inst for progress IFP

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us is gmu

TYLER COWAN

oz is denier

THIEL

ERIC SCHMIDT GOOGLE

ABUNDANCE BS

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reving dr

Abundists haven’t been shy about their support for high level Trump toadies.

Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum

A billionaire software magnate with a side hustle leasing his land to oil companies, Burgum has become a favorite of the Abundance crowd. When his name was announced, Politicoreported that much of the jubilation came from Burgum’s attention to “one of the abundance agenda’s key fixations, or bogeymen: permitting reform.”

In Open Philanthropy’s announcementof their $120 million Abundance And Growth Fund (funded largely by tech titans Dustin Moskovitz and Patrick Collison), they cite Burgum’s previous calls for zoning reform and infrastructure investment as proof that abundance ideas have been “gaining traction for some time on both sides of the U.S. political spectrum.”

Matthew Yglesias, who Derek Thompson described as the “OG grandfather” of the ideas in Abundanceand is a Senior Fellow at the Niskanen Center, reassured his liberal audience that Burgum is “a totally solid pick who’ll do good things.” Yglesias also previously supported Burgum for Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.

Alec Stapp, the co-founder and co-CEO of the Institute for Progress made his support for Burgum very clear, saying “Excited to see Burgum land a cabinet role in the new administration. He’s a YIMBY abundance guy.” Aidan Mackenzie, an infrastructure fellow at the Institute for Progress, also chimed in, adding “I think it was a really good pick.”

When speaking about Trump’s intent to nominate Burgum to lead the Department of the interior, CEO of theInclusive Abundance Initiative, Derek Kaufman said “We are excited for the abundance community to resume work with the new administration on electricity transmission and permitting reform, which came so close to becoming law at the end of 2024.”

Alex Trembathof the Breakthrough Institute celebrated Burgum’s first day in the Trump administration simply, posting a quote from Burgum that reads simply: “We are entering an era of abundance”

Armand Domalewski, a self-appointed abundance influencer with an increasingly prominent voice in the abundance world, celebrated Burgum’s appointment, posting “BURGUM BROS WE ARE SO BACK.”

Thomas Hochman of the Foundation for American Innovation has been particularly thrilled with Burgum’s inclusion in the Trump administration, declaring “In Burgum we trust” and celebrating Burgum’s role in exempting companies from the Endangered Species Act and in ensuring further fossil fuel exploitation.

Secretary of Energy Chris Wright

Oil and gas magnate Chris Wright is perhaps the single most popular Trump appointee among the Abundance crowd. Politicodescribed his nomination as having brought together “unlikely friends” to support “Chris Wright’s ‘energy abundance’ future” and as being backed by “the loose coalition of analysts and writers pushing for an ‘abundance agenda.’”

Inclusive Abundance’s Derek Kaufmanhas praised Wright’s appointment as a win for abundance and helpfully pointed out that “The word ‘abundance’ appears 11 times in the confirmation hearing transcript for President Trump’s nominee to run the Department of Energy, Chris Wright. It was invoked by Senators across the political spectrum, ranging from Mike Lee (R-UT) to Bill Cassidy (R-LA) to Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) to Martin Heinrich (D-NM).”

In their $120 million abundance grant announcement, Open Philanthropycelebrated the conservative embrace of abundist ideas, citing Wright’s appointment as evidence. “On the right, President Trump has issued an executive order focused on reducing energy costs […] and Secretary of Energy Chris Wright has argued for the removal of burdensome regulations on nuclear power.”

Institute for Progress’ Aidan Mackenziealso praised Chris Wright’s nomination, saying “Both Burgum and Chris Wright seem committed to an all-of-the-above approach to energy; they’re very pro-oil and gas, but they’re also excited about forms of clean energy, especially nuclear and geothermal.”

The Breakthrough Institute’s Alex Trembatheven defended Wright’s assertion that climate change is not a crisis, saying “Chris Wright’s claim that climate change is not a “crisis” is, while not the last word on the subject, much more scientifically defensible than the claims of his environmentalist critics.” Trembath later posted “Chris Wright: smart choice.”

Thomas Hochman summed up his opinion of the appointment simply: “Wright pursuing an all-of-the-above approach to energy production… pretty ideal”

NIH Director Jay Bhattacharya

The Trump administration has utterly dismantled the National Institutes of Health and is currently proposing a 40% cut, which would devastate scientific advancement for generations. But don’t worry, abundists have full confidence in Trump’s NIH Director, Jay Bhattacharya. While he does have a medical degree, Bhattacharya has never practiced medicine nor even completed a medical residency.

Open Philanthropy was bullish on Bhattacharya in March, when they said, “There is also cross-partisan interest in improving science policy, from newly nominated NIH director Jay Bhattacharya’s calls for a focus on reproducibility and funding high impact research, to the launch of the new Technology, Innovation, and Partnerships directorate at the NSF during the Biden administration.” Tragically, the Trump administration has proved less interested in funding research than cutting it, throwing the NSF that Open Philanthropy was so excited about into complete chaos.

The Foundation for American Innovation’sChief Economist, Samuel Hammond,said Bhattacharya’s appointment was cause for optimism, posting “That said, how many people do you know going into HHS? The folks I know around Jim O’Neill, Jay Bhattacharya and Martin Makary are extremely high quality and serious about reform. Doesn’t mean I’ll agree with all their ideas, but there are some genuine reasons for optimism if you know anything at all ahout [sic] the behind the scenes.”

Institute for Progress’co-founder and co-CEO, Caleb Watney, elevated Bhattacharya’s analysis of the “increasing difficulty of funding novel research and younger scholars at the NIH,” a hobbyhorse of the abundance community, and said he was “very glad to see a larger focus on this issue.”

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Think Tank Watch: Billionaires Play Big Role in Funding of New Think Tank Institute for Progress (IFP)

Friday, January 21, 2022

Billionaires Play Big Role in Funding of New Think Tank Institute for Progress (IFP)

Get ready to learn another think think tank acronym: IFP. It stands for Institute for Progress, a new Washington, DC-based think tank that has been launched by Caleb Watney and Alec Stapp.

Its mission is to "accelerate scientific, technological, and industrial progress while safeguarding humanity's future." The founders say they will spend most of their initial attention on three key areas: 1) Metascience, 2) Immigration, and 3) Biosecurity.

Mr. Watney, the Co-CEO, was the director for innovation policy at the think tank Progressive Policy Institute (PPI). Before that, he worked as a technology policy fellow at the R Street Institute and as a graduate research fellow at the Mercatus Center.

Mr. Stapp, the other Co-CEO, was the director of technology policy at PPI, a research fellow at the International Center for Law and Economics, a technology policy fellow at the Niskanen Center, and a graduate research fellow at the Mercatus Center.

Scholars at the think tank include senior biosecurity fellow Nikki Teran, who previously worked with the Committee on International Security and Arms Control at the National Academy of Science, the Council on Strategic Risks, and the Open Philanthropy Project. Another scholar is senior immigration fellow Jeremy Neufeld, who previously worked at the Niskanen Center.

There are currently three external board members: Tamara Winter, who formerly worked at the Charter Cities Institute and the Mercacuts Center; Dan Correa, a former Obama Administration official who was CEO of the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) and worked at Stanford's Freeman Spogli Institute as well as the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF); and Zachary Graves, a visiting fellow at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School who formerly worked at the Cato Institute and R Street Institute.

IFP, whose new website can be found here, only accepts funding from individuals and foundations. It is currently funded with the support of Open Philanthropy, Emergent Ventures, Patrick Collison, John Collison, and Sam Bankman-Fried.

Facebook co-founder Dustin Muskowitz and wife Cari Tuna are the main funders of Open Philanthropy, an entity which supports numerous think tanks. George Mason University's Mercatus Center houses Emergent Ventures, a fellowship and grant program which was launched with a $1 million grant from the Thiel Foundation. That foundation was created and funded by billionaire Peter Thiel, co-founder of PayPal and early investor in Facebook.

Patrick Collison and his brother John Collison are Irish billionaires who co-founded online payment processor Stripe. Sam Bankman-Fried, another billionaire, is the founder and CEO of FTX, a cryptocurrency exchange.

The IFP founders note that Tyler Cowen, head of the Mercatus Center, played a big role in their thinking.

IFP joins a crowded field of policy shops in Washington, which has more than 400 think tanks large and small.

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In January 2025, Arc announced a partnership with Nvidia to integrate biology and machine learning.

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https://www.desmogblog.com/2017/11/21/climate-science-denial-promoters-queensland-energy-scare-election-headlines

In the final week before an election, the biggest-selling newspaper in the Australian state of Queensland screamed a front-page headline that cut into one of the poll’s most divisive issues.

“Nervous Energy” read the headline, claiming an “Exclusive” on a “Dire warning of power station closures, blackout.”

According to the Courier-Mail, a just-published report had warned that the center-left Labor Party’s target of 50 percent renewable energy by 2030 would cause “statewide blackouts” for “up to 15 percent of the year.”

According to the report, the policy would also cut dividends to the state’s treasury and push power prices up even further. Labor rejected the claims, saying the state owned the coal power stations and it had no plans to close any prematurely.

The report was from the Australian Institute for Progress (AiP) and provided a perfect echo of the center-right Liberal National Party’s (LNP) warnings to prospective voters in the state poll. But this is not surprising, when you learn who is behind the AiP.

We Did Not Model That

The Courier-Mail report gave only a hint — the report’s author, Jonathan Pavetto, was a “former LNP Federal candidate,” the newspaper briefly disclosed.

Pavetto ran in the Federal Queensland seat of Kennedy against Bob Katter in the 2016 election. But the AiP’s links to the LNPgo far deeper than that. The “institute” is stacked with current and former senior Liberal National Party members.

What’s more, the same institute has heavily promoted the rejection of the science linking fossil fuel burning to dangerous climate change.

But there also appears to be serious questions about the conclusions made in the AiP report.

The AiP report says: “The Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO), Australia’s independent energy markets and power systems operator, has modeled the impact of a proposed 50 percent renewable energy by 2030 plan on the state’s electricity generation sector. This analysis was conducted as part of AEMO’s annual National Transmission Network Development Plan (NTNDP) update.”

This claim has caused some head scratching in AEMO, and so it should. The NTNDP report makes it clear that the proposed Queensland target was not part of its modeling.

An AEMO spokesperson told me: “To date AEMO has not modeled a 50 percent renewable energy target in Queensland in our 2016 NTNDP or any other reports.”

How can a report make claims based on a set of modeling, when that modeling has not actually been done? An email and phone message to Pavetto have gone unanswered.

But the AiP report also comes to other questionable conclusions.

The report is based on one modeling scenario used by AEMO that assumes demand for electricity will drop by one third within 20 years — a scenario deemed highly unlikely.

Under this AEMO scenario, it is this drop in demand for electricity that could see coal plants closing earlier, not a 50 percent target for renewable energy.

The “blackouts” claim depended on a scenario where two interstate powergrid connections simultaneously failed — also highly unlikely and also undisclosed in either the AiP report or the Courier-Mail story.

Institute Pushes Climate Science Denial

But what is the Australian Institute for Progress and should anyone have expected it to be a non-partisan voice on energy policy during a heated election campaign?

Soon after launching in 2014, the AiP hosted Canada-based climate science denier Patrick Moore, who claims there is no evidence that human emissions of CO2 are warming the planet — a position at odds with all the world’s major scientific institutions.

In July 2017, the AiP hosted a Brisbane screening of Climate Hustle — a film produced by the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT), a U.S.-based climate science denial group.

Several climate scientists reviewed the film for DeSmog and described it as “muddled,” “misleading,” and “the usual rubbish from the usual suspects.”

The AiP was also a “founding think tank partner” of the October 2017 LibertyFest conference in Brisbane that featured two prominent climate science deniers.

Political Allegiances

The AiP also has strong and enduring political ties to the LNP.  Graham Young, AiP’s executive director, is a former campaign chairman of the state Liberals.

Young also rejects the evidence that human-caused climate change is a problem and, as publisher of the OnLine Opinion website, has given a platform to several climate science deniers.

AiP’s chairman, Bob Tucker, is a former Liberal Party president who ran as a federal candidate in the 2001 by-election in the seat of Ryan.

Practically all of the directors listed on the AiP website also have strong links to the LNP.

Barrister Amanda Stoker is on an LNP state policy committee, is a former editor of the party’s policy magazine Dialogue, and has appeared on the LNP Senate ticket in federal elections.

Fellow AiP director Carol Cashman is a former general secretary of the Queensland division of the Federal Liberal Party and was a Brisbane City Councillor for the Liberal party for 12 years.

Dan Ryan, another AiP director, is also on an LNP policy committee and appeared on the LNP’s Federal senate ticket in 2016. According to the LNP’s 2015 annual report, Glenn Ferguson was a member of the party’s Sunshine Coast regional executive.

That only leaves Gary Johns — former Labor Party MP who was defeated in 1996 and went on to serve almost a decade as a fellow at the climate science denial “think tank” the Institute of Public Affairs.

So the Courier-Mail promoted a report from a group with deep and current political ties to LNP and with a record of promoting pseudo-scientific climate science denial.

Energy Policy Debate

The Courier-Mail has been consistently negative towards Labor and its policies, according to citizen journalism site No Fibs, which has been tracking coverage from the Rupert Murdoch-owned newspaper.

...

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wiki 6 26

talk

The line about "a department central to the rise of right-wing libertarian philosophy to political power in the United States" does not belong in a neutral description of someone's educational background. And the insinuation is poorly sourced--the only citation is to a controversial book about a dead professor who worked at a university before the people in question studied there. Such a loose association is not "key context about founders' educational/political background" as the editor described. Reverted. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.191.62.211 (talk) 16:49, 6 November 2022 (UTC)

pink logo?

the Institute for Progress, known simply as IFP, is a Washington, D.C.–based non-partisan think tank that researches industrial, technological, and scientific progress.^[1][2][3][4] Founded in 2022, IFP seeks to bring ideas from progress studies to policymakers.^[4][5]

Personnel

IFP is led by its two cofounders, Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney. According to their website they served both as policy directors at the Progressive Policy Institute and as fellows at the Mercatus Center. They have master's degrees in economics from George Mason University.^[6][7]

IFP's other staff include Director of Science Policy Heidi Williams, Senior Immigration Fellow Jeremy Neufeld, Senior Innovation Economist Matt Clancy, and Senior Infrastructure Fellow Brian Potter.^[8]

IFP also has a number of affiliated scholars and experts as senior fellows, including Pierre Azoulay from MIT, Ina Ganguli from UMass Amherst, Benjamin Jones from Northwestern University, building construction expert Brian Potter, Paul Niehaus from UC San Diego, geneticist and biosecurity expert Nikki Teran, and Kyle Myers from Harvard Business School.^[8]

Policy areas

IFP engages in research and political advocacy in three key policy areas: metascience, high-skilled immigration, biosecurity, and emerging technology.^{[9][10][11][12][13}] In an interview, cofounder Caleb Watney described the think tank's strategy, noting that on many issues, "there is a sweet spot in the middle between flying completely under the radar and trying to mount a loud, activist campaign. We agree with the 'Secret Congress' theory of modern DC policymaking, which says that the issues most likely to gain traction are often the ones that get talked about the least on cable news and stay off the front page of newspapers."^[14]

Metascience policy

IFP has promoted more experimentation and diversification in the way the U.S. federal government funds scientific research. Co-CEO Caleb Watney and Director of Science Policy Heidi Williams have argued for a public biomedical innovation fund housed at the Advanced Research Projects Agency for Health.^[15] They have also proposed experimental funding mechanisms at the National Institutes of Health.^[15] IFP has published proposals to pilot new grantmaking processes at the National Science Foundation^[16] and to establish a new system of National Laboratory Schools.^[17]

High-skilled immigration policy

IFP has emphasized the importance of immigrants to American science and innovation. IFP's senior immigration fellow Jeremy Neufeld has proposed extending the Optional Practical Training period for international students and expanding O-1 visa eligibility.^[18] Neufeld has advocated for reforms to increase foreign STEM talent in the US to compliment investments in semiconductor manufacturing by the CHIPS Act.^[19] Neufeld has also advocated reforming the H-1B visa system to replace the lottery with merit-based selection.^[20]

Biosecurity policy

IFP research in biosecurity focuses on issues related to preventing and mitigating the harms from future pandemics as well as accelerating progress in the life sciences. Senior biosecurity fellow Nikki Teran has expressed support for comprehensive biosecurity policy reform, including the PREVENT Pandemics Act, and has analyzed how spending in the bill compares to proposed spending in the American Pandemic Preparedness Plan.^[21][22] She also criticized the federal government's response to the 2022 Monkeypox outbreak, attributing a lack of effective vaccinations and treatments to administrative failures.^[23]

References

1. "The Institute for Progress". Institute for Progress. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
2. Klein, Ezra (2022-02-12). "Opinion | Can Democrats See What's Coming?". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
3. "IFP: Institute for Progress | Policy Commons". policycommons.net. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
4. Piper, Kelsey (2022-02-11). "To make progress, we need to study it". Vox. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
5. Smith, Noah (2022-02-16). "Interview: Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney of the Institute for Progress". Noahpinion. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
6. "Caleb Watney, Author Bio". Retrieved 2022-10-21.
7. "Alec Stapp, Author Bio". Retrieved 2022-10-21.
8. "About". Institute for Progress. Retrieved 2022-10-21.
9. Jarvis, Will. "78: The Institute for Progress with Alec Stapp – Narratives Podcast". Retrieved 2022-07-14.
10. Salam, Reihan (2022-06-17). "Conservatives Can Win By Embracing 'Selectionism'". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
11. "Lessons from the pandemic: preparing for next time". Niskanen Center. 2022-06-02. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
12. "Senate works on bill to 'PREVENT' future pandemics". wtsp.com. March 16, 2022. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
13. Mearian, Lucas (2022-07-05). "Tech talent shortage slows reshoring of chip manufacturing in US". Computerworld. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
14. "Interview:Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney of the Institute for Progress". Retrieved 2022-09-24.
15. Watney, Caleb; Williams, Heidi (August 22, 2022). "Drug pricing reforms can hurt innovation. Here are 3 ways to prevent that". Washington Post.
16. Sharma, Ishan; Watney, Caleb; Mills, Tony. "Piloting and Evaluating NSF Science Lottery Grants: A Roadmap to Improving Research Funding Efficiencies and Proposal Diversity". Institute for Progress.
17. Resnick, Alec; Duffy, Shanalynn. "Creating a Public System of National Laboratory Schools". Institute for Progress.
18. "Employers Face Talent Crunch as College Foreign Enrollment Dips". news.bloomberglaw.com. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
19. "Biden wants an industrial renaissance. He can't do it without immigration reform". POLITICO. Retrieved 2022-08-05.
20. Dixon-Luinenburg, Miranda (2022-07-13). "America has an innovation problem. The H-1B visa backlog is making it worse". Vox. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
21. Magazine, Undark (2022-06-27). "Amid Covid's Turmoil, Biosafety Gets Political". Undark Magazine. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
22. Matthews, Dylan (2022-03-22). "Congress's epic pandemic funding failure". Vox. Retrieved 2022-07-14.
23. Demsas, Jerusalem (2022-07-25). "The U.S. Has No Plan to Prevent the Next Pandemic". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2022-07-26.

Categories:

• Political and economic think tanks in the United States
• Think tanks based in Washington, D.C.

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groki 6 26

Institute for Progress

:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) is a :{non-partisan}: think tank founded on January 20, 2022, by Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney in Washington, D.C., dedicated to accelerating scientific, technological, and industrial progress through pragmatic policy reforms that remove institutional bottlenecks, enhance innovation incentives, and expand national capacity for breakthroughs.^[1]

IFP's work centers on key verticals such as metascience—reforming scientific institutions to boost breakthrough research; high-skilled immigration—policies to attract and retain global talent; biotechnology—advancing life sciences while mitigating pandemic risks; infrastructure—streamlining regulations to enable faster physical builds; and emerging technologies—shaping the deployment of frontier innovations like AI amid geopolitical competition.^[2]The organization provides technical assistance to federal agencies, including partnerships with the National Science Foundation to pilot novel funding mechanisms for research and innovation, and draws support from foundations to advance evidence-based reforms that prioritize empirical outcomes over procedural inertia.^[2]}:

History and Founding

Establishment and Initial Launch

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) was co-founded in 2022 by Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney, who serve as its co-CEOs, with the aim of creating a non-partisan think tank in Washington, D.C., dedicated to accelerating scientific, technological, and industrial advancement through policy interventions.^[2][1] The organization emerged from the broader progress studies movement, seeking to translate academic insights on innovation stagnation into actionable recommendations for policymakers.^[1]IFP's public launch occurred on January 20, 2022, marked by the release of its founding essay, "Progress Is a Policy Choice," co-authored by Stapp and Watney.^[1] The essay argued that recent declines in technological progress stem from reversible policy choices, such as overly restrictive regulations on research funding, high-skilled immigration, and infrastructure development, rather than inevitable forces like diminishing returns on R&D.^[1]}:

It outlined IFP's initial focus on neglected, tractable issues with high potential impact, including metascience reforms to improve scientific funding mechanisms and easing barriers to talent importation.^[1]At inception, IFP prioritized assembling a small team of policy specialists and researchers, drawing talent from backgrounds in economics, law, and science policy, while committing to independence by forgoing corporate or foreign government donations in favor of philanthropic support.^[2] Early funding from philanthropic entities including Open Philanthropy and the FTX Future Fund enabled the startup phase of research production and congressional briefings. This initial capitalization supported IFP's model of direct policy engagement, including technical assistance to federal agencies from the outset.^[2]}:

Evolution and Expansion

:{:{Following its founding in January 2022 by co-CEOs Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney, the Institute for Progress rapidly expanded its core team, hiring specialists such as Senior Infrastructure Fellow Brian Potter by March 2023 to bolster expertise in policy areas like construction and manufacturing.^[3][4] This early recruitment reflected IFP's strategy to build capacity for translating progress studies concepts into actionable policy recommendations, with initial focus on innovation bottlenecks in science and industry.^[5]By 2024, IFP's staff had grown to between 11 and 50 employees, enabling diversification into ongoing research series, publications, and events.^[6] Key expansions included the launch of in-house outlets like Construction Physics newsletter by Brian Potter, Statecraft edited by Senior Editor Santi Ruiz, and the Metascience 101 podcast series hosted by Senior Technology Fellow Tim Hwang, which by October 2024 had released multiple episodes interviewing experts on scientific funding reforms.^[7]}:

The organization also initiated collaborative reports, such as the October 2024 installment of the Compute in America series by Tim Fist and Arnab Datta, analyzing challenges in scaling AI data centers amid U.S.-China energy disparities.^[7]IFP broadened its influence through strategic partnerships and public engagement, including a September 2023 collaboration with the National Science Foundation to experiment with data-driven improvements in research grant allocation and innovation funding mechanisms.^[8] This period saw the hosting of major conferences, such as Abundance 2024 in Washington, D.C., and Progress 2024 in Berkeley, California, which convened policymakers, researchers, and industry leaders to discuss accelerating technological advancement.^[7] These developments marked IFP's transition from a nascent policy shop to a multifaceted think tank producing peer-influential outputs and shaping debates on topics like high-skilled immigration and biosecurity.^[5]}:

Mission and Principles

Core Objectives

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) defines its core objectives around accelerating scientific, technological, and industrial advancement in the United States through targeted policy reforms, while ensuring these efforts mitigate existential risks to humanity.^[1] This dual focus stems from observations of stagnating productivity growth since the 1970s, declining rates of scientific breakthroughs despite rising R&D spending, and institutional failures exposed by events like the COVID-19 pandemic, which IFP attributes to excessive regulatory veto points and underinvestment in state capacity.^[1] The organization aims to counteract these trends by prioritizing policy interventions that enhance innovation incentives, such as experimenting with novel funding models for high-risk research and reforming institutions to support ambitious scientific pursuits.^[2]}:

A central objective is to reshape the ecosystem of scientific discovery, particularly through metascience initiatives that address inefficiencies like the aging of principal investigators—from an average of 39 in 1980 to 51 by 2008—and principal investigators spending 44% of their time on grant-related paperwork and maintenance rather than active research.^[1] IFP seeks to foster environments where young, high-potential scientists can secure resources for transformative ideas, drawing lessons from cases like the repeated funding denials faced by mRNA pioneer Katalin Karikó prior to her breakthrough.^[1] Complementing this, the think tank pursues policies to attract global elite talent via high-skilled immigration reforms, emphasizing the outsized role of immigrants in U.S. innovation—evidenced by their founding of nearly half of billion-dollar startups, 28% of high-quality patents, and 38% of Nobel Prizes in sciences.^[1]

In parallel, IFP's objectives include bolstering biosecurity and life sciences to preempt pandemics and accelerate therapeutic development, informed by COVID-19's demonstration of rapid vaccine scalability alongside systemic surveillance gaps.^[1] This extends to broader safeguards against technological risks, such as investing in detection tools like metagenomic sequencing and wastewater monitoring, while advocating for streamlined infrastructure permitting and emerging technology governance to enable atomic-scale builds and frontier deployments without undue friction.^[2] Overall, these objectives are selected using a framework assessing issue importance, solution tractability, and current neglect, with IFP committing to non-partisan engagement across government branches to maximize counterfactual policy impact over mere output volume.^[2]}:

Philosophical Foundations

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) espouses a philosophy that technological, scientific, and industrial advancement constitutes a deliberate policy choice, contingent on institutional design and governance rather than automatic historical momentum. This view, articulated in IFP's founding manifesto, contends that progress drives human flourishing by enhancing material abundance, solving existential risks, and expanding capabilities, but has faltered since the 1970s due to policy-induced stagnation in productivity growth and innovation rates.^[1]}:

Empirical evidence cited includes sharp increases in U.S. subway construction costs per mile since the 1970s, such as New York City extensions costing up to 15 times more per kilometer than in peer cities worldwide, alongside scientists spending 44% of their time on grant-related paperwork, which diverts resources from substantive research.^[1] IFP attributes these trends to causal mechanisms like proliferating veto points in decision-making and misaligned incentives, rejecting narratives of inevitable deceleration in favor of agency through reform.^[9]Underpinning this outlook is a dedication to empirical rigor and causal analysis, akin to metascience's application of scientific methods to optimize discovery processes. IFP advocates rethinking entrenched systems—such as grant allocation favoring senior investigators over young talent or immigration barriers repelling skilled migrants—from foundational premises to eliminate inefficiencies.^[1]

For instance, the manifesto highlights how policies enabling DARPA's flexible funding contributed to mRNA vaccine development, illustrating policy's direct causal role in breakthroughs, while rigid FDA approvals delayed pandemic responses.^[1] This first-principles orientation prioritizes evidence over precedent, urging experimentation with mechanisms like innovation prizes and advanced market commitments to pull private investment toward public goods.^[1]IFP's framework also integrates a normative commitment to liberal democratic leadership in technology's trajectory, positing that open societies must accelerate progress while embedding safeguards for values like transparency and free inquiry to counter authoritarian alternatives.^[1]

Influenced by progress studies and effective altruism's emphasis on tractable, high-impact interventions, the institute frames policy as a moral imperative: neglecting acceleration risks compounding vulnerabilities to challenges like biosecurity threats or energy scarcity.^[1] By focusing on supply-side enhancements—boosting productive capacity over mere redistribution—IFP's philosophy counters scarcity mindsets, asserting that causal policy levers can restore exponential gains observed in prior eras, such as the 20th-century's rapid industrialization.^[1]}:

Organizational Aspects

Leadership and Personnel

:{:{The Institute for Progress is co-led by its founders, Alec Stapp and Caleb Watney, who serve as co-chief executive officers (CEOs). Stapp and Watney previously directed policy initiatives at the Progressive Policy Institute, focusing on innovation and economic growth, before establishing IFP in 2022 to address barriers to technological and scientific advancement.^[2][10]Key leadership includes directors specialized in core policy domains: Arnab Datta oversees infrastructure policy, Tim Fist manages emerging technology policy, Jeremy Neufeld leads immigration policy efforts, Heidi Williams directs science policy, and Santi Ruiz serves as editorial director, coordinating research outputs and publications.^[2]}:

Senior fellows provide domain-specific expertise on a resident basis, such as Andrew Gerard and Dan Turner-Evans in metascience, Tim Hwang and Ben Schifman in technology, Saif Khan as distinguished technology fellow, Amy Nice as distinguished immigration counsel, and Brian Potter in infrastructure. These roles support IFP's research in accelerating progress across sectors.^[2]IFP maintains a network of non-resident senior fellows, comprising academics and experts from institutions including the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (Pierre Azoulay), Stanford University (Chad Jones), and Northwestern University (Benjamin Jones), who contribute advisory input on topics like scientific funding and policy design without full-time involvement. Non-resident fellows, such as Maxwell Tabarrok affiliated with Harvard Business School, further extend this intellectual capacity.^[2]An external advisory board offers strategic guidance, with members including Dan Correa from the Federation of American Scientists, Zachary Graves from the Foundation for American Innovation, and Tamara Winter from Stripe Press, emphasizing practical implementation of progress-oriented policies.^[2]}:

Funding and Financial Transparency

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP), a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization tax-exempt since May 2022, derives its funding primarily from philanthropic contributions, with all reported revenue categorized as such across its initial years of operation.^[11] In fiscal year 2021, IFP reported total revenue of $1,900,000; this increased to $970,114 in 2022 and surged to $8,198,072 in 2023, reflecting rapid organizational growth.^[11] Expenses followed suit, rising from $159,934 in 2021 to $1,201,769 in 2022 and $3,079,238 in 2023, resulting in net assets of $6,482,015 by the end of 2023.^[11] No revenue was generated from program services, investments, or other sources, underscoring reliance on donor support without diversified income streams.^[11]}:

Key funding has come from foundations and individual philanthropists aligned with effective altruism and progress-oriented causes. Notable grants include $2,215,000 over 1.5 years from Open Philanthropy for policy research aimed at accelerating scientific and technological advancement.^[12] IFP publicly lists major supporters such as the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, Arnold Ventures, Astera Foundation, Coefficient Giving, Heising-Simons Foundation, and Smith Richardson Foundation on its website.^[2] Early backing, as of 2022, involved Open Philanthropy, Emergent Ventures (a program of the Mercatus Center), Stripe co-founders Patrick and John Collison, and Sam Bankman-Fried, though the latter's involvement predates the FTX collapse.^[4] The majority of funding is unrestricted, providing flexibility for policy pursuits rather than tying resources to specific projects.^[2]

IFP maintains a policy of not accepting donations from corporations or foreign governments, which limits potential conflicts of interest from commercial or geopolitical influences.^[2] Financial transparency is facilitated through mandatory IRS Form 990 filings, which detail aggregate revenue, expenses, assets ($6,919,451 in 2023), and liabilities ($437,436 in 2023), as well as executive compensation—such as for co-CEOs Caleb Watney and Alec Stapp.^[11] While specific donor names and amounts beyond major grants are not fully itemized on IFP's site, the organization's public disclosure of prominent funders and adherence to 501(c)(3) reporting requirements align with standard nonprofit practices for think tanks, though Schedule B donor details in filings may include additional contributors not highlighted in promotional materials.^[11] This approach balances operational discretion with accountability, without evidence of systemic opacity common in some policy institutes.^[2]}:

Policy Research Areas

Metascience and Accelerating Scientific Discovery

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) engages in metascience research to evaluate and reform policies that govern scientific funding, replication, and institutional structures, with the aim of increasing the rate of breakthroughs and practical applications from basic research. This work draws on empirical analyses of historical funding data, agency performance, and innovation bottlenecks to propose targeted interventions, such as reducing grant review delays that can span months or years and hinder researcher momentum. For instance, a 2023 report highlighted how prolonged funding timelines at agencies like the National Institutes of Health (NIH) contribute to stalled progress, advocating for streamlined processes modeled on faster responders like the National Science Foundation (NSF) during the COVID-19 response.IFP collaborates with federal agencies and academic economists to test alternative funding paradigms, emphasizing high-risk, high-reward projects that traditional peer review often underfund.}:

In September 2023, IFP partnered with the NSF under the CHIPS and Science Act to experiment with mechanisms accelerating decision-making, enhancing investment in bold proposals, shortening turnaround times, and allowing mid-project adjustments for impact.^[8] Through the Metascience Working Group, co-launched with the Federation of American Scientists in 2022, IFP curates insights on optimizing science-of-science practices, including sabbatical programs to embed researchers in agencies and data-driven evaluations of forecasting accuracy for policy decisions.^[13] Reports from this effort, such as a February 2022 proposal for NSF "lottery grants," outline pilots to boost proposal diversity and efficiency by randomizing selections among high-quality submissions, potentially freeing resources from exhaustive reviews.Key publications address replication and reliability challenges, arguing for calibrated investments rather than blanket spending. An October 2025 analysis by IFP researcher Jordan Dworkin developed a framework to prioritize replication funding based on error rates and impact, estimating that targeted efforts could enhance knowledge quality without diverting excessive resources from novel work. Complementary work critiques indirect cost recovery in federal grants, which can inflate overhead burdens and crowd out direct research;

a July 2025 report by economists Pierre Azoulay, Daniel Gross, and Bhaven Sampat proposed reforms to align incentives with innovation outputs, citing evidence from historical grant data showing distorted priorities.IFP advocates for greater risk tolerance in U.S. science policy, contrasting it with conservative grantmaking that favors incremental gains over transformative leaps. An August 2025 report by Caleb Watney contended that efficiency gains stem from capturing overlooked breakthroughs, using case studies like DARPA's proactive technology shaping to recommend portfolio approaches funding organizations over discrete projects. In biomedicine, a December 2024 series pushed for "clinical trial abundance" through regulatory streamlining, drawing lessons from mRNA vaccine delays analyzed in a February 2024 report to restructure translation from lab to application.

These efforts extend to institutional reforms, including expanding career tracks for dedicated researchers and piloting ARPA-like models for agile, mission-oriented funding, as detailed in January 2024 reading lists and earlier 2022 proposals.To disseminate findings, IFP produces accessible outputs like the November 2024 "Metascience 101" podcast series, featuring discussions on funding debates and policy translation, and collaborates on bridging academia-policy gaps via think tank engagements and government secondments, as outlined by science policy director Heidi Williams in 2023. This body of work underscores IFP's emphasis on evidence-based tweaks—such as traineeship grants for better mentorship or national lab decentralization—to cultivate talent pipelines and sustain discovery momentum.}:

High-Skilled Immigration Reform

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) advocates for reforms to the U.S. high-skilled immigration system to prioritize the attraction and retention of top STEM talent, viewing it as essential for sustaining American innovation, economic productivity, and national security. High-skilled immigrants are credited with outsized contributions, including 30% of U.S. patents, 38% of Nobel Prizes in science, and founding 55% of billion-dollar startups, while migrants to the U.S. demonstrate up to six times higher productivity than in origin countries due to access to leading innovation ecosystems.^[14] IFP argues that current bottlenecks, such as employment-based green card caps and inefficient visa lotteries, drive talent to competitors like Canada and Australia, where a higher proportion of immigrants hold college degrees (65% and 63%, respectively, versus 36% in the U.S.).^[14]}:

This approach enjoys broad public support, with 78% of Americans favoring increased high-skilled immigration, enabling politically feasible reforms without the backlash seen in low-skilled categories.^[14]In a seminal August 26, 2022, policy brief titled "The Case for High-Skilled Immigration Reform," co-authored by Alec Stapp and Jeremy Neufeld, IFP outlines targeted legislative and executive actions. Legislative proposals include lifting per-country green card caps to reduce wait times for skilled workers, granting dual intent to international students for seamless post-graduation transitions, and exempting advanced STEM degree holders from caps via bills like the America COMPETES Act.^[14]

Executive measures emphasize replacing the H-1B visa lottery with a merit-based selection prioritizing wages and qualifications, expanding O-1 visas for extraordinary ability in fields like AI and startups, and reforming J-1 exchange visas with broader waivers endorsed by agencies such as the Department of Defense.^[14] IFP recommends attaching these to must-pass legislation, such as defense authorizations or appropriations, or using reconciliation processes, potentially offset by application fees, to capitalize on bipartisan momentum.^[14]IFP's dedicated high-skilled immigration team produces ongoing resources, including a repository of guides on underutilized pathways like O-1A visas for national security innovation and National Interest Waivers for STEM green cards, updated as of September 2024.^[15] In collaboration with NAFSA, IFP released "Surveys on International Talent Pipelines" on September 15, 2025, drawing from three surveys of international students, employers, and H-1B usage to map talent flows into the U.S. workforce.^[15] Additional outputs include the October 7, 2025, launch of the OPT Observatory, an empirical dashboard tracking Optional Practical Training data from the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System to inform policy on student-to-worker transitions.^[15]

The team engages federal agencies through public comments and joint letters, such as October 24, 2025, submissions to the Department of Homeland Security urging H-1B prioritization by merit over lottery and opposing rules curtailing Duration of Status extensions.^[15] Earlier efforts include a June 3, 2024, nomination of fields to the DHS STEM Designated Degree Program List to expand eligibility for extended work authorization.^[15] IFP personnel, including Senior Fellow Jeremy Neufeld, have contributed to discussions on integrating high-skilled immigrants into defense R&D, highlighting their role in countering adversaries like China, which relies minimally on foreign talent.^[14] These activities underscore IFP's focus on incremental, evidence-based changes to reverse talent outflows and bolster U.S. technological leadership.^[14]}:

Biosecurity and Risk Management

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) addresses biosecurity and risk management by advocating policies that mitigate catastrophic biological risks while preserving incentives for biotechnological innovation. Their work emphasizes practical reforms in oversight, surveillance, and regulatory frameworks to counter threats such as engineered pathogens and pandemics, drawing on lessons from events like COVID-19 and advances in synthetic biology. IFP researchers, including Biosecurity Fellow Arielle D'Souza and Non-Resident Fellow Janika Schmitt, focus on federal policy enhancements in areas like dual-use research and pathogen-agnostic detection systems.^[16][17]In response to the Office of Science and Technology Policy's (OSTP) September 1, 2023, request for information on dual-use research of concern (DURC) and enhanced potential pandemic pathogens (ePPP), IFP submitted comments on October 17, 2023, proposing a harmonized federal policy to centralize biosafety reporting via a user-friendly NIH portal, define quantitative risk thresholds (e.g., receptor-binding affinities for influenza), and include in silico experiments in oversight to address AI-driven risks without overburdening institutions.^[18] These recommendations aim to balance misuse prevention with scientific progress, including exemptions for countermeasure development during public health emergencies and structured access controls for high-risk biological design tools.^[18]IFP has mapped U.S. biosurveillance efforts, identifying fragmented federal entities and advocating for integrated, layered systems under the Department of Defense to enable pathogen-agnostic detection.^[16]}:

On November 20, 2023, they urged Congress to leverage the Pandemic and All-Hazards Preparedness Act (PAHPA) reauthorization for stronger biosecurity measures, such as enhanced oversight of select agents and biolabs.^[19] In a June 15, 2023, comment to DARPA, IFP recommended anticipating downside risks in advanced projects through proactive scenario planning and public-private collaborations.^[20]Key publications highlight targeted interventions. "Biosecurity in the Trump Era," released November 19, 2024, outlines five priorities for a second Trump administration: implementing centralized biorisk management with confidential lab registration, streamlining FDA approvals for diagnostics like lab-developed tests, adopting agile Strategic National Stockpile models with domestic manufacturing, modernizing CDC data systems, and expanding public-private biosurveillance partnerships (e.g., with Ginkgo Bioworks).^[21] "How AI Can Help Prevent Biosecurity Disasters" (July 10, 2023) details AI applications for epidemic detection, gene synthesis screening, and drug acceleration, while cautioning against AI lowering barriers to bioweapon creation and proposing pre-release evaluations for large language models.^[22]

Additional outputs include calls to secure benchtop DNA synthesizers (December 10, 2024) and prevent DNA synthesis misuse amid falling costs (February 15, 2023).^[16]IFP's approach integrates risk management with broader progress goals, such as reforming the Federal Select Agent Program for efficient biotech lab oversight (January 18, 2024) and proposing a "Triple Rapid Framework" for pandemic diagnostics emphasizing reconfiguration, deployment, and results speed (November 12, 2024).^[16] Their November 9, 2023, response to ARPA-H stresses anticipating ethical and biosecurity implications of health breakthroughs intersecting with national security.^[23] This framework prioritizes empirical threat assessment over precautionary stasis, informed by historical successes like Operation Warp Speed.^[21]}:

Emerging Technologies and Industrial Policy

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) researches policy interventions to accelerate innovation in emerging technologies, arguing that recent advancements signal potential reversals in long-term scientific stagnation.^[24] IFP's work in this area emphasizes pragmatic industrial policies that enhance national capabilities in fields like artificial intelligence (AI), nuclear energy, and advanced manufacturing, while critiquing overly restrictive regulations that impede scaling.^[25][26]A key output is IFP's collaboration on the Techno-Industrial Policy Playbook, published in 2024 with partners including the Foundation for American Innovation, American Compass, and the New American Industrial Alliance Foundation, which proposes 27 targeted measures to rebuild U.S. industrial strength amid the shift to digital technologies.^[27][26]}:

IFP contributed five proposals: launching X-Labs to provide flexible funding for high-risk, transformative science projects modeled on successful defense innovation models; reforming naval shipbuilding through streamlined acquisition processes and modular construction to boost industrial capacity for dual-use technologies; initiating Project Paperclip 2.0 to aggressively recruit elite foreign scientists via expedited visas and incentives; implementing conditional export controls on AI chips that prioritize domestic innovation over blanket restrictions; and creating special compute zones with deregulated infrastructure to enable rapid AI model training and deployment.^[26] These recommendations aim to integrate industrial policy with technological leadership, drawing on historical precedents like World War II-era mobilization while adapting to modern compute-intensive sectors.^[26]In AI policy, IFP's emerging technology team developed an interactive database analyzing over 1,000 public submissions to the White House's AI Action Plan request for information, identifying priorities like increased R&D funding and regulatory clarity.^[26]

IFP submitted its own response advocating for policies to usher in a "golden age" of AI development, including scaled federal investments in compute resources and talent pipelines without stifling private-sector dynamism.^[28][26] On nuclear energy, IFP researchers published an op-ed in The Washington Post on May 15, 2025, urging congressional action in the reconciliation bill to streamline permitting and funding for advanced reactors, estimating that targeted tax credits could deploy 200 gigawatts of new capacity by 2035 to support energy demands from AI data centers.^[29][26]IFP critiques conventional industrial policy for favoring legacy sectors over frontier technologies, instead promoting "techno-industrial" approaches that condition subsidies on measurable outcomes like technology diffusion and workforce upskilling.^[30][26] This includes lessons from the CHIPS and Science Act's implementation, where IFP highlighted successes in semiconductor incentives but warned against bureaucratic delays in grant allocation that could undermine competitiveness against state-directed rivals like China.^[30] Overall, IFP positions industrial policy as a tool for causal progress acceleration, prioritizing empirical pilots and private-sector leverage over broad entitlements.^[2]}:

Achievements and Policy Influence

Key Publications and Outputs

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) produces policy reports, white papers, and resource compilations aimed at informing reforms in scientific advancement, immigration, and technology infrastructure. These outputs often emphasize empirical analysis of bottlenecks to progress, such as regulatory hurdles and funding allocation, drawing on data from government statistics, industry trends, and historical case studies.^[25] Key publications are typically authored by IFP researchers and released via the organization's website and Substack newsletter, with a focus on actionable recommendations rather than abstract theory.In metascience, IFP has issued reports advocating for increased investment in replication and R&D flexibility. "The Replication Engine," published August 11, 2024, proposes an AI-powered infrastructure to automatically reproduce computational scientific findings, estimating that such a system could verify thousands of studies annually to enhance reliability without diverting resources from original research.^[31]}:

Similarly, "How Much Should We Spend on Scientific Replication?," dated October 31, 2024, analyzes citation patterns—finding papers accrue about 2.5% of citations in year one and 12% annually in years three to five—to argue for targeted replication funding at 5-10% of original grant budgets, calibrated to high-impact fields.^[32] "Lab-Directed R&D at the National Labs," released November 13, 2024, examines Department of Energy programs, recommending expanded researcher autonomy to boost innovation output.^[33]On high-skilled immigration, IFP outputs target underutilized visa pathways for STEM talent. "Help Wanted: Modernizing the Schedule A Shortage Occupation List," from December 14, 2023, critiques the U.S. Department of Labor's outdated process, proposing data-driven updates using occupational wage data and labor market projections to expedite visas for roles in AI, biotech, and engineering.^[34] "The Role of Scientific Societies in Obtaining Immigration Benefits," published November 6, 2023, details how organizations like the American Physical Society can provide evidentiary letters for O-1 visas, citing examples where scholarly publications and peer review weigh heavily in approvals.^[35]

Complementary resources include a September 25, 2024, repository of immigration materials for STEM professionals, compiling policy analyses and visa criteria.^[15]Emerging technologies feature prominently in IFP's longer-form series. The "Compute in America" trilogy addresses AI infrastructure scaling: the October 23, 2024, report "How to Build the Future of AI in the United States," by Tim Fist and Arnab Datta, projects needs for five-gigawatt clusters by 2030 amid a quintupling compute demand trend, highlighting power shortages (global AI data centers may require 130 GW more by 2030 versus U.S. generation growth of 30 GW) and solutions like behind-the-meter natural gas or modular nuclear.^[36] Culminating in the February 3, 2025, "Compute in America: A Policy Playbook," also by Datta and Fist, it advocates "Special Compute Zones" with expedited permitting, federal coordination via an AI infrastructure czar, and Defense Production Act invocation to secure domestic leadership, estimating economic and security gains from retaining 70% of top AI model development.^[37] Additional outputs include "The Case for Clinical Trial Abundance," a December 18, 2024, series on reforming U.S. trial regulations to increase volume and speed.^[38]IFP also curates supportive materials, such as "The ARPA Model: A Reading List" from January 31, 2024, compiling syllabi on advanced research agencies' histories and efficacy.^[39] These publications collectively output over a dozen major pieces annually, often influencing debates through data visualizations and interactive tools, like modernization simulators for immigration lists.^[40]}:

Measurable Impacts on Legislation and Debate

:{:{The Institute for Progress (IFP) has contributed to policy discussions on high-skilled immigration, notably through its advocacy for reforming H-1B visa programs to attract top global talent. In 2022, IFP researchers published analyses arguing that easing restrictions on skilled worker visas could accelerate U.S. technological advancement, influencing congressional testimonies and think tank roundtables. For instance, IFP's work informed elements of the 2023 bipartisan discussions on immigration reform, where proponents cited similar data on talent shortages in STEM fields to push for increased visa caps.On biosecurity, IFP's reports on pandemic preparedness have highlighted gaps in U.S. regulatory frameworks for gain-of-function research.IFP has also shaped debates on industrial policy for emerging technologies, including semiconductors and AI infrastructure. Its 2022 white paper on supply chain vulnerabilities contributed to the CHIPS and Science Act's implementation guidelines, emphasizing domestic manufacturing incentives backed by cost-benefit analyses.}:

This correlated with the allocation of over $50 billion in CHIPS Act subsidies, though direct causation remains debated among policy analysts.In public discourse, IFP's podcasts and op-eds, reaching over 100,000 listeners via platforms like Spotify by mid-2023, have amplified metascience arguments against bureaucratic delays in federal R&D funding. These efforts have contributed to discussions on NSF grant reforms proposed in the 2024 budget to prioritize high-risk, high-reward projects.Critics note that while IFP's outputs correlate with legislative tweaks, quantifiable attribution is limited by the think tank's relative youth and the multiplicity of influencers in Washington. Independent evaluations, such as those from the Mercatus Center, affirm IFP's role in elevating evidence-based arguments over ideological ones in immigration and tech policy circles.}:

Criticisms and Reception

Internal and External Critiques

:{:{Internal critiques within the Institute for Progress (IFP) have primarily centered on the limitations of its focus on scientific, technological, and industrial advancement, with co-founder Alec Stapp acknowledging that the organization has not sufficiently addressed moral and social progress. Stapp has described this omission as a valid criticism of the broader progress movement, attributing it to the perceived intractability of these domains, which often rely on grassroots efforts rather than policy interventions amenable to think tank influence.^[41] He noted that IFP's comparative advantage lies in areas like innovation policy, where concrete policy levers exist, but conceded that neglecting social dimensions risks an incomplete vision of progress. This self-reflection highlights an internal recognition that empirical progress in measurable outputs, such as R&D funding or permitting timelines, may not fully capture causal pathways to societal well-being without complementary cultural or ethical advancements.}:

External critiques of IFP have been limited, reflecting the think tank's relatively recent founding in January 2022 and its niche focus on non-partisan policy reform.^[1] Much of the available commentary targets specific proposals, particularly IFP's advocacy for permitting reform under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). Environmental advocates, such as Erik Schlenker-Goodrich of the Western Environmental Law Center, have argued that IFP's "Grand Bargain for Permitting Reform"—which proposes limits on injunctive relief, shortened statutes of limitations, and streamlined judicial reviews—misunderstands legal processes and undermines safeguards against fossil fuel expansion.^[42] Schlenker-Goodrich, drawing on decades of NEPA litigation experience, contends that such changes would preclude meaningful community input, exacerbate environmental injustices for marginalized groups, and align inadvertently with industry efforts to expedite extractive projects, potentially at the expense of climate goals.^[42]

Similar concerns appear in analyses framing permitting acceleration as a potential "decoy" for ramping up natural gas infrastructure, with IFP's suggestions for empowering agencies like FERC criticized for prioritizing speed over rigorous environmental scrutiny.^[43]These external objections often stem from organizations with a vested interest in preserving NEPA's procedural hurdles, which have empirically delayed both green and fossil fuel projects alike—delays that IFP data shows average 4-5 years for major infrastructure under NEPA review.^[44]

Critics like Schlenker-Goodrich have dismissed IFP's emphasis on bipartisan feasibility as naive amid congressional polarization, arguing it overlooks progressive avenues for NEPA modernization that enhance equity without diluting oversight.^[42] Broader reception in policy circles, including effective altruism communities, has been largely positive or neutral, with little evidence of systemic attacks, though some abundance-focused coalitions incorporating IFP ideas face pushback from progressive skeptics wary of techno-optimism's potential to sideline distributional concerns.^[45] No major scandals or efficacy doubts have surfaced in peer-reviewed or high-profile analyses, underscoring IFP's early-stage insulation from widespread contention.}:

Debates on Effectiveness and Bias

:{:{Critics have questioned the Institute for Progress's (IFP) effectiveness in translating research into tangible policy changes, noting that as a think tank founded in 2022, its influence remains nascent despite partnerships such as collaborations with the National Science Foundation on experimental funding mechanisms.^[46] IFP co-CEO Caleb Watney has acknowledged that the organization prioritizes intellectual groundwork over mass mobilization, stating it is "not an organization focused on mass politics" and unlikely to inspire widespread public campaigns like banner-waving protests.^[47]}:

This approach has led to debates on whether IFP's emphasis on under-researched areas like metascience yields measurable legislative outcomes, with general think tank analyses highlighting uneven policymaking impact due to reliance on elite networks rather than broad coalitions.^[48]Concerns about bias stem from IFP's funding sources, which include contributions from technology billionaires such as Stripe co-founders Patrick and John Collison, FTX founder Sam Bankman-Fried (prior to its 2022 collapse), and entities like Open Philanthropy (backed by Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz) and the Thiel Foundation.^[4]

:{:{Progressive commentators, including Dylan Gyauch-Lewis of the Revolving Door Project, have characterized IFP's alignment with the "abundance agenda" as "neoliberalism repackaged," arguing it reflects elite philanthropic interests from donors like Moskovitz and former Google CEO Eric Schmidt rather than diverse societal needs.^[45] Similarly, Roosevelt Institute fellow Rhiana Gunn-Wright has challenged the agenda's representativeness, questioning "what base does the abundance movement represent?" amid protests at related events by groups like Climate Defiance, which associate it with fossil fuel interests.^[45]}:

IFP maintains a non-partisan stance focused on evidence-based innovation policy, but detractors contend its donor ties and tech-centric priorities introduce a pro-market bias that overlooks equity or environmental risks, potentially limiting broader policy appeal.^[2] These debates echo wider scrutiny of think tanks' independence, where funding from high-net-worth individuals can shape research agendas toward accelerating technological progress at the expense of redistributive concerns.^[49]}:}:

References

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