Scott Johnson BabyLab
<p>Jun 15, 2011 10:16 PM</p>
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visual perception, eye mvmts, attention, comput modeling, learning mechs</p>
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PhD from Ariz State in 1992
Post doc fellow in vision at Univ of Rochester 92 to 94;</p>
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NSF grant now... Development of mental rotation in infancy!!!! to 2014.</p>
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origins of object knowledge</p>
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young infants perception of partly occluded objects</p>
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eye tracking as a measure of infants know. of objects</p>
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Research Overview....</p>
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focus is on ORIGINS OF KNOWLEDGE IN HUMANS!!!</p>
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infants take in far more info and are more aware of their surrounds than we know.</p>
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by the end of the first year... infants seem to know many of the basics of the world around them.</p>
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Objects tend to persist when occluded; people interact using language and gesture</p>
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moving around and handling objects are good ways of obtaining more know.</p>
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our lab uses preferential looking and eye tracking and
connecitonist modeling.</p>
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Our lab explores these questions with<b> preferential looking and eye tracking paradigms,</b>
as well as <b>connectionist modeling</b> of developmental phenomena. Because the focus is on <em>origins</em>,
we are less interested in participating in traditional "nature-nurture" debates (though we do it anyway) than in understanding and elucidating precise developmental mechanisms,
<b> no matter what they might be: endogenous prenatal or postnatal organization</b>,
<b>the role of experience in shaping responses to recurring patterns, contributions of perceptual (i.e., low-level) skills to cognitive (i.e., high-level) functions, and so o</b>n. The question of origins of knowledge, then, lies at the intersection of <b>developmental psychology, vision science, cognitive science, and developmental neurobiolog</b>y.</p>
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Infants are born equipped with r<b>udimentary perceptual and learning skills and a handful of reflexe</b>s,
but there is<b> little evidence that anything resembling "knowledge" is available to neonates</b>,
beyond the <b>ability to acquire information quickly and retain it over short intervals</b>. </p>
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<b>Within several months, however, the situation is radically differen</b>t. How are these changes best characterized? The goal of our research in exploring this question is first, to describe age-related changes in visual perception and early learning abilities, and then to explain the mechanisms that are responsible for these changes.</p>
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Big emphasis on EYE TRACKING in INFANTS.
Recording eye movements is technically challenging but the<b> resulting data are incomparable in their precision</b>, and, I believe, <b>bring us as closely as possible to what infants are thinkin</b>g. We also use imaging techniques (functional magnetic resonance imaging with adults, <b>electroencephalography with infants)</b> in studies that explore <b>cortical correlates of perception and learning, and computational models of perception</b></p>
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Evidence from our lab <b>strongly suggests that much of the development of infant cognition can be explained with some simple learning mechanisms (e.g., associative learning)</b>, a time to observe the world, <b>the ability to direct attention via eye movements</b>, and the <b>rapid pace of brain development known to occur from the initial formation of neurons (early in pregnancy) extending through the second yea</b>r;
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<h1>Perceptual Completion</h1>
<p>The visual world is <b>characterized by occlusion: </b>objects that are nearer to an observer typically obscure objects that are farther away. Nevertheless we tend to <b>perceive objects as whole and complet</b>e, rather than as fragments. This perceptual skill (known as <em>perceptual completion</em>) extends across space, in the case of partly visible objects, and it extends across time, in the case of objects that go out of sight and then come back into view. A fundamental question concerns the developmental origins of perceptual completion. Our research has revealed a similar developmental pattern in both kinds of perceptual completion: Initially in postnatal development, infants do not perceive completion, instead only seeing what is "directly" visible. Over the next several months, infants come to perceive objects as complete and coherent across space and time. How does this happen? Our findings suggest an important role for <b>learning, experience, and self-directed exploration (via eye movements)</b> in development of object perception and perceptual completion
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<h1>Face Perception</h1>
<p>Faces are a special class of visual stimulus to people in general, and infants in particular, and it has long been known that <b>infants are especially interested in faces and learn familiar faces very quickly </b>after birth. Much is also known about some features of faces, such as the orientation and configuration of face parts (eyes, nose, mouth) that are involved in face perception and recognition for infants and adults. Nevertheless, surprisingly little is known about how these recognition processes are made available to infants. We address this question <b>by recording infants' eye movements as they view faces</b> under a variety of circumstances to reveal mechanisms that guide developments in face perception, recognition of familiar faces, and matches between facial and vocal emotional expression
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<h1>Visual Perception</h1>
<p>Much is known about developments in infant visual preferences, but far less is known about the mechanisms that underlie these preferences. We investigate this question with experiments that probe motion discrimination and fundamental characteristics of the oculomotor system, and how these systems change in early development. One current interest is the interplay between visual selective attention and inhibitory mechanisms; that is, the sequence of steps that determine where visual attention is directed, and inhibited. For this work, we use both behavioral</p>
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