truman to the effect that “it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation.”</div><div>
</div><div>When he uses Truman’s lines to evoke this American mission, Phillips seems to be thinking of the Kurds, with whom he has developed especially close relations over the past fifteen years, and perhaps of the besieged Sarajevans as well. Unfortunately, it never seems to occur to him that, say, from a Latin American perspective, those words have a very different resonance indeed, and that on that continent, historically, the free peoples resisting subjugation were more often than not resisting the subjugation of the United States. But imperialism does not trouble Phillips. He seems never to have doubted that it was right to overthrow Saddam on human rights grounds. At various points in his book, he speaks of the campaign’s “noble intentions” and echoes–without even the minimal skepticism that the powerful surely should always engender in people with any historical memory at all–then-National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice’s description of America’s mission (and how loaded, not to say self-infatuated, that word alone is, and what habits of thought and feeling it reveals) as one in which America “may be the only great power in history that prefers greatness to power and justice to glory.”</div><div>
</div><div>Caveat emptor. In Losing Iraq, the problem of imperialism is simply ignored. What Phillips seeks to do, beyond, of course, exposing the mess the Bush Administration made of postwar Iraq, is, as he says, to elucidate the Administration’s “mistakes in Iraq so that it does not repeat them elsewhere.” It is emblematic of Phillips’s view that, whereas former national security official David Rothkopf has criticized the Bush Administration for what he calls its “rationale shopping” in the run-up to the Iraq War, Phillips seems comfortable predicting (and approving of) US interventions to “protect its security interests, remove weapons of mass destruction (WMD), or prevent genocide.” Yes, he would like more multilateralism, more inclusion of and respect for the UN–in short, he is closer to the Bill Clinton than the George W. Bush version of American hegemony–but the idea that intervention itself might pose moral problems is not a possibility Phillips seems prepared to consider. Once more, in this, as in other important aspects of its argument, Phillips’s book illustrates the continuities between the Bush Administration’s approach and that of the human rights movement.</div><div>
</div><div>However, the real interest of Phillips’s book, and what makes it essential reading for anyone interested in why the postwar went so badly, is his insider’s view of how the United States planned and how it failed to plan for the Iraq over which it would hold sway after the fall of Saddam. The Administration’s view, publicly at least, is that its postwar planning was effective in some ways and ineffective in others, and that, since this is true of all plans, particularly military plans, it has little to answer for. And it is true that the Pentagon did make plans to cope with the sorts of things US forces had faced after the Gulf War of 1991–above all, an attempt by the Iraqis to set fire to the oilfields and the movement of hundreds of thousands if not millions of refugees. But whatever the planning, or lack of it, no one who saw the disarray of US forces as Baghdad was looted, or later read in the after-action reports by various units that there had been little or no rehearsal for even maintaining order in postwar Iraq, could be in any doubt that American planners had either not anticipated or been unable to come up with answers to the challenges that the American occupiers did confront.</div><div>
</div><div>To those of us on the ground at the time, there were only two credible explanations. The first was that the planners had gotten things wrong; the second was that there had been no plan (the Iraqis I knew generally attributed the debacle to a US conspiracy–a view, in my experience at least, from which most could not be moved). The great merit of Losing Iraq is that it documents not just the fascinating debates between Iraqi exiles and US government officials to which Phillips was often the only independent American witness but the fact that, under the aegis of the State Department in the year before the war began, these Iraqi exiles themselves came up with a postwar plan that both anticipated many of the problems the CPA would face–in other words, that panoply of difficulties Diamond exposes so ruefully in his book–and offered solutions for them.</div><div>
</div><div>To his credit, Phillips is under no illusion that what became known as the State Department’s Future of Iraq Project, to which he was a senior adviser and, because of his deep and longstanding ties to the Iraqi opposition, a key facilitator, would have been a “silver bullet for Iraq’s problems.” But it was, he insists, rightly in my view, not just “a broad, voluntary effort to meld the talents, experience, and expertise of Iraqis in the service of a new Iraq” but one that dealt seriously with almost every aspect of Iraqi society–from public finance and agriculture to human rights, justice and security. Obviously, one huge if inescapable drawback of the project was that all the Iraqi participants except the Kurds were in exile and that exiles, be they Cuban, Croatian, Iraqi or Tibetan, almost never have a view of their homeland that reflects the changes since their departure. Although obviously aware of the problem, Phillips does not emphasize sufficiently the distortion this must have produced in the Project’s work. There is something almost starry-eyed about his account of Iraqis “coming together,” as he puts it, “to plan their country’s recovery.” Given the infighting among the participants he describes in such illuminating detail, the reality must often have been very different.</div><div>
</div><div>A further problem is that Phillips, as much if not more than Diamond, uncritically uses catchphrases like “rebuilding institutions,” “transition to democracy” and “democratic principles,” as if they stood in no need of examination or critique as concepts–one more illustration of what might be called the mechanistic fallacy of the democracy-building “business.” When, for example, he reports that “the task force recognized that human rights and the rule of law are the cornerstones of peace, progress, and development,” one starts to feel that one is at a party meeting, even if the party in question is not necessarily clear. For a sentence like that is not a thought, it’s an incantation–like so much of the rhetoric of the human rights movement today, whether expressed by Paul Wolfowitz or Amnesty International’s Irene Khan.</div><div>
</div><div>But for all the objections that can be raised to the Future of Iraq Project, as Phillips says, it anticipated many of the problems the CPA would face in postwar Iraq and so often failed to cope with either effectively or intelligently. In contrast, the Defense Department had no coherent plan. As Phillips remarks with justifiable bitterness, instead of a plan or a program the Bush Administration “focused on a person”–Ahmad Chalabi, who, they believed, could transform Iraq into a liberal democracy and support US goals in the Middle East. Having joined forces with Muqtada al-Sadr and the Iranians, to whom he allegedly provided extremely sensitive intelligence on American plans in Iraq, Chalabi has few friends in Washington these days, and it is now hard to remember what a swath the Iraqi exile cut through the corridors of power–above all Vice President Cheney’s office and the office of the Defense Secretary–before the war began. Phillips’s book is in many ways an account of how Chalabi and the Defense Department wrested the initiative from the State Department and the overwhelming majority of Iraqi exiles without ever coming up with the kind of planning the Future of Iraq Project had done. There is, at least in his telling, the silky adroitness of a Renaissance prince in Chalabi’s successful campaign to be the Americans’ primary interlocutor when the war began.</div><div>
</div><div>The key moment, in Phillips’s view, was when President Bush signed National Security Directive 24 giving the Pentagon overall control over even the nonmilitary aspects of postwar Iraq. It established the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA), which was in fact the CPA’s predecessor, and placed it under the supervision of Douglas Feith, a leading neoconservative in the Defense Department and one of the leading advocates within the Administration for the ouster of Saddam. The institutional turf war, well if bitterly chronicled in Losing Iraq, was over. The Defense Department had prevailed over the State Department, even on those humanitarian issues that, through the US Agency for International Development (USAID), State had traditionally controlled. As Phillips puts it, “ORHA was formed to do the job started by the Future of Iraq Project. However, it did not avail itself of previous planning, nor did it make use of those in the State Department knowledgeable about Iraq.”</div><div>
</div><div>For Phillips, once that decision was made the stage was set for the cascade of errors committed by Bremer and the CPA. Instead of liberation and a fairly quick handover of power to an Iraqi government, which is what Phillips says the Iraqi members of the Future of Iraq Project had assumed would happen after the Baathist regime was defeated, Iraq got an occupation. For Phillips, it was only when the CPA was dissolved and sovereignty returned to Iraqis that what he rather too romantically calls Iraqis’ “dreams of democracy” was even salvageable again. That is where the central narrative of his book ends: with the hope that it is not too late.</div><div>
</div><div>The contributions both Diamond and Phillips make to understanding what has taken place in Iraq are considerable. But there is a sense in which one of their most important contributions is inadvertent. For both their books illustrate and exemplify the extraordinary consensus about the duty to intervene that has arisen over the course of the post-cold war world. We have not yet begun to pay the price for this–not because we do it ineptly but rather because it rarely seems possible except on the far fringes of the political right and left, what with the “historic compromise” between the Bush Administration and the human rights movement over humanitarian intervention, if not over torture, rendition, the Patriot Act and myriad other issues, to have a serious conversation about whether the United States has any business trying to create democracies by force of arms. Instead, the consensus not just of these two writers and activists but of the great and the good from the Kennedy School of Government, to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, to the thirty-eighth floor of the UN, to 10 Downing Street seems to be that we–whether the “we” in question proves to be the United States, the UN or that mythical entity, the international community–must learn to do this sort of thing better, more effectively, perhaps more humanely. It is not only L. Paul Bremer who suffers from hubris.</div><div>
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height: 20px; width: 15px; padding: 0px 15px; margin: 0px -15px; outline: 0px;"><div class="PkoSMe" aria-label="More options" role="button" tabindex="0" style="outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span jsname="I3kE2c" class="S003Ke ZoN4Lb z1asCe SaPW2b" style="display: inline-block; fill: currentcolor; height: 18px; line-height: 18px; position: relative; width: 18px; flex: 0 0 auto;"><svg focusable="false" viewbox="0 0 24 24" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><path d="M12 8c1.1 0 2-.9 2-2s-.9-2-2-2-2 .9-2 2 .9 2 2 2zm0 2c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2zm0 6c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2z" /></font></span></font></div></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span jsname="zOVa8" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQh-4GegQIDxAF" /></font></font></div></div></div></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="1" data-sokoban-feature="nke7rc" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="VwiC3b yXK7lf MUxGbd yDYNvb lyLwlc lEBKkf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; display: -webkit-box; -webkit-box-orient: vertical; overflow: hidden; -webkit-line-clamp: 2;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="MUxGbd wuQ4Ob WZ8Tjf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;">by L Diamond<span aria-hidden="true">&nbsp;·&nbsp;</span>2004<span aria-hidden="true">&nbsp;·&nbsp;</span>Cited by 294&nbsp;—&nbsp;</span><span style="font-weight: bold;">LARRY DIAMOND</span>&nbsp;is Co-editor of the Journal of Democracy and Senior ...&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">CPA</span>&nbsp;(which ruled&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraq</span>&nbsp;from May 2003 untilJune 2004) worked hard and.</font></font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-sokoban-feature="bvRFlf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div jscontroller="K6HGfd" id="eob_3" jsdata="fxg5tf;;Aq2ySw" jsaction="rcuQ6b:npT2md" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQ2Z0BegQIChAA" /></div><div class="MjjYud" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div jscontroller="SC7lYd" class="g Ww4FFb vt6azd tF2Cxc" lang="en" jsaction="QyLbLe:OMITjf;xd28Mb:A6j43c" data-hveid="CA0QAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFSgAegQIDRAA" style="line-height: 1.58; 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</font></a></font><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/iraq/2004-09-01/what-went-wrong-iraq" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAsQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/iraq/2004-09-01/what-went-wrong-iraq&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAsQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">What Went Wrong in Iraq | Foreign Affairs</font></a></font></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.foreignaffairs.com<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› articles › what-went-w...</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
;Aq2yS4 cECq7c;;Aq2yTE" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQieYJegQICxAE"><div role="button" tabindex="0" jsaction="RvIhPd" class="XKprh" style="cursor: pointer; height: 20px; width: 15px; padding: 0px 15px; margin: 0px -15px; outline: 0px;"><div class="PkoSMe" aria-label="More options" role="button" tabindex="0" style="outline: 0px;"><span jsname="I3kE2c" class="S003Ke ZoN4Lb z1asCe SaPW2b" style="display: inline-block; fill: currentcolor; height: 18px; line-height: 18px; position: relative; width: 18px; flex: 0 0 auto;"><svg focusable="false" viewbox="0 0 24 24" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><path d="M12 8c1.1 0 2-.9 2-2s-.9-2-2-2-2 .9-2 2 .9 2 2 2zm0 2c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2zm0 6c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2z" /></font></span></div></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span jsname="zOVa8" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQh-4GegQICxAF" /></font></div></div></div></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="1" data-sokoban-feature="nke7rc" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="VwiC3b yXK7lf MUxGbd yDYNvb lyLwlc lEBKkf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; display: -webkit-box; -webkit-box-orient: vertical; overflow: hidden; -webkit-line-clamp: 2;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Larry Diamond</span>&nbsp;is Co-editor of the Journal of Democracy and Senior Fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution. From January to April 2004, he served as a&nbsp;...</font></font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-sokoban-feature="bvRFlf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div jscontroller="K6HGfd" id="eob_2" jsdata="fxg5tf;;Aq2ySs" jsaction="rcuQ6b:npT2md" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQ2Z0BegQICRAA" /></div><div class="MjjYud" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div jscontroller="SC7lYd" class="g Ww4FFb vt6azd tF2Cxc" lang="en" jsaction="QyLbLe:OMITjf;xd28Mb:A6j43c" data-hveid="CA4QAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFSgAegQIDhAA" style="line-height: 1.58; width: 600px; margin: 0px 0px 30px; position: relative; border: 0px; border-radius: 0px;"><div class="kvH3mc BToiNc UK95Uc" data-sokoban-container="ih6Jnb_uIxYv" style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: flex-start; position: relative; contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden;"><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc jGGQ5e" data-header-feature="0" data-sokoban-feature="x5WNvb" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="yuRUbf" style="line-height: 1.58;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.aei.org/articles/squandered-victory-and-losing-iraq/" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAwQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.aei.org/articles/squandered-victory-and-losing-iraq/&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAwQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">
</font></a></font><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.aei.org/articles/squandered-victory-and-losing-iraq/" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAwQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.aei.org/articles/squandered-victory-and-losing-iraq/&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECAwQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Squandered Victory and Losing Iraq - AEI</font></a></font></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.aei.org<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› articles › squandered-victory-and...</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
;Aq2yS0 cECq7c;;Aq2yTA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQieYJegQIDBAE"><div role="button" tabindex="0" jsaction="RvIhPd" class="XKprh" style="cursor: pointer; height: 20px; width: 15px; padding: 0px 15px; margin: 0px -15px; outline: 0px;"><div class="PkoSMe" aria-label="More options" role="button" tabindex="0" style="outline: 0px;"><span jsname="I3kE2c" class="S003Ke ZoN4Lb z1asCe SaPW2b" style="display: inline-block; fill: currentcolor; height: 18px; line-height: 18px; position: relative; width: 18px; flex: 0 0 auto;"><svg focusable="false" viewbox="0 0 24 24" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><path d="M12 8c1.1 0 2-.9 2-2s-.9-2-2-2-2 .9-2 2 .9 2 2 2zm0 2c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2zm0 6c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2z" /></font></span></div></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span jsname="zOVa8" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQh-4GegQIDBAF" /></font></div></div></div></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="1" data-sokoban-feature="nke7rc" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="VwiC3b yXK7lf MUxGbd yDYNvb lyLwlc lEBKkf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; display: -webkit-box; -webkit-box-orient: vertical; overflow: hidden; -webkit-line-clamp: 2;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraq</span>. By&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Larry Diamond</span>. 369 pp. Times Books. $25.</font></font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-sokoban-feature="bvRFlf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div jscontroller="K6HGfd" id="eob_1" jsdata="fxg5tf;;Aq2ySo" jsaction="rcuQ6b:npT2md" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQ2Z0BegQICBAA" /></div><div class="MjjYud" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div data-hveid="CB4QAA"><div class="g" style="line-height: 1.58; width: 600px; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 30px;"><div><div jscontroller="SC7lYd" lang="en" jsaction="QyLbLe:OMITjf;xd28Mb:A6j43c" data-hveid="CBcQAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFSgAegQIFxAA" style="width: 600px;"><div class="kvH3mc BToiNc UK95Uc" data-sokoban-container="ih6Jnb_w8bczf" style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: flex-start; position: relative; contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden;"><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc jGGQ5e" data-header-feature="0" data-sokoban-feature="x5WNvb" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="yuRUbf" style="line-height: 1.58;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/iraq-setbacks-advances-prospects/" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBgQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/iraq-setbacks-advances-prospects/&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBgQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">
</font></a></font><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/iraq-setbacks-advances-prospects/" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBgQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/iraq-setbacks-advances-prospects/&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBgQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Iraq: Setbacks, Advances, Prospects | Journal of Democracy</font></a></font></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.journalofdemocracy.org<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› Iraq</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
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</font></a></font><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Diamond-16-1.pdf" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBoQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Diamond-16-1.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECBoQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Diamond-16-1.pdf - Journal of Democracy</font></a></font></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.journalofdemocracy.org<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› 2012/04</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
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</font></a></font><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><a href="https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Inside+the+green+zone%3A+a+former+CPA+advisor+details+just+how...-a0136565968" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCsQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Inside%2Bthe%2Bgreen%2Bzone%253A%2Ba%2Bformer%2BCPA%2Badvisor%2Bdetails%2Bjust%2Bhow...-a0136565968&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCsQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">a former CPA advisor details just how dysfunctional the Iraq ...</font></a></font></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.thefreelibrary.com<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› ... › September 1, 2005</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
;Aq2yT8 cECq7c;;Aq2yUE" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQieYJegQIKxAE"><div role="button" tabindex="0" jsaction="RvIhPd" class="XKprh" style="cursor: pointer; height: 20px; width: 15px; padding: 0px 15px; margin: 0px -15px; outline: 0px;"><div class="PkoSMe" aria-label="More options" role="button" tabindex="0" style="outline: 0px;"><span jsname="I3kE2c" class="S003Ke ZoN4Lb z1asCe SaPW2b" style="display: inline-block; fill: currentcolor; height: 18px; line-height: 18px; position: relative; width: 18px; flex: 0 0 auto;"><svg focusable="false" viewbox="0 0 24 24" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><path d="M12 8c1.1 0 2-.9 2-2s-.9-2-2-2-2 .9-2 2 .9 2 2 2zm0 2c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2zm0 6c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2z" /></font></span></div></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span jsname="zOVa8" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQh-4GegQIKxAF" /></font></div></div></div></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="1" data-sokoban-feature="nke7rc" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="VwiC3b yXK7lf MUxGbd yDYNvb lyLwlc lEBKkf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; display: -webkit-box; -webkit-box-orient: vertical; overflow: hidden; -webkit-line-clamp: 2;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Diamond's</span>&nbsp;actual tenure in&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraq</span>&nbsp;as an advisor to&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">CPA's</span>&nbsp;vice regal director ... chaos of post-<span style="font-weight: bold;">war Iraq</span>, Bush administration officials from Rumsfeld to&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Bremer</span>&nbsp;...</font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-sokoban-feature="bvRFlf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div jscontroller="K6HGfd" id="eob_6" jsdata="fxg5tf;;Aq2yTw" jsaction="rcuQ6b:npT2md" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQ2Z0BegQIJhAA" /></div><div class="MjjYud" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div jscontroller="SC7lYd" class="g Ww4FFb vt6azd tF2Cxc" lang="en" jsaction="QyLbLe:OMITjf;xd28Mb:A6j43c" data-hveid="CC8QAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFSgAegQILxAA" style="line-height: 1.58; width: 600px; margin: 0px 0px 30px; position: relative; border: 0px; border-radius: 0px;"><div class="kvH3mc BToiNc UK95Uc" data-sokoban-container="ih6Jnb_sFjg2" style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: flex-start; position: relative; contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden;"><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc jGGQ5e" data-header-feature="0" data-sokoban-feature="x5WNvb" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="yuRUbf" style="line-height: 1.58;"><a href="https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/casestudy/ciao10029/index.html" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC0QAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/casestudy/ciao10029/index.html&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC0QAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">
</font></a><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><a href="https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/casestudy/ciao10029/index.html" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC0QAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/casestudy/ciao10029/index.html&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC0QAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Iraq: "The Wrong War at the Wrong Time with the Wrong ...</font></a></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› casestudy › ciao10029</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
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</font></a><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Squandered-Victory-American-Occupation-Democracy/dp/0805080082" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECDQQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.amazon.com/Squandered-Victory-American-Occupation-Democracy/dp/0805080082&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECDQQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Squandered Victory: The American Occupation and the ...</font></a></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.amazon.com<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› Squandered-Victory-Ameri...</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
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Bungled Effort to Bring Democracy to&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraq</span>&nbsp;[<span style="font-weight: bold;">Diamond</span>,&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Larry</span>] on Amazon.com. ... help the Coalition Provisional Authority (<span style="font-weight: bold;">CPA</span>) draft&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraq's</span>&nbsp;transitional.</font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="2" data-sokoban-feature="mCCBcf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="fG8Fp uo4vr" style="line-height: 1.58;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><g-review-stars aria-hidden="true"><span class="Fam1ne tPhRLe" role="img" style="background-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaacoaaaamcaqaaaaycmgraaaa="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAACoAAAAmCAQAAAAYCMGrAAAA" kleqvr4acwv4cbtmbbff0mivuopovsrhddv="klEQVR4AcWV4cbtMBBFF0MIVUopoVSrhDDv" gf="gf" rfrpzdnoty1hibo99mzeywgcmzmkcpgrcgrxisuhckdeukxjkcxaumiehkxw6fzhxezmp0x4kczbyyisqlydal0sups6wrvpdlek0ysamjijopy0c="RFRpzdNOty1HiBO99mzeYWgCMZMKCPGrCgrxiSUhCkDeukxJKCXAUMiehkxw6FZhxEzmp0x4kCzByYISqlYdal0supS6WrVpdLEK0YSamJiJOPY0c" uog4s6ccxfukjajcrzyncqjsnif1srtr1hp11nnj8rcronoprf="uOG4s6CcXfuKJaJcRzyNCQJsNiF1sRTR1hP11NNJ8RCrONOPRf" r7j="r7J" tzgq5cnfmoyvw="TZgQ5CNfMOYvW" yxdqzqa="YxDqzqA" gvy9eiakrnyzegxdsae3p="gVY9eiakrnyZEGXDsaE3p" jscwpx3rtnzatdxnpwt7x16xahah8hwnrlxjd9tygti5tcm84zpze="JScwPX3rtnZATDxnPWT7X16XAHaH8HWNrlxJD9TyGti5tCM84zpZe" rxnjex9tzqlagomxn="RxNjeX9tZqLaGoMxN" p="P" whp5vw="wHP5Vw" zxneqaaaabjru5erkjggg="=" background-repeat="background-repeat" repeat-x="repeat-x" display="display" inline-block="inline-block" overflow="overflow" hidden="hidden" position="position" relative="relative" background-size="background-size" px="px" height="height" top="top" width="width" xmlns:data="data"><span style="background-image: url(" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaacoaaaambamaaabalxqtaaaafvbmvevmaxh4twp4twp4twp4twp4twp4twp7w8s="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAACoAAAAmBAMAAABALxQTAAAAFVBMVEVMaXH4twP4twP4twP4twP4twP4twP7w8S" aaaab3rstlmafv5uppvqloustqaaamfjrefueage0teogzamqfexodniyc6="AAAAB3RSTlMAFv5uPpvQloUsTQAAAMFJREFUeAGE0TEOgzAMQFEXoDNiYC6" wfxxastaddkb5f6hqnrenxui8tyirfny8lnxkjbokubwseahsyjoyiw9xo4meqshktbcsyih7gldgfashhgmwkikzqd6orozrg4hxju8o="wFxxAsTADDkB5f6HqNRENXUi8TYiRfnY8lNXkjBOkuBWSeAhsYJOYiW9xO4MEqshkTbCSyIH7GLdgFasHHgmwkikZQD6OROZRG4Hxju8o" tnhbnhcqkoxazdvkdxnnq="TNhbNhCqkOxaZDVKdxNnq" ejus="EjUS" a2o0puxpyveb9bjdwy9qswxdqfbbtbjtwy9bm4sqfx="A2o0PuXpyVeb9bjDWY9QSWXDQfBbtbjtWY9bM4sqfx" yyt8wncafezrggkk5668ksfrkewptq3afqh8wonyz="yYt8wNcAFEzrGGkk5668KsFrKewPtQ3aFqh8WOnYZ" libqkgykawk8rlaqchfqaaaaasuvork5cyii="); background-repeat: repeat-x; display: block; background-size: 13px 12px; height: 13px; top: 1px; width: 53px;" xmlns:data="data" /></span></g-review-stars>&nbsp;Rating: 3.8&nbsp;· ‎32 reviews&nbsp;· ‎$27.99&nbsp;· ‎In stock</font></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-sokoban-feature="bvRFlf" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div jscontroller="K6HGfd" id="eob_8" jsdata="fxg5tf;;Aq2yT0" jsaction="rcuQ6b:npT2md" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQ2Z0BegQIKBAA" /></div><div class="MjjYud" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div jscontroller="SC7lYd" class="g Ww4FFb vt6azd tF2Cxc" lang="en" jsaction="QyLbLe:OMITjf;xd28Mb:A6j43c" data-hveid="CCoQAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFSgAegQIKhAA" style="line-height: 1.58; width: 600px; margin: 0px 0px 30px; position: relative; border: 0px; border-radius: 0px;"><div class="kvH3mc BToiNc UK95Uc" data-sokoban-container="ih6Jnb_zfjQzf" style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: flex-start; position: relative; contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden;"><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc jGGQ5e" data-header-feature="0" data-sokoban-feature="x5WNvb" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="yuRUbf" style="line-height: 1.58;"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340601010602" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCkQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340601010602&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCkQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">
</font></a><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340601010602" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCkQAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510340601010602&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECCkQAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Political Elites and Democratic State-building Efforts in Bosnia ...</font></a></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.tandfonline.com<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› ... › Volume 13, Issue 5</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
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</font></a><h3 class="LC20lb MBeuO DKV0Md" style="font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 3px; padding: 5px 0px 0px; line-height: 1.3; display: inline-block;"><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2004/06/20/as-handover-nears-us-mistakes-loom-large/cbe63820-0126-4c43-9648-63102019f508/" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC4QAQ" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2004/06/20/as-handover-nears-us-mistakes-loom-large/cbe63820-0126-4c43-9648-63102019f508/&ved=2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQFnoECC4QAQ" style="text-decoration-line: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">As Handover Nears, U.S. Mistakes Loom Large - The Washington Post</font></a></h3><div class="TbwUpd NJjxre" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none; position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;">https://www.washingtonpost.com<span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="">&nbsp;› politics › 2004/06/20</span></cite></div><div class="B6fmyf" style="position: absolute; top: 0px; height: 0px; visibility: hidden; white-space: nowrap;"><div class="TbwUpd" style="display: inline-block; padding-bottom: 2px; padding-top: 1px; text-size-adjust: none;"><cite class="iUh30 qLRx3b tjvcx" role="text" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1.3; padding-top: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="dyjrff qzEoUe" role="text" style="" /></font></cite></div><div class="rnBE4e" style="display: inline; margin-left: 20px; position: absolute; visibility: visible;"><div jscontroller="exgaYe" data-bsextraheight="0" data-frm="true" data-isdesktop="true" data-movewtractions="true" jsdata="l7Bhpb;
;Aq2yUI cECq7c;_;Aq2yUM" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQieYJegQILhAE"><div role="button" tabindex="0" jsaction="RvIhPd" class="XKprh" style="cursor: pointer; height: 20px; width: 15px; padding: 0px 15px; margin: 0px -15px; outline: 0px;"><div class="PkoSMe" aria-label="More options" role="button" tabindex="0" style="outline: 0px;"><span jsname="I3kE2c" class="S003Ke ZoN4Lb z1asCe SaPW2b" style="display: inline-block; fill: currentcolor; height: 18px; line-height: 18px; position: relative; width: 18px; flex: 0 0 auto;"><svg focusable="false" viewbox="0 0 24 24" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" /><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><path d="M12 8c1.1 0 2-.9 2-2s-.9-2-2-2-2 .9-2 2 .9 2 2 2zm0 2c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2zm0 6c-1.1 0-2 .9-2 2s.9 2 2 2 2-.9 2-2-.9-2-2-2z" /></font></span></div></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span jsname="zOVa8" data-ved="2ahUKEwipx7HloMX8AhUCkWoFHeRcBuMQh-4GegQILhAF" /></font></div></div></div></div></div><div class="Z26q7c UK95Uc" data-content-feature="1" data-sokoban-feature="nke7rc" style="contain: layout paint; overflow: hidden; flex: 0 0 auto;"><div class="VwiC3b yXK7lf MUxGbd yDYNvb lyLwlc lEBKkf" style="padding-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; display: -webkit-box; -webkit-box-orient: vertical; overflow: hidden; -webkit-line-clamp: 2;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We blatantly failed to get it right," said&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Larry Diamond</span>, a senior fellow at ... Instead,&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Bremer</span>&nbsp;will leave the&nbsp;<span style="font-weight: bold;">Iraqis</span>&nbsp;with a temporary constitution,&nbsp;...</font></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>