ajs bak
<div>amjobsec816</div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>new</div><div>
</div><div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2019/10/donors-to-anti-obama-dark-money-grp/">https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2019/10/donors-to-anti-obama-dark-money-grp/</a></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
<b>Former “dark money” giant <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/detail.php?cycle=2012&cmte=Americans%20for%20Job%20Security">Americans for Job Security</a>
has walked out from the shadows, disclosing its donors last week
following years of complaints and lawsuits filed by ethics watchdogs</b>.</font></p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Between 2010 and 2012, the group raked in at least $65 million from
billionaires, corporations and nebulous groups that don’t disclose their
own sources of funding, <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6523739-201910240300300335.html">recent filings show</a>. Many of the group’s top donors have now lined up behind President <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/candidate?id=N00023864">Donald Trump</a>, cutting big checks to his reelection bid.
The now-defunct conservative group was largely active in the 2012 election cycle, spending <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/recips.php?cmte=Americans+for+Job+Security&cycle=2012">$15.2 million</a> on political ads attacking then-Democratic President <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pres12/candidate.php?id=N00009638">Barack Obama</a> during his reelection bid. The group also spent almost <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/detail.php?cycle=2010&cmte=Americans+for+Job+Security">$5 million</a> on independent expenditures in the 2010 cycle targeting Democrats and promoting Republicans in congressional races.
Between late 2011 and 2012, the group gave out <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/10/americans-for-job-security-a/">$26.3 million</a> in grants, most of which went to the <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/nonprof_contrib.php?id=264683543">Center to Protect Patient Rights</a>, another dark money group <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2012/12/center-to-protect-patient-rights-ga/">with close ties to the Koch brothers</a>.
Americans for Job Security’s political activities triggered a <a href="https://www.citizensforethics.org/legal-filing/irs-federal-election-commission-complaints-vs-americans-for-job-security/">2012 complaint</a>
by the Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a
left-leaning watchdog group, alleging that the conservative business
league acted — yet failed to register — as a political committee. The
recent disclosure was prompted by <a href="https://www.citizensforethics.org/press-release/crew-exposes-dark-money-donors-including-thiel-devos-and-adelson/">several lawsuits</a> the ethics group filed against the Federal Election Commission over the years and a <a href="https://s3.amazonaws.com/storage.citizensforethics.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/18205844/MUR-6538R-Closing-Letter-to-Complainant-1.pdf">September agreement</a> requiring the dark money group to register as a political committee and reveal its donors.
“This is a major victory for transparency and the rule of law,” said
Noah Bookbinder, executive director of the watchdog group, in a <a href="https://www.citizensforethics.org/press-release/crew-exposes-dark-money-donors-including-thiel-devos-and-adelson/">press release</a>. “This is the first major release of dark money sources in the post-<em>Citizens United</em> era, a rare and long overdue victory in the fight against the illegal use of dark money in politics.”
Among the group’s biggest donors are billionaires with a history of bankrolling conservative causes, records show.</font><div class="scroll-table"><div id="tablepress-159_wrapper" class="dataTables_wrapper no-footer">
<table id="tablepress-159" class="tablepress tablepress-id-159 dataTable no-footer" role="grid" aria-describedby="tablepress-159_info"><thead><tr class="row-1 odd" role="row"><th class="column-1 sorting" tabindex="0" aria-controls="tablepress-159" rowspan="1" colspan="1" style="width: 481px;" aria-label="Donor(s): activate to sort column ascending"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Donor(s)</font></th><th class="column-2 sorting" tabindex="0" aria-controls="tablepress-159" rowspan="1" colspan="1" style="width: 223px;" aria-label="Total Given (2010-2012): activate to sort column ascending"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Total Given (2010-2012)</font></th></tr></thead><tbody class="row-hover"><tr class="row-2 even" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles Schwab</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$8,800,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-3 odd" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John J. Fisher</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$5,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-4 even" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Center to Protect Patient Rights</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$4,645,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-5 odd" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hensel Phelps Construction</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,930,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-6 even" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William Fisher</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-7 odd" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rosebush Corp</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-8 even" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Richard & Helen Devos</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-9 odd" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Doris Fisher</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-10 even" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Crossroads Grassroots Policy Strategies</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$2,000,000</font></td></tr><tr class="row-11 odd" role="row"><td class="column-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Workforce Fairness Institute</font></td><td class="column-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$1,500,000</font></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="dataTables_info" id="tablepress-159_info" role="status" aria-live="polite"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Showing 1 to 10 of 172 entries</font></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
<strong>
</strong></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>
</strong></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>John Fisher</strong>, owner of the Oakland Athletics and son of
Gap Inc. founders Donald and Doris Fisher, gave generously to the group,
shelling out $5 million between 2010 and 2012. His mother and his two
brothers, Robert and William Fisher, also combined to give the group
another $5 million, making the Fisher family the group’s biggest
donor.
The California philanthropist mostly gave to <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=john+j+fisher&order=desc&page=1&sort=D">conservative causes</a>
in the past, doling out $416,400 to Republican candidates and parties
last cycle. Spreading his fortune between the two major parties, Fisher
also gave $2,800 each this year to several Democratic presidential
hopefuls, including self-funded businessman <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/candidate?id=N00033897">John Delaney</a> and Sens. <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/candidate?id=N00035267">Cory Booker</a> (D-N.J.), <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/candidate?id=N00036915">Kamala Harris</a> (D-Calif.) and <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/candidate?id=N00030608">Michael Bennet</a> (D-Colo.).
Paypal executive <strong>Peter Thiel</strong> gave the conservative group <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6523739-201910240300300335.html#document/p3/a532592">$500,000</a>. An outspoken Trump supporter and GOP donor, the venture capitalist gave a <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/pacgave2.php?cmte=C00487470&cycle=2018">$1 million</a> check last year to <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/lookup2.php?strID=C00487470">Club for Growth Action</a>,
a conservative super PAC, and $100,000 to Trump’s inaugural committee
in 2017. He also gave a total of $500,000 to Trump’s joint fundraising
committee, <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/jfc/summary.php?id=C00618389">Trump Victory</a>.
Many of the group’s top donors between 2010 and 2012 are now Trump allies.
Billionaire investor <strong>Charles Schwab</strong> delivered $8.8 million to the conservative group between 2010 and 2012. A longtime <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/overview/topindivs.php?view=om&cycle=2018">GOP donor</a>,
the brokerage firm chairman has given $9.4 million to conservative
outside spending groups from 2011 to 2019. Schwab became a staunch Trump
supporter in 2016, giving <a href="https://fortune.com/2017/04/20/donald-trump-inauguration-donors/">$1 million</a> to the president’s inaugural committee and <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2017/09/19/rnc-taps-legal-account-to-help-pay-for-president-trumps-lawyers-in-russia-probes/">more than $100,000</a> to the <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/parties/totals.php?cycle=2018&cmte=RNC">Republican National Committee</a> legal fund, which helps pay for Trump’s legal bills. Schwab and his wife Helen each gave $1 million to the pro-Trump super PAC <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/lookup2.php?cycle=2018&strID=C00574533">Future45</a> last year.
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Casino mogul <strong>Sheldon Adelson</strong> and his wife <strong>Miriam</strong> also chipped in $250,000 to fuel the conservative group. Longtime Republican megadonors, the couple shelled out <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/donor_detail.php?cycle=2018&id=U0000000310&type=I&super=N&name=Adelson%2C+Sheldon+G.+%26+Miriam+O.">$122.3 million</a> to conservative political groups in 2018, including $10 million to pro-Trump super PAC <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/lookup2.php?strID=C00637512&cycle=2020">America First Action</a>. The couple doled out <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/pacgave2.php?cycle=2016&cmte=C00574533">$20 million</a> in 2016 to Future45 and gave <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/trump/inauguration-donors">$5 million</a> to fund Trump’s inaugural festivities in 2017.
</font></div><div style="text-align:center;">
<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font> </div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Adelson’s support for the president earned him a seat at the dining
table at the White House with Trump, Jared Kushner and then-Secretary of
State Rex Tillerson in 2017, as well as closer access to Japanese Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe for his casino bid in Japan, <a href="https://features.propublica.org/trump-inc-podcast/sheldon-adelson-casino-magnate-trump-macau-and-japan/">ProPublica</a> reported.
Real estate developer <strong>Geoffrey Palmer</strong>, who gave Americans for Job Security almost $2 million between 2010 and 2012, has given America First Action a total of <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/2020-presidential-race/contributors?cycle=2020&id=N00023864&src=b&type=f">$6 million</a> to support Trump since 2017. Palmer also gave $5 million to pro-Trump super PAC <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/lookup2.php?strID=C00618876">Rebuilding America Now</a> and $765,200 to Trump Victory.
The late <strong>Richard and Helen DeVos</strong>, in-laws of current Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, gave Americans for Job Security $2 million. The couple gave <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outsidespending/donor_detail.php?cycle=2016&id=U0000000003&type=I&super=N&name=Devos%2C+Richard+Sr.+%26+Helen+J.">$2.8 million</a>
to conservative groups during the 2016 election cycle — right before
their daughter-in-law became Trump’s appointee — with the entire DeVos
family giving <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2016/12/betsy-devos-big-giving-relatives-family-qualifies-gop-royalty/">more than $10 million</a> throughout the cycle.
Many other current and former Trump cabinet members are also among the group’s now disclosed donors. Secretary of the Treasury <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=79234">Steven Mnuchin</a>, who was previously an investment banker, <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6523739-201910240300300335.html#document/p5/a532589">gave $5,000</a> to the group in 2012. <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=81848">Linda McMahon</a>, formerly the head of the Small Business Administration under Trump, <a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2019/03/29/linda-mcmahon-to-resign-as-head-of-small-business-administration-1243495">left the cabinet to chair America First Action</a> in May. McMahon and her husband Vince gave Americans for Job Security $10,000 in 2012.
Americans for Job Security also attracted millions of dollars from corporations whose executives tend to give to Republicans.
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/totals.php?id=D000034428&cycle=2016"><strong>Hensel Phelps Construction</strong></a>,
one of the biggest construction managing companies in the country,
coughed up $2.93 million to support the group. Since 1990, affiliates of
the Colorado-based firm have combined to give $914,458 to political
candidate campaigns, <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/totals.php?id=D000034428&cycle=2016">94 percent</a> of which went to support Republicans. Jeffrey Wenaas, the CEO of Hensel Phelps, gave <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=wenaas">exclusively to conservative causes</a> over the years.
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The dark money group also hauled in $3 million from oil and gas giant <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/totals.php?id=D000025483&cycle=2020"><strong>Devon Energy</strong></a>, whose PAC gave <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/pac2pac.php?cmte=C00354753&cycle=2020">exclusively to conservative groups</a>
in the past. Texas-based Beal Bank also shelled out $1 million to fund
the conservative group between 2010 and 2012. Andrew Beal, founder of
Beal Bank, spent <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2019/04/02/pro-trump-super-pac-used-donor-money-to-fund-right-wing-conspiracy-campaign.html">more than $300,000</a> to fund a Facebook meme campaign to support Trump’s 2016 presidential bid, CNBC reported.
While Americans for Job Security disclosed its sources of revenue, many
of its donors are limited liability companies or tax-exempt
organizations whose sources of income remain hidden under federal law.
Some of those groups that donated to Americans for Job Security keep on
giving large sums to other similar organizations, making the money flow
among a network of conservative dark money groups virtually
untraceable.
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
<a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/outside-spending/political-nonprofits/summary?id=453199086"><strong>Rosebush Corp</strong></a>, a 501(c)(4) organization that was <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2015/01/in-the-garden-of-dark-money-the-thorny-case-of-rosebush-corp/">once denied tax-exempt status by the IRS</a>, gave a $2 million grant to Americans for Job Security in 2012, as first disclosed in <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1501359-rosebush-corp-2012.html">Rosebush’s tax filing</a>. In 2011, the 501(c)(4) also gave a <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2015/01/in-the-garden-of-dark-money-the-thorny-case-of-rosebush-corp/">$750,000 grant</a> to <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000060083"><strong>Americans for Limited Government</strong></a>, a dark money group led by real estate developer Howard Rich, which <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/11/wellsprings-flow/">spent millions running ads against Democrats</a>.
Like with the Center to Protect Patient Rights, money shuffled between
the Rich-linked group and Americans for Job Security. Rich’s group
received <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/802249-americans-for-job-security-2012.html">$10,000</a> from Americans for Job Security in 2011 and another <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6523739-201910240300300335.html">$100,000</a> from the group in 2012, two years after it gave the dark money giant $60,000, recent filings show.
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
<a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2019/05/an-influential-dark-money-group-turns-off-the-lights-for-the-last-time/"><strong>Wellspring Committee</strong></a>,
another dark money group residing on the web of conservative tax-exempt
organizations, gave Americans for Job Security $346,098 in 2010.
OpenSecrets previously reported that the committee <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/11/wellsprings-flow/">injected a total of nearly $3 million</a> into the conservative group from 2008 to 2010 and gave out grants worth more than $17 million from 2008 to 2011. The group <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2019/05/an-influential-dark-money-group-turns-off-the-lights-for-the-last-time/">officially shut down</a> in December 2018.
Reporter Karl Evers-Hillstrom and researchers Anna Massoglia and Alex Baumgart contributed to the report.</font></div><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div></div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>capt 816</div><div>
</div><div>a pass thru for dark $ laundering?</div><div>
</div><div></div><div>
</div><div>demaura town hall daily caller, redstate</div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>Two years later, the US Chamber of Commerce, under the leadership of an aggressive new president named Tom Donohue, picked up on Rove’s strategy.Pledging to “play hardball” against “frivolous” lawsuits, the Chamber spent $10 million on judicial races in 2000 alone. It pumped $4.4 million into Ohio’s Supreme Court election—the largest expenditure from a single source on a court race in US history. In the following years, the Chamber injected tens of millions into races in Illinois, Michigan, Mississippi, and Wisconsin. Corporate America had grasped the potential to install friendly judges who could crack down on costly class actions and neutralize the efforts of consumer advocates. “We’re clearly engaged in hand-to-hand combat,” as Donohue put it, “and we’ve got to step it up if we’re going to survive.”</div><div>
</div><div>Unions spent millions on these races as well—particularly across the Upper Midwest, as labor leaders recognized they could get a great return on investment by backing justices sympathetic to workers’ rights. As an official with the Ohio AFL-CIO once said: “We figured out a long time ago that it’s easier to elect seven judges than to elect 132 legislators.”</div><div>
</div><div>A major showdown came in 2004, in West Virginia’s Supreme Court election. Don Blankenship, the former CEO of Massey Energy, donated $3 million to Republican candidate Brent Benjamin. Meanwhile, a nonprofit funded primarily by Massey Energy ran TV ads accusing incumbent Justice Warren McGraw of getting a child rapist out of prison and into a job at a high school. After Benjamin won, the investment paid off big time: He later cast the deciding vote to overturn a lower court’s $50 million verdict against Massey Energy. Two years later, the US Supreme Court ruled that Benjamin should have recused himself. It overturned the decision and sent the case back to West Virginia. (Massey Energy ultimately prevailed in state court.)</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>Corporate interests also reaped a huge return on investment in the 2004 Supreme Court election in Illinois. Five years earlier, a jury had handed down a $1.19 billion penalty to the insurance company State Farm for requiring millions of claimants to accept subpar replacement auto parts. State Farm and its employees—working through the US Chamber, the Illinois Republican Party, and an Illinois-based tort reform group—steered $4 million to elect a sympathetic judge named Lloyd Karmeier to the Supreme Court, which was considering State Farm’s appeal of the auto parts verdict. Karmeier, his opponent, and various outside groups spent a record $9.3 million on the race. Karmeier, who would later acknowledge that the sum was “obscene,” won easily. And the millions State Farm spent were a pittance compared with what it gained: The next year, Karmeier cast the deciding vote to overturn the more than $1 billion verdict against State Farm.</div><div>
</div><div>Up to this point, the big spenders were mostly targeting contested judicial elections—ones in which a candidate challenged a sitting justice. Then came the Iowa Supreme Court’s 2009 decision in Varnum v. Brien, in which the seven justices unanimously ruled that the state’s ban on same-sex marriage violated the state constitution. Social-conservative groups leapt into action, targeting three of the seven justices who were up for retention election—ones where voters only check “yes” or “no.” The National Organization for Marriage and its allies spent nearly $1 million and defeated all three. “They wanted to make sure we were punished for our decision and that other judges witnessed that so they wouldn’t do it either,” former Justice Marsha Ternus told me.</div><div>
</div><div>The strategy of turning sleepy retention elections into political showdowns has been spreading. In Florida’s 2012 retention elections, the Koch-backed Americans for Prosperity and the Republican Party of Florida spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to unseat three sitting justices. A group called Defend Justice From Politics spent $3.1 million on the justices’ behalf, helping them prevail. In Michigan in 2012, two anonymously funded nonprofits, the Judicial Crisis Network and Americans for Job Security, poured $2.1 million into attack ads against five judges on Michigan’s 6th Circuit Court, though the judges won out. And earlier this year, Tennessee’s lieutenant governor, Ron Ramsey, took it upon himself to spearhead an effort to unseat three sitting state Supreme Court justices—and, along with them, the attorney general, who is appointed by the court. Ramsey’s PAC pumped $425,000 into a group running negative ads that blasted the three justices as “liberal on crime”and for “helping advance Obamacare.” Funds were also contributed by Americans for Prosperity and the GOP’s State Government Leadership Foundation, which said it planned to spend an additional $5 million in 2014 on judicial races in North Carolina, Tennessee, and elsewhere.</div><div>
</div><div>Though the three Tennessee justices prevailed in the end, one of them, Connie Clark, told me she’s concerned about the precedent set by the fight. “As long as there are no limits on outside money,” she says, “then this will become the new normal.”</div><div>
</div><div>The transformation of judicial campaigns has alarmed another veteran of the court system. “Judicial elections pose a serious threat,” former US Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor told Mother Jones. “If judicial decisions are in fact not fair and impartial—or even if they are perceived as being biased—the basis of support for our courts crumbles.”</div><div></div><div>
</div><div> good-government group has won its case against the Federal Election Commission for negligence in enforcing campaign finance laws against two conservative political groups that have ties to billionaire industrialists and conservative juggernauts Charles and David Koch and that were active in several Southern states.</div><div>
</div><div>Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed a complaint with the FEC in 2012 against Americans for Job Security and the American Action Network for failing to register as political committees while financing $27.6 million worth of political ads during the 2010 elections. AJS is an anti-union 501(c)6 nonprofit trade association based in Virginia, while AAN is a 501(c)4 "social welfare" nonprofit based in Washington, D.C.</div><div>
</div><div>After the FEC dismissed the suit, CREW sued the regulatory body itself.</div><div>
</div><div>This week a federal judge ruled that the FEC was "arbitrary and capricious" when it dismissed CREW's complaint against the groups and will need to reconsider it. The ruling could dramatically change how the FEC investigates nonprofits that spend on politics and consequently increase election-spending transparency.</div><div>
</div><div>"The case sees through the problematic tactic of using bogus 'issue ads' that are clearly political in an attempt to evade transparency and accountability," CREW Communications Director Jordan Libowitz told Facing South.</div><div>
</div><div>To avoid violating their nonprofit status, the primary purpose of trade organizations and social welfare groups must not be political activity. Unlike the 527 political committees known as super PACs that have strict political disclosure requirements, trade organizations and social welfare groups are not required to disclose their donors except when reporting political expenditures that explicitly support or oppose a candidate for office and, in some cases, expenditures on so-called "electioneering" ads that run close to an election and criticize or support candidates without asking citizens to vote for or against them.</div><div>
</div><div>In 2010, AJS spent $9.5 million on political ads benefiting Republican candidates including considerable amounts on U.S. House and Senate races in the South: nearly $1.7 million in North Carolina, close to $900,000 in Arkansas, over $500,000 in Virginia, and smaller sums in Florida, Georgia and Kentucky.</div><div>
</div><div>Of that amount, $4.6 million went toward electioneering communications. Though political ads amounted to nearly 77 percent of AJS's 2010 spending, it did not register as a political committee with the FEC.</div><div>
</div><div>AJS's income that year included $4.8 million from the Center to Protect Patient Rights, an Arizona-based social welfare nonprofit that served as a key funding source for the Koch political operation, and $3 million from the Wellspring Committee, which has funded Koch-backed political groups including Americans for Prosperity.</div><div>
</div><div>That same year, AAN spent at least $18.1 million on ads targeting 29 races, with $13.7 million of that going towards electioneering communications. Though the ad buys constituted nearly 67 percent of the group's spending from 2009 to 2010, it did not register as a political committee or reveal who funded the ads.</div><div>
</div><div>AAN spent millions on Southern races for U.S. House and Senate, including nearly $2.3 million in Virginia, over $500,000 in West Virginia, and close to $190,000 in Arkansas, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. AAN received over $300,000 from the Wellspring Committee in 2010 and donated $200,000 to the Center to Protect Patient Rights in 2011, according to Conservative Transparency.</div><div>
</div><div>In 2011 and 2012, CREW filed complaints against AJS and AAN for failing to report numerous electioneering communications to the FEC and not registering as political committees.</div><div>
</div><div>The FEC's own Office of General Counsel found that both groups had broken campaign finance law. But in the summer of 2014, the FEC — by law a six-member body evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats — gridlocked as it often does, with the three Republicans asserting in both cases that electioneering communications should not be considered when judging how much of an organization's work is political.</div><div>
</div><div>The case against the FEC</div><div>
</div><div>The FEC's dismissal of CREW's complaints didn't stop the watchdog from continuing its fight. In August 2014, CREW sued the FEC for failing to enforce campaign finance law against AAN and AJS.</div><div>
</div><div>"Due to the FEC's inaction, AAN and AJS have become a template for political groups to hide political spending," CREW's complaint stated.</div><div>
</div><div>AAN and AJS still have not registered as political groups. AAN has continued to spend on elections, funneling millions of dollars into politics in 2012 and 2014; so far this election cycle the group has documented over $600,000 of ad spending on U.S. House races. AJS spent nearly $16 million in 2012 but hasn't reported any federal ad buys since then.</div><div>
</div><div>Last December, CREW filed a motion for summary judgment against the FEC. On Sept. 19, U.S. District Court Judge Christopher Cooper ruled that "the controlling commissioners relied on a faulty legal premise in applying the 'major purpose' test … The commissioners' decisions were thus 'contrary to law.'"</div><div>
</div><div>The judge ordered the FEC to reconsider the complaints within 30 days. The FEC has the option to appeal the ruling.</div><div>
</div><div>"We are very hopeful that all of the FEC commissioners will take the court's decision to heart, find the ads in question to clearly be political ads, and accordingly determine that AAN and AJS had a major purpose to affect elections and must disclose their donors," said CREW's Libowitz. "If somehow three commissioners again prevent meaningful enforcement, CREW will consider whether additional legal action is appropriate."</div><div>
</div><div>Judge Cooper's ruling is a watershed moment for campaign finance law as the definition of "political activity" will now include electioneering communications. This new definition is expected to either force numerous organizations to significantly decrease their political activity or to register as political groups, thus increasing transparency of their ads and donors.</div><div>
</div><div>Libowitz said the decision "sends a strong signal" that the FEC needs to enforce the law and has energized his group to ramp up its watchdog efforts.</div><div>
</div><div>"Now that we have seen clearly that courts will compel the FEC to do its job even over the opposition of obstructionist commissioners, we will redouble our efforts to find serious violations and ensure that they are adequately addressed," he said.</div><div>
</div><div>(To comment on or to share this story, click here. </div><div>
</div><div></div><div>
</div><div>Paul Blumenthal</div><div>paulblumenthal@huffingtonpost.com</div><div>
</div><div>'Dark Money' Group In Arizona Discloses Donors As Other 'Dark Money' Groups</div><div>Posted: 11/05/2012 1:48 pm EST Updated: 11/05/2012 3:04 pm EST</div><div>
</div><div>WASHINGTON -- </div><div>
</div><div>A "dark money" non-profit that funneled $11 million into two ballot initiative fights in California revealed to the state's campaign finance oversight board that it had received the money after the funds passed through the hands of two other "dark money" groups.</div><div>
</div><div>California's Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC) revealed that the Arizona-based Americans for Responsible Leadership received the $11 million from the Center to Protect Patients' Rights, which originally received the money from the non-profit Americans for Job Security.</div><div>
</div><div>A press release from the FPPC called the scheme, "the largest contribution ever disclosed as campaign money laundering in California history."</div><div>
</div><div>"In California, money laundering is a crime," FPPC chair Ann Ravel told The Huffington Post. "It's a misdemeanor and so it can be charged this way."</div><div>
</div><div>"Dark money" groups are organized as either social welfare nonprofits under section 501(c)(4) of the tax code. Since these groups qualify for tax-exempt status, they are also exempt from disclosing their donors, which political committees are required to do.</div><div>
</div><div>Ravel explained that the attorney general's office would be responsible for bringing criminal charges, or that civil charges could be brought, resulting in a fine of equal value or in excess of the amount laundered, in this case $11 million.</div><div>
</div><div>"We're definitely going to pierce through [these non-profits] and find out what we can and take appropriate actions," Ravel said.</div><div>
</div><div>California Attorney General Kamala Harris, who would be responsible for starting any criminal inquiry, said previously, "This case is simply about protecting the transparency and integrity of elections in California."</div><div>
</div><div>The Center to Protect Patients' Rights is a well-known pass-through for "dark money" in elections with connections to the billionaire Koch brothers. Areport by the Center for Responsive Politics found that the group, "gave more than $44 million in 2010 to other tax-exempt groups, many of which spent millions on TV ads attacking Democrats running for the House and Senate and have begun spending for the same purpose this year."</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security is a corporate-backed "issues advocacy" group that has been running political advertisements since it was founded in 1997. The group reportedly was founded by a $1 million contribution from the American Insurance Association. In 2007, the Federal Election Commission (FEC) found that AJS had violated campaign finance laws by not registering as a political committee, which would require it to disclose its donors, but Republican commissioners forced a deadlock vote on enforcement of the violation.</div><div>
</div><div>AJS has ties to Karl Rove and was founded by Republican power players Mike Dubke and Dave Carney. The pair now run Crossroads Media, which handles the advertising operations for Rove’s American Crossroads, the biggest gun in the massive campaign arsenal that Rove assembled in 2010. Americans for Job Security, meanwhile, is currently led by a young operative named Stephen DeMaura, who physically works out of Crossroads Media's Alexandria office.</div><div>
</div><div>In a lawsuit against the FEC, Rep. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland names AJS as a major recipient of undisclosed corporate cash.</div><div>
</div><div>But that’s about as much as anyone knows about AJS. “We don’t have clients. We have members,” said AJS head DeMaura. “Like all organizations of our type, we’re not required to disclose or discuss our members.”</div><div>
</div><div>The contributions into California were intended to influence two top priorities of conservative activists both inside and outside the state. Americans for Responsible Leadership passed the contributions it received to a campaign to defeat Proposition 30, which would raise taxes, and to support Proposition 32, which would ban unions from making payroll deductions for political contributions.</div><div>
</div><div>California's Supreme Court took the unprecedented step of forcing Americans for Responsible Leadership to disclose its donor list in a 7-0 vote on Sunday.</div><div>
</div><div>Aside from sending $11 million to California for the ballot initiatives campaigns, Americans for Responsible Leadership has also spent $2.5 million on federal election races. Almost all of that was spent on phone calls targeting President Barack Obama.</div><div>
</div><div>Another "dark money" group, Western Tradition Partnership, was forced to disclose its donors by a court in Montana. That disclosure was forced after a joint ProPublica/Frontline report showed that the group may have lied to both Montana courts and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) in its application for tax-exempt status.</div><div>[odd big gap]</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div></div><div>
</div><div>pro publ 3/14</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>GRANTS TO THIS ORGANIZATION FROM:</div><div>
</div><div>Center to Protect Patient Rights $100,000</div><div>
</div><div>GRANTS FROM THIS ORGANIZATION TO:</div><div>
</div><div>Center to Protect Patient Rights $24,550,000</div><div>
</div><div>The Taxpayers Protection Alliance $1,108,000</div><div>
</div><div>Coalition for American Jobs $442,000</div><div>
</div><div>American Tradition Partnership $70,750</div><div>
</div><div>Empower Texans $40,000</div><div>
</div><div>American Action Network $25,000</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Limited Government $10,000</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div></div><div>
</div><div>Those contributors include owners of the Gap Inc., for which California First Lady Anne Gust Brown was once a top executive, investor Charles Schwab and Los Angeles philanthropist Eli Broad. The groups they donated to gave money to other organizations, which gave to the campaigns.</div><div>
</div><div>One of the campaigns was an effort to derail a 2012 tax measure pushed by Gov. Jerry Brown -- which Broad had said he supported. The other supported a separate initiative that would have limited the power of labor unions to raise political cash.</div><div>
</div><div>The Fisher family, which owns the Gap, gave more than $9 million to Americans for Job Security, a Virginia-based group which eventually sent millions to an Arizona-based non-profit that ultimately wound up in a California campaign committee. Gust Brown formerly was the company’s chief administrative officer.</div><div>
</div><div>San Francisco investor Schwab gave more than $6.2 million to the same group. Broad gave $1 million despite his stated support for higher taxes on the wealthy.</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security sent $11 million to the Arizona-based Center to Protect Patient Rights, an Arizona nonprofit. From there, the same amount was sent to Americans for Responsible Leadership, another Arizona group, before landing in a single campaign committee that worked to defeat the governor’s tax measure, Proposition 30, and pass Proposition 32, a measure that would have limited the political power of labor unions. The committee failed in both efforts.</div><div>
</div><div>Calls to Broad, Schwab and the Fishers seeking comment were not returned.</div><div>
</div><div>The donation scheme was designed by California Republican fundraiser Tony Russo, who was working as a consultant to Americans for Job Security, according to documents released by the state Fair Political Practices Commission. Calls to Russo were not immediately returned.</div><div>
</div><div>In its findings, announced Thursday, the Fair Political Practices Commission ruled that its reading of state law found that donors to the Arizona group need not be disclosed. But in a partly redacted list released by the FPPC, some of the identities are being revealed for the first time.</div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>AC GPS: The political director of American Crossroads is Carl Forti, a veteran operative specializing in running independent expenditure campaigns. Forti ran an $80 million operation at the NRCC in 2006. The Crossroads family that Forti runs has spent $26 million on independent expenditures so far this cycle.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Forti also runs the communications strategy firm Black Rock Group with Michael Dubke. Dubke also operates the organization Crossroads Media, which is not directly associated with the Crossroads family. Crossroads Media, however, is the media company for the Crossroads family and has received $20.89 million from American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS for media and advertising services.</div><div>
</div><div>Dubke is also connected to another big independent expenditure operator on the Republican side, Americans for Job Security. Dubke helped found Americans for Job Security and served as executive director and then president from 1997 to 2007.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security operates out of the same office as Crossroads Media and the Black Rock Groupand is currently run by Stephen DeMaura, the 25-year old former executive director of the New Hampshire Republican Party. DeMaura is the only employee of the group. Crossroads Media has received $2.95 million from Americans for Job Security for media services in the 2010 midterms. This group has spent $4.39 million on independent expenditures so far this election.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Forti, the political director for the Crossroads family, also handles the PR and media profile of The 60-Plus Association. The 60-Plus Association was founded in 1992 as a conservative counter to a perceived liberal bias in the group senior citizen advocacy group AARP. So far, The 60-Plus Association has spent more than $5 million on independent expenditures.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>http://blog.sunlightfoundation.com/2010/10/21/hydra-of-independent-groups-fuels-republican-side/</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>California's Election Board Demands Transparency, Gets Smoke and Mirrors</div><div>The subject of the election board's action, Americans for Responsible Leadership (ARL), is an Arizona-based nonprofit organized under section 501(c)(4) of the tax code. ARL had made an $11 million donation to the Small Business Action Committee PAC (SBAC) in October, one of the largest single donations in the state this election cycle. The SBAC is opposing Proposition 30 (which would raise taxes) and Proposition 32 (which would prohibit labor unions from raising money for political activities through employees' voluntary payroll deductions). Common Cause-California filed a complaint with California's elections board, the California Fair Political Practices Commission, alleging that ARL failed to comply with the state's disclosure laws.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Under California law, nonprofit groups must disclose all donors who give for the purpose of funding political ads or activities. Some groups have avoided disclosure by claiming that all donations were raised for general purposes.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>But the Commission wasn't buying ARL's claim that it had raised $11 million from donors who were not aware the money would be used to fund ads in the fight over these ballot issues, and asked the group to name its funders. When ARL refused, the Commission filed suit and won, and on Sunday the California Supreme Court rejected ARL's appeal and ordered the group to reveal its donors.</div><div>
</div><div>On Monday, ARL revealed that it had indeed received $11 million in contributions for the purpose of funding the ballot initiative activities. But the source of that contribution was another dark money nonprofit, Americans for Job Security (AJS). And to complicate things further, Americans for Job Security filtered its contribution through a third dark money group, the Center to Protect Patient Rights (CPPR). According to the Commission's press release, "Under California law, the failure to disclose this initially was campaign money laundering."</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Both AJS and CPPR are intimately familiar with this kind of "campaign money laundering." In 2010, CPPR gave $4.8 million to AJS, which it spent on ads attacking Democrats. In 2012, AJS gave $11 million to CPPR, which it gave to ARL.</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security, a "Trade Group" that Seems to Exist Only to Influence Elections</div><div>As the Center for Media and Democracy has reported, Americans for Job Security is officially registered as a 501(c)(6) nonprofit "trade association," like the drug industry trade group PhRMA, but AJS does not appear to advance the interests of any particular industry or trade. The group claims that as a 501(c)(6) "trade association," it raises funds not through donations earmarked for political ads, but from voluntary "membership dues," which the group's leaders decide on their own how to disburse -- allowing it to hide its donors by claiming none of the donations were made for the purpose of funding its election-related activities. But throughout its existence AJS has done little else besides influencing elections. In 2008 the Federal Elections Commission found "reason to believe" the group had violated election law by not registering as a political committee -- which would have required more disclosure -- but the FEC's Republican commissioners blocked any action against the group.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>AJS lists its mailing address at a UPS drop box in Alexandria VA, but the group operates out of the same office building in Washington DC as Karl Rove's American Crossroads SuperPAC, the related Crossroads Media, as well as consultancies like the Black Rock Group and Target Point Consulting. AJS has reported spending $15.6 million on ads this election cycle (most of them attacking President Obama), but as CMD has reported, the total is likely higher. Some of its ad buys appear to be coordinating with Rove's Super PAC, American Crossroads -- in Pennsylvania, for instance, AJS spent $1.2 million on ads in Philadelphia at the same time American Crossroads spent the same amount on ads across the rest of the state. AJS has also paid the related Crossroads Media to produce and place its ads, and for an unknown reason has disbursed nearly $1 million directly to Crossroads GPS.</div><div>
</div><div>Koch-Connected CPPR Gave to AJS in 2010</div><div>Though AJS does not disclose its donors, two funding sources have been identified from disclosures filed by contributing organizations. And one of them is the Center to Protect Patient's Rights (CPPR).</div><div>
</div><div>As first discovered by Open Secrets, CPPR gave AJS $4.8 million in 2010, according to its most recent IRS filings. CPPR's misleading name gives the impression it is concerned about healthcare but it actually appears to operate as a conduit for funding right-wing electoral operations. As a nonprofit, CPPR is not required to report its funders, but it must disclose its grant recipients -- and through those disclosures, it was revealed that CPPR gave $55 million in 2010 to a variety of nonprofit groups that in turn spent at least $46 million attacking Democrats in the 2010 elections.</div><div>
</div><div>As a 501(c)(4) nonprofit CPPR itself does not disclose its donors. But it does have ties to the billionaire Koch brothers.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>CPPR's President Sean Noble has been described as a "Koch operative" affiliated with a number of Koch-connected political operations, and who in the runup to the 2010 elections met regularly with GOP strategists and Karl Rove's Crossroads groups to plot and coordinate that year's Republican electoral landslide. Noble has since been hired by Americans for Limited Government, another nonprofit organization which happens to be AJS's other known funder. Its IRS filings show it gave $250,000 to AJS in 2010.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Other individuals associated with the group also have Koch ties. Consultant Cheryl Hillen has raised at least $2.6 million for the organization and was formerly director of fundraising for David Koch's Citizens for a Sound Economy (which later split into Koch's Tea Party group Americans for Prosperity and Freedomworks, which is led by Dick Armey). One of CPPR's original directors, Heather Higgins, is chairwoman of the Independent Women's Forum, a climate change denialist group that has received Koch money and was previously run by a Koch lobbyist.</div><div>
</div><div>Shell Game Highlights Need for Reform</div><div>This week, with Americans for Responsible Leadership forced to disclose its funding to California's elections board, it is apparent that the flow of some of the money has now been reversed. Where in 2010 donors gave secretly to the Center to Protect Patient's Rights, which in turn gave secretly to Americans for Job Security, in 2012 donors apparently have given secretly to Americans for Job Security, which gave secretly to the Center to Protect Patient's Rights. CPPR then gave $11 million to Americans for Responsible Leadership, which in turn made an $11 million donation to the Small Business Action Committee PAC.</div><div>
</div><div>According to Ann Ravel, Chair of the California Fair Political Practices Commission, the case "demonstrates the need for reform to make sure true donors are disclosed and can't hide behind innocuous committee names."</div><div>
</div><div></div><div>
</div><div>CA money launder http://www.mercurynews.com/elections/ci_21932215/fppc-releases-names-donors-who-made-secret-11</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>koch prop 32 anti Union BS</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security has been described by the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics as "pro-Republican," "pro-business" and "established to directly counter labor's influence." It was founded in 1997 by Michael Dubke and David Carney, the same two GOP strategists who formed Crossroads Media, which runs advertising for American Crossroads, GOP uber-strategist Karl Rove's Super PAC.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>In September, Americans for Job Security spent $8 million in ads in the swing states of Florida, Iowa, North Carolina, Ohio, Virginia and Colorado blasting President Barack Obama for what it said was his failure to turn the economy around.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>The Center to Protect Patient Rights, also based in Arizona, is run by Sean Noble, an operative of the Koch brothers, who are worth a combined $50 billion, according to Forbes. Noble, a GOP strategist, was hired in 2010 to coordinate the Koch brothers' distribution of millions of dollars to dozens of entities. He has been a member of a group, called the Weaver Terrace Group -- dubbed Rove's "Fight Club" -- that meets regularly to plot campaign financing strategies, said Viveca Nova, a spokeswoman for the Center for Responsive</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>targeted dems</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Americans_for_Job_Security</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security (AJS) is a "pro-business advocacy organization" based in Arlington, VA.[1] AJS spun off in the late 1990s from a group called The Coalition: Americans Working for Real Change, a group that had been formed by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce to counteract the extensive soft money spending by the AFL-CIO starting in the 1996 elections.[2]</div><div>
</div><div>Later in a FEC Complaint, Public Citizen wrote that AJS is a "sham front group that would be better called Corporations Influencing Elections ... masquerading as a non-profit to conceal its funders and the scope of its electioneering activities,"[1] the Center for Responsive Politics wrote in April 2007.[2] Incorporated October 1997 in Virginia, AJS was described by the Center as "pro-Republican", "pro-business", and "established to directly counter labor's influence".[3][4]</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>The Center also reported that, in 1998, AJS "pledged to raise and spend $100 million on issue ads over the next five years."[5]</div><div>
</div><div>It is alleged that AJS was founded by Marc F. Racicot "with a $1 million donation" from the American Insurance Association. Racicot headed George W. Bush's 2004 re-election campaign and is a former Republican National Committee chairman.[6] In June 2005, Racicot coincidentally became the new head of the American Insurance Association, which "represents 435 major property and casualty insurance companies."[7]</div><div>
</div><div>Contents</div><div> [hide] </div><div>1 Tax-exempt status</div><div>2 Issues</div><div>2.1 Member of anti-estate tax coalition</div><div>2.2 Active opponent of the Employee Free Choice Act</div><div>2.3 Against the Pebble Mine in Alaska</div><div>3 Election Activities</div><div>3.1 Election Cycle 2012</div><div>3.2 Election cycle 2010</div><div>3.2.1 Zach Space</div><div>3.2.2 Jane Norton</div><div>3.2.3 Bill Halter</div><div>3.3 Election Cycle 2006</div><div>3.3.1 Santorum and ASJ used same ad footage</div><div>3.3.2 Supporting Santorum</div><div>3.3.3 A Stronger America - Minnesota</div><div>3.3.4 Attack ads linked to Swift Boat lawyer and funder</div><div>3.3.5 Minnesota Complaint</div><div>3.4 Election Cycle 2004</div><div>3.4.1 Texas District 1</div><div>3.4.2 Complaint</div><div>3.5 Supporting N.C.'s Richard Burr</div><div>3.6 Targeting John Edwards</div><div>3.7 Paul Wellstone</div><div>3.8 Election Cycle 2000</div><div>3.8.1 Microsoft</div><div>3.8.2 "stealth PAC"</div><div>4 Funding</div><div>4.1 Known Funders</div><div>5 Republican affiliations</div><div>5.1 Crossroads Media & TargetPoint Consulting</div><div>6 Principals and consultants</div><div>6.1 Principals or staffers</div><div>6.1.1 Former Principles</div><div>6.2 Consultants</div><div>6.3 Affiliated consultants or vendors</div><div>7 Contact information</div><div>8 Articles and resources</div><div>8.1 Related SourceWatch articles</div><div>8.2 References</div><div>8.3 External resources</div><div>8.4 External articles</div><div>Tax-exempt status</div><div>AJS is classified as a Section 501(c)(6) trade association, meaning that the organization is designed to promote the “common business interests” of its members.[3] Additionally, "it is not prohibited from intervening in political campaigns so long as political campaign intervention is not its primary activity." However, the Washington Post reported in August, 2010, that AJS spends "the vast majority of its budget on television and radio ads before elections.[4]</div><div>
</div><div>According to Public Citizen, if the advertising constitutes campaign intervention (electioneering), the activity would be considered AJS's primary activity, resulting in loss of tax-exempt status and imposition of taxes under Section 527(f)."[8]</div><div>
</div><div>On April 11, 2007, Public Citizen wrote to the IRS and FEC, complaining that the group should lose its non-profit status, due to its "electioneering." [9]</div><div>
</div><div>Issues</div><div>Member of anti-estate tax coalition</div><div>"In the months prior to the 2002 election, pro-repeal organizations ran estate tax issue ads in South Dakota, Missouri, Minnesota, lowa, and Arkansas. In Missouri, the United Seniors Association and Americans for Job Security (phony grassroots organizations fronting for corporate interests) targeted former Senator Jean Carnahan's position on the estate tax. In Minnesota, Americans for Job Security ran full-page newspaper ads attacking the late Senator Paul Wellstone for voting against full repeal, and flew a banner at the Minnesota state fair: 'Wellstone Quit Taxing the Dead!'."[10]</div><div>
</div><div>In summer 2005, AJS, "which devotes nearly all of its spending on advertising, concentrates nearly entirely on messages that aim to influence elections as opposed to influencing the outcomes of discrete public policy issues", departed "from that practice" and "targeted" four senators "with issue-related advertisements that supported a repeal of the estate tax. They were former Sen. Bill Frist (R-Tenn), and Sens. Max Baucus (D-Mont.), Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.) and Mary Landrieu (D-La.)."[11]</div><div>
</div><div>Active opponent of the Employee Free Choice Act</div><div>In the weeks following the 2008 election Americans for Job Security has "a new ad out for their opposition to Card Check, and they have bought air time for it on almost all of the television networks." [5]</div><div>
</div><div>CBS refused to air the ad, which was featured here. In a statement Stephen DeMaura said, "Americans for Job Security attempted to advertise on the CBS Network but our advertisement titled 'Secret' was denied. It is one part of a serious and ongoing public policy debate on the Employee Free Choice Act. According to our media buyers, CBS officials cited the appearance of Speaker Nancy Pelosi, whom the advertisement shows in visual form only, as one of the primary reasons for the denial of the advertisement. One CBS representative felt that viewers would be 'confused' by its contents within their program. The advertisement was approved by other broadcast networks."</div><div>
</div><div>The advertisement and its placement on Fox News Sunday drew additional criticism as the message of the ad was parodied by host Chris Wallace just before the commercial break. [6]</div><div>
</div><div>Against the Pebble Mine in Alaska</div><div>Americans for Job Security took a strong and active stance against the controversial Pebble Mine in Alaska which threatens the commercial and sport fishing industry of the area. The active opposition of the organization created controversy as it coincided with Ballot Measure 4 which would have stopped the effort. Elizabeth Bluemink of the Anchorage Daily News wrote "The major group funding this campaign is Americans for Job Security." [7]A seperate account of the effort by the Anchorage Daily News wrote, "Americans for Job Security -- a secretive, Republican-oriented group in Virginia that doesn't identify its members -- contributed nearly $3 million to back Measure 4," and that they, "also funded "issue" ads in the form of mailers and radio spots. The cost of those ads was not disclosed." [8]</div><div>
</div><div>The Pebble Mine would be the largest open pit mine in the world and is being actively supported by international mining companies who donated more than $8 million to Ballot Measure 4. [9] Many argued it was weird that AJS would oppose the project but Stephen DeMaura group President said in a Daily News Miner story “We believe the Pebble Mine is bad for the commercial fishing industry in Alaska,” DeMaura said. “We’re going to continue to engage in that discussion for as long as it takes.” [10]</div><div>
</div><div>Election Activities</div><div>Election Cycle 2012</div><div>In 2011, the group launched a coordinated effort against Big Labor "Infesting the Workplace". AJS activities included placing a large inflatable rat outside of the National Labor Relations Board headquarters, and buying ads before, during, and after the October 11th Republican primary debate in New Hampshire [12] The campaign also included a site, http://www.richietherat.com, but site activity stopped by the end of the year.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>The group's first buy in 2012 was an attack ad aimed at influencing the Wisconsin Senate Primary. On August 2nd, Americans for Job Security made a $462,000 dollar ad buy [13] attacking Eric Hovde, a candidate opposing Tommy Thompson and Mark Neumann. The Ad, entitled Hovde Stimulus, accuses Hovde of supporting the 2009 Stimulus, and taking stimulus money through ePlus, one of the companies he invested in. Hovde claims that the ad was untrue, and that his company never accepted stimulus money, and that AJS was illegally coordinating with the Thompson campaign. Americans for Job Security once did work for Persuasion Partners, a PR firm which acted as a consultant for the Thompson campaign [14]</div><div>
</div><div>Election cycle 2010</div><div>Zach Space</div><div>AJS launched a television ad criticizing Zack Space (D-OH) for "supporting Nancy Pelosi's liberal agenda." It accuses the congressman of voting for higher energy taxes which would "kill Ohio jobs."[11] In response, Space denied that he is a clone of Speaker Pelosi, and has "the gravitas to stand up to his party leadership."[12]</div><div>
</div><div>Jane Norton</div><div>In the Republican primary race for Colorado Senate, AJS released an ad attacking Jane Norton, the former Colorado Lieutenant Governor. The ad argued that Norton supported "the largest tax hike in Colorado history" and oversaw "a state bureaucracy that grew by $43 million in just three years." Politifact.com checked the veracity of both these claims. It revealed that the tax hike referred to in the ad was not a tax increase, but a repeal of a rebate that was approved by the voters of Colorado in a referendum, which Norton also supported. Furthermore, the increase in state revenues it created was not the largest in Colorado history, but only one of the largest in recent history.[13] With regard to the growth of bureaucracy, AJS' ad left out the fact that the $43 million increase was due to an influx of federal funds. State tax revenues actually deceased during Norton's tenure as Lieutenant Governor.[14]</div><div>
</div><div>Bill Halter</div><div>AJS spent roughly $1.5 million to defeat Arkansas Senate candidate Bill Halter.[15] One of their ads was subjected to complaints of racism. The ad depicts Indians thanking Bill Halter for outsourcing jobs from America to Bangalore, in reference to his time spent on the board of WebMethods. Halter's opponent, Senator Blanche Lincoln, decried the ads and supported their removal from the airwaves. But Lincoln's campaign distributed materials with a picture of the Taj Mahal and a charge that Halter supported outsourcing. Halter responded to the ads by calling it "petty politics" and filed a complaint against AJS with the Federal Elections Commission.[16] The Securities and Exchange Commission also stated that WebMethod's opening of a development center in India had no effect on job loss in the United States.[17]</div><div>
</div><div>Election Cycle 2006</div><div>In an attempt to influence 2006 elections, the Campaign Finance Institute reports the following for AJS:[15]</div><div>
</div><div>"Ran an estimated $1.5 million in ads on behalf of Republican Rick Santorum in Pennsylvania Senate race, praising his past votes for anti-tax stance and Social Security initiative."</div><div>"Sponsored prerecorded phone calls in an Oklahoma House Republican primary that criticized two of the six candidates."[16]</div><div>"Ran ads in two House races in Indiana and Minnesota supportive of Republican candidates."</div><div>Santorum and ASJ used same ad footage</div><div>In December 2005, Sen. Rick Santorum ran an interne that used the same ad footage as that in an ad "placed on TV stations" by Americans for Job Security. Blogger mantooth of The Square Circuit Blog commented that "this wouldn't be news, of course, if it were not borderline unethical. It seems clear that two ads--one for Santorum directly, and one in support of Santorum--that used EXACTLY THE SAME FOOTAGE were probably cooked up by the same people. But no! say the parties. Just a fantastic coincidence."[17]</div><div>
</div><div>"According to the Wilkes-Barre/Scranton NEWS-LEADER, 'Michael Dubke, president of the Republican-leaning third-party group, and John Brabender, Santorum's media consultant, each denied that the two sides had collaborated in any way. They each said it was a coincidence they used the same stock footage in their respective ads'," mantooth related.[17]</div><div>
</div><div>Supporting Santorum</div><div>"Santorum is using every trick he learned as the Senate liaison to K Street lobbyists to game the system and have the special interests pay for his reelection campaign," Larry Smar with the Bob Casey campaign wrote in July 2006.[18].</div><div>
</div><div>AJS had launched its "fifth ad in support of Santorum's candidacy," spending "$2 million for Santorum in addition to $1.5 million from the Santorum campaign."[18]</div><div>
</div><div>"The press has reported that AJS has been backed by the insurance industry and the pharmaceutical industry," both of which "are big Santorum donors and Santorum consistently votes with the insurance and pharmaceutical industries over seniors and patients," Smar wrote.[18]</div><div>
</div><div>By the end of August 2006, "Americans for Job Security and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce [had] spent close to $1.3 million on television ads combined supporting Santorum’s record on taxes, Social Security, and Medicare".[19]</div><div>
</div><div>On December 1, 2005, the Philadelphia Daily News asked "Who owns you, Senator?", commenting "Santorum doesn't seem too concerned about who is behind Americans for Job Security, a Virginia-based anti-tax group that refuses to identify contributors. He declined to tell one of our reporters whether his financial backers should step out of the shadows. How discreet.</div><div>
</div><div>"If supporters of Americans for Job Security want to step into our state and influence our elections - fine. Just have the guts to tell Pennsylvania voters your name as you send your checks.</div><div>
</div><div>"As for Sen. Santorum, he should remember he owes the voters of this state a lot more than he owes some slippery little front group."[20]</div><div>
</div><div>A Stronger America - Minnesota</div><div>In November 2006, Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party gubernatorial nominee Mike Hatch[21] sent an email to supporters which read[22]</div><div>
</div><div>A Stronger America-Minnesota purposefully structured itself to conceal its identity and its donors. It registered with the Campaign Finance Board on October 2, [2006] listing its address as a dropbox in Alexandria, Virginia. Its contributions were timed to avoid disclosure of its donors until after the November 7 election.</div><div>A reverse directory search of 'A Stronger America's' phone number listed on its registration statement, however, shows that it and its ad agency share an office address with another PAC called 'Americans for Job Security.' The executive director of Americans for Job Security is the former political director of the Bush White House. ...</div><div>This is not the first time we have seen this unseemly activity in Minnesota. In 2002, Americans for Job Security tried to buy the U.S. Senate race by purchasing $1 million in negative attack ads against Paul Wellstone.</div><div>According to ASA-MN's October 27, 2006, filing with the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board (MCFPDB), Joseph Deoudes was listed as treasurer, with the organization's address given as 107 South West Street, PMB499, Alexandria, Virginia.[23] ASA-MN's registration form shows Sean Henry as ASA-MN chair.[24]</div><div>
</div><div>In its initial filing, ASA-MN reported receipts of $40,300 from only four Minnesota contributors: Stanley S. Hubbard, CEO of Hubbard Broadcasting ($10,000); CAR of St. Paul ($20,000); Robert J. Ulrich, CEO Target ($10,000); and the "business lobbying firm"[25] Lindquist & Vennum PLLP ($300).[23]</div><div>
</div><div>On November 2, 2006, Robin Marty reported in the Minnesota Monitor[26]</div><div>
</div><div>"A few days and $450,000 worth of donations later, they may be a force that could sway the election. ... It will be unclear where the last minute surge of donations came from due to the fact that they arrived after the final reporting deadline. However, the early reports feature the $20,000 donation from CAR, a group of car dealerships that Gubernatorial candidate Mike Hatch believes could have reason to prefer incumbent Tim Pawlenty in this race. According to the Star Tribune Hatch states 'I've sued a lot of car dealers.'"</div><div>The following day, on November 3, 2006, ASA-MN contributor and spokesman Joe Weber told the Associated Press that "the group has now raised close to $700,000." The group was not required to report its "fundraising and spending again until January [2007]."[27]</div><div>
</div><div>Attack ads linked to Swift Boat lawyer and funder</div><div>On November 3, 2006, the Associated Press reported that ASA-MN's Hatch attack ads were connected to Benjamin Ginsberg, the Washington lawyer "who represented the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth in the 2004 presidential campaign."[27]</div><div>
</div><div>Ginsberg, who resigned in 2004 as a lawyer for President George W. Bush's "campaign after acknowledging he was providing legal advice to Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, which made unsubstantiated allegations about Democratic candidate John Kerry's Vietnam War record," was also confirmed as being the lawyer for ASA-MN.[27]</div><div>
</div><div>In a December 19, 2006, follow-up, the Associated Press reported the same wealthy Houston, Texas, businessman, Bob Perry, who had helped finance the Swift Boat ads against Kerry, was the "main funder" behind ASA-MN. A "recent filing with the Internal Revenue Service" showed that Perry had contributed $500,000 to A Stronger America, whose Minnesota chapter had spent about $750,000 in its anti-Hatch campaign.[28]</div><div>
</div><div>ASA-MN spokesman Joe Weber said the "infusion of Texas cash" was wired into ASA's bank account "about three weeks before the Nov. 7 election. That timing allowed the group to avoid reporting the contributions before the election.</div><div>
</div><div>"It also allowed the group to mount an extensive television campaign that it otherwise might not have been able to muster."[29]</div><div>
</div><div>Minnesota Complaint</div><div>In a February 7, 2007, complaint filed with the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board by the Minnesota DFL Party[30] "points out that two organizations exist with similar names: A Stronger America, an organization established under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code ('the National Organization'), and A Stronger America – Minnesota ('ASA-MN' or 'the Committee'), the political committee registered with the Board. According to documents filed with the complaint, the two entities use the same mailing address, which is a private mailbox."</div><div>
</div><div>The Minnesota DFL pointed out that both organizations reported "some of the same contributions and expenditures on their reports even though" only ASA-MN was registered with the Board, particularly "a number of contributions received from corporations which are not disclosed on the ASA-MN report." The only reports considered were "year-end reports obtained by the Board for both entities."[30]</div><div>
</div><div>The Minnesota DFL's position was that the two organizations "may be a single entity, selectively reporting contributions and expenditures on each report, or that the donations are received by the National Organization and are then used by, transferred to, or merely reported by ASA-MN." Additionally, there were no reports of separate "expenditures for overhead or support such as telephone, private mailbox rent, office space, or similar items," indicating that there was no separate operation.[30]</div><div>
</div><div>The Board's findings favored ASA-MN, only requiring the organization to amend its 2006 report to more accurately reflect some minor financial transactions.</div><div>
</div><div>Election Cycle 2004</div><div>Texas District 1</div><div>The special January 2004 Texas District 1 race "pitted former state Rep. Sadler of Henderson against a brace of Republicans, including former Tyler Mayor Eltife and [then] state Rep. Tommy Merritt, R-Longview," to replace Sen. Bill Ratliff, who retired early. "Gov. Rick Perry and Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst personally endorsed Eltife -- not surprising against a Democrat, but also a direct snub of House District 7 incumbent Merritt, who angered fellow Republicans by opposing congressional redistricting and voting against the final map. Merritt ran a distant third, and said he would turn his attention to the March primaries and his House re-election campaign," Michael King wrote January 23, 2004, in The Austin Chronicle.[31]</div><div>
</div><div>"The race is hot with state partisan interest, and a D.C.-based but Austin-wired trade association with insurance industry ties calling itself Americans for Job Security ran 'issue ads' denouncing Merritt -- provoking a campaign finance law complaint from Austin-based Campaigns for People, charging illegal use of corporate funds for electioneering," King wrote.[31] "The daisy chain continues -- Americans for Job Security is run by Rick Perry consultant Dave Carney, a prominent 'tort reform' player also hooked up with capital GOP operatives Ray Sullivan and Reggie Bashur."</div><div>
</div><div>"Campaigns for People President Fred Lewis told The Longview News-Journal that the ad campaign 'looks like electioneering, it smells like electioneering, it might be electioneering. We have a corporate prohibition, and the reason is so large corporations don't so overwhelm our elections that the rights of the average people are unimportant. ... If it isn't nipped in the bud, it's going to be out of control'," King wrote.[31]</div><div>
</div><div>Complaint</div><div>In January 2004, the Texas watchdog group Campaigns for People (CFP) filed a complaint alleging that AJS funneled corporate money "to pay for attack ads against a state representative just days before a six-way special election." Republican Rep. Tommy Merritt, the target of the ads, CFP alleged, was attacked because he "opposed his own party’s redistricting plan that was being pushed through the legislature at the behest of U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas)." AJS countered that the ads "weren’t intended to influence the election but rather to further AJS’s promotion of 'pro-paycheck issues'," even though, as CFP pointed out, "AJS did not air its ads during the legislative session, when the bills were being debated, but rather in the closing days of an election campaign."[32]</div><div>
</div><div>Supporting N.C.'s Richard Burr</div><div>"Richard Burr is Congress’ No. 1 recipient of money from Big Tobacco—and a host of other special interests. So, who does he really represent?" Jennifer Strom headlined the Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill, North Carolina Independent Weekly on July 7, 2004.[33]</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security had "launched a $600,000 ad campaign on Triangle and Charlotte television stations, praising the Republican's commitment to his constituents while flashing feel-good video of the casually dressed congressman shaking a lot of hands," Strom wrote,[33] adding "AJS has been active in federal races since 1998, spending nearly $12 million in select races during the last presidential cycle in 2000. With close ties to the current president and his father, as well as other key GOP leaders, the group has earned a reputation for anti-Democrat attack ads, including slamming Sen. John Edwards in billboard and newspaper ads during his presidential run. Because it is a so-called 'issue group' rather than a political action committee, AJS is not required under campaign finance laws to disclose its donors or its expenses, though various media have reported it was initially seeded with $1 million from the insurance association, took in another $2 million from that group and the American Forest and Paper Association in 2000, and has received financial support from pharmaceutical companies--all corporate interests that have contributed to Burr and received his support in Congress."</div><div>
</div><div>Targeting John Edwards</div><div>In June 2003, AJS targeted North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, "a former trial lawyer who [had] received many campaign contributions from fellow attorneys ... [P]assengers arriving at the Manchester, N.H., airport, the jumping off point for reporters covering the nation's opening-gun primary, [were to] see billboards with legends like this: 'Next time you see him, tell John Edwards it's time for lawsuit reform.'"[34]</div><div>
</div><div>AJS, "which advertised heavily in the 1992 congressional campaigns in support of free-market economic nostrums, [only spent] about $10,000 on these airport ads in Manchester and, eventually, Des Moines."[34]</div><div>
</div><div>Paul Wellstone</div><div>'Who is Mike Dubke?', Joe Conason asked October 24, 2002, in Salon. "Dubke is the president of Americans for Job Security, a mysterious group with ties to the Republican congressional leadership and big business that intervenes in political races around the country, always on behalf of conservatives. It first gained notoriety a few years ago when Trent Lott, then the Senate majority leader, shook down a group of Washington lobbyists to donate money to the organization, which was helping a Republican senatorial candidate in Michigan. [In 2002], the same outfit has targeted Minnesota Sen. Paul Wellstone with radio and TV ads of dubious accuracy. In fact, AJS is spending a million dollars attacking the Democrat during the weeks leading up to Election Day."[35]</div><div>
</div><div>"AJS bills itself for tax and regulatory purposes as a 'nonpolitical trade organization'," Conason wrote.[35] "As such, AJS is forbidden from partisan activity on behalf of a candidate; legally, it can only run issue-oriented advertising. But the AJS advertising against Wellstone has gone way over that blurry line. That is why Dubke uttered the consummate lie in an interview with the Minneapolis Star-Tribune. Asked whether his latest anti-Wellstone commercial is 'intended to influence the election,' Dubke replied, 'Absolutely not.' He embroidered his mendacity by adding that the ad 'is not an attack on Wellstone's integrity as much as bringing up the issue of the trustworthiness of public officials.'"</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Election Cycle 2000</div><div>Microsoft</div><div>"[I]n 2000, Microsoft allegedly used Americans for Job Security (AJS) as a conduit for political money. AJS is a trade association that represents no industry or group of companies and doesnot disclose its membership. According to the Campaign Finance Institute, in 2000 Microsoft gave an undisclosed amount to AJS, which claimed to have spent between $10 and $12 million on political ads that year. The group’s political activity included spending around $700,000 on ads praising [Spencer] Abraham and attacking [Debbie] Stabenow, and spending upwards of $500,000 on ads attacking Washington Democratic nominee Maria Cantwell. The Campaign Finance Institute reports that Cantwell is an executive at a firm that competes with Microsoft."[36]</div><div>
</div><div>"stealth PAC"</div><div>In the July/August Election Update, the National Committee for an Effective Congress reported:[37]</div><div>
</div><div>"One challenge Representative Stabenow faces is competing with Abraham’s massive war chest. While Stabenow has raised roughly $2 million, Senator Abraham has over $5 million. Attack ads aired by the Federation for American Immigration Reform may have forced Abraham to devote resources to a response, but Stabenow has faced similar problems. One group, Americans for Job Security, has already spent nearly $450,000 on negative advertisements. The massive financial advantage may be counteracted by The Washington Post's discovery of the unscrupulous tactics used by Abraham’s campaign to raise the money. Senator Abraham staffers, with help from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, have extorted money from high-tech industries by linking their contributions to important legislation. Much of the funding has been directed to a 'stealth PAC', Americans for Job Security, used to attack Representative Stabenow. At a time when Americans are more concerned than ever before with campaign finance reform, this scandal does not bode well for the Abraham campaign."</div><div>Funding</div><div>AJS has "steadfastly refused to disclose its contributors. The group’s explanation underlines why disclosure of funding sources of grassroots lobbying campaigns is needed: AJS President Mike Dubke has said that such disclosure would distract from the group’s message," Public Citizen wrote in a January 2007 report on astroturf groups.[11] AJS "has a history of injecting itself into Congressional campaigns," Carl Hulse wrote July 14, 2002, in the New York Times,[38] and "was apparently used solely as a conduit to hide corporate political spending and insulate companies from accountability," a May 2006 report by the Center for Political Accountability stated.[39]</div><div>
</div><div>One known funder of AJS is the Center to Protect Patient's Rights (CPPR), which gave AJS $4.8 million in 2010 as part of a $55 million dollar block of donations to conservative groups including the American Future Fund, the 60's Plus Association and Americans for Tax Reform. [40] The CPPR</div><div>
</div><div>In the wake of Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission, the FEC issued advisory opinions which stated that any group making an "independent expenditure" intended to influence a political race, either for or against a candidate but independent from any candidate's campaign, should register with the FEC as a political action committee and disclose their finances. AJS declined to do so, interpreting FEC rules to mandate disclosure only when a donor mandates that their money be used in a specific time, place and manner; a situation that almost never occurs.[18]</div><div>
</div><div>Known Funders</div><div>Republican affiliations</div><div>Political Solutions[41], "founded to help ensure Republican candidates, free enterprise PACs and conservative causes achieve success."[42]</div><div>Public Opinion Strategies, a self-described "Republican polling firm", which "used mall intercept testing" in "issue campaign experience on behalf of" AJS "and others".[43]</div><div>Stevens Reed Curcio & Potholm media consulting firm; as are the National Republican Congressional Committee, National Republican Senatorial Committee, several individual Republican members of Congress, and a lengthy list of Republican-affiliated organizations and front groups. Heading the list, however, is the only "National 527" Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for Truth.[44]</div><div>Convicted 2002 New Hampshire phone-jammer Charles McGee, vice president of political and corporate communications at Spectrum Monthly & Printing Inc., and former executive director of the New Hampshire Republican Party.[45]</div><div>Crossroads Media & TargetPoint Consulting</div><div>Former AJS president Michael D. Dubke's Crossroads Media is located at the same "suburban Washington office in Olde Town Alexandria, Virginia." "Dubke, over the last five years operating as an advertising agency, has placed attack radio and television commercials in races all over the country. He has been investigated, threatened and described as a 'political jackal' because he represents groups that don't disclose the sources of their money. He says that is deliberate, because keeping the sources secret means the debate is on his targets rather than his donors."[6][46]</div><div>
</div><div>In addition AJS shares an office with TargetPoint Consulting who are described "As the exclusive supplier of MicroTargeting research and data to the Republican National Committee, the Bush-Cheney '04 campaign and several Fortune 500 companies, TargetPoint Consulting offers the gold standard in voter-relationship management," its website states. [[19]]</div><div>
</div><div>The partners of TargetPoint are Alex Gage, Michael Meyers who were chief strategists for the Presidential campaign of Mitt Romney and the third partner is Brent Seaborn who held the same position for the presidential campaign of Rudy Giuliani. [20]</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Principals and consultants</div><div>According to Public Citizen, the following are principals and consultants affiliated with AJS, post past and present.[47]</div><div>
</div><div>Principals or staffers</div><div>Stephen DeMaura, President, [21][22], Former Executive Director of the New Hampshire Republican State Committee [23]</div><div>Michael D. Dubke, Former President;[6] aide to Bush-Quayle 1992;[48] former head of Ripon Society[3]</div><div>Marc Del Signore, Board of Directors (2002)</div><div>Valerie Musgrove, Board of Directors (2002)</div><div>Robert Vagley, Founder (1997); president American Insurance Association[3]</div><div>Former Principles</div><div>Heather Richardson Higgins has held senior positions in numerous right-wing foundations, including the Randolph Foundation, the Smith Richardson Foundation, the Independent Women's Forum, and the Philanthropy Roundtable. [49]</div><div>Consultants</div><div>David Carney, Consultant (2003)</div><div>Benjamin Ginsberg, AJS Counsel (2003)</div><div>Eddie Mahe, Consultant (1998)</div><div>Leigh Ann Pusey, Strategic adviser (1998)</div><div>Affiliated consultants or vendors</div><div>Creative Media Partners (listed AJS as client 2004)</div><div>Edmonds Hackney and Associates (produced John Edwards ad 2003)</div><div>Tarrance Group (pollsters 2004)</div><div>Contact information</div><div>66 Canal Center Plaza</div><div>Alexandria, VA</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Note: YellowPages.com shows AJS at 1240 N. Pitt Street, Alexandria, VA, 22314; phone: (703) 535-3110 .[50]</div><div>
</div><div>Articles and resources</div><div>Related SourceWatch articles</div><div>Jamestown Associates</div><div>push poll</div><div>soft money</div><div>Strategic Media Services</div><div>swiftboating</div><div>U.S. congressional elections in 2006: Robo Calls</div><div>References</div><div>? Evidentiary file for Americans for Job Security electioneering, Center for Responsive Politics, April 2007. 41-page pdf.</div><div>? "Stop AJS. Non-Profit Front Group Violates Tax Status, Electioneering Laws," Center for Responsive Politics/Public Citizen, April 2007.</div><div>? 3.0 3.1 3.2 "Americans for Job Security, 2004 Election Cycle", Open Secrets.org, undated, accessed October 2007.</div><div>? In March 2004, AJS was described as "neoconservative/far right wing in The Texas Observer. See Jake Berstein, "Meet the Attack Dogs. The Virginia-based Americans for Job Security loves to get involved in Texas politics," The Texas Observer, March 12, 2004.</div><div>? "Issue Ads: Loophole of the 2000s?" OpenSecrets.org, undated.</div><div>? 6.0 6.1 6.2 "Controversial Americans For Job Security President Placed 'She' Anti-Holland Commercials; Document Shows He's Advertising Agency 'Partner'," The McCarville Report Online, October 8, 2006.</div><div>? Al Kamen, "Premium Pay," Washington Post, June 12, 2005.</div><div>? Jack Siegel, "New Fundraising Opportunity for Charities: Turn Your Opponents in to the IRS and Collect the Bounty," Charity Governance Consulting LLC (Blog), April 12, 2007.</div><div>? "Stop AFC: Non-Profit Front Group Violates Tax Status, Electioneering Laws", Public Citizen, April 11, 2007.</div><div>? Rosie Hunter and Chuck Collins, "'Death Tax' Deception. Who's behind the movement to repeal the nation's only tax on inherited wealth?" Dollars and Sense Magazine (ThirdWorldTraveler), January/February 2003.</div><div>? 11.0 11.1 "Organizing Astroturf: Evidence Shows Bogus Grassroots Groups Hijack the Political Debate; Need for Grassroots Lobbying Disclosure Requirements Public Citizen/CleaUpWashington.org, January 2007.</div><div>? Alex Burns: [Americans for Job Security to Slam "Greedy Union Bosses" in Debate http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1011/65610.html], Politico, 10/11/11. Accessed August 6th, 2012.</div><div>? Kevin Brennan: Americans for Job Security hits Hovde in Wisconsin August 2nd, 2012. Accessed August 6th, 2012</div><div>? Patrick Marley: Hovde Threatens Lawsuit over Ad accusing him of taking stimulus money Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, 8/3/2012. Accessed August 6th, 2012.</div><div>? "Soft Money in the 2006 Election and the Outlook for 2008: The Changing Nonprofits Landscape. Table 3: 501(c) Organizations Attempting to Influence 2006 Congressional Elections. Based on Reported IRS or FEC-defined Campaign Activities (Non-Comprehensive Listing), Campaign Finance Institute, 2006.</div><div>? Marie Price, "Campaign hijinks," The Journal Record (Oklahoma City, Okla.), July 31, 2006.</div><div>? 17.0 17.1 mantooth, "Santorum's office lying?" The Square Circuit Blogspot, December 2, 2005.</div><div>? 18.0 18.1 18.2 Larry Smar, "Special Interests Rescue Santorum with Ad," BobCasey.com, July 11, 2006.</div><div>? "2006 Candidate Ad Spending up 150 Percent From Last Mid-terms; Spending Could Surpass Record 2004 Levels. Battle for House and Senate Majority Fueling Record Ad Spending," tns media intelligence, August 22, 2006.</div><div>? "Who Owns You, Senator? So Who's giving Sen. Rick Santorum close to a $1 million to help in his re-election campaign?" BobCasey.com, December 1, 2005.</div><div>? Mike Hatch, Wikipedia.</div><div>? Michael B. Brodkorb, "Statement from MN GOP on Mike Hatch," MinnesotaDemocratsExposed.com, November 3, 2006.</div><div>? 23.0 23.1 Report of Receipts and Expenditures for A Stronger America-Minnesota filed October 27, 2006, with the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board.</div><div>? "Political Committees and Political Funds Registration Information: A Stronger America-Minnesota, Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board.</div><div>? Tom Scheck, "Suddenly, campaign pits Hatch vs. Hubbard,", Minnesota Public Radio, November 3, 2006.</div><div>? Robin Marty, " Minnesota Monitor, November 2, 2006.</div><div>? 27.0 27.1 27.2 "Anti-Hatch Ads Linked To Ex-Swift Boat Lawyer," Associated Press (CBS4 WCCO.com), November 3, 2006.</div><div>? "Swift Boat Financier Paid For Anti-Hatch Ads," Associated Press (CBS4 WCCO.com), December 19, 2006.</div><div>? Pat Doyle, " Swift Boat contributor funded ads against Hatch," Star-Tribune.com (Minn.), December 20, 2006.</div><div>? 30.0 30.1 30.2 Findings and Order in the matter of the Complaint of the Minnesota DFL Party regarding A Stronger America - Minnesota. Summary of the Complaint and Responses, Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board, May 7, 2007.</div><div>? 31.0 31.1 31.2 Michael King, "It's Sadler and Eltife, Seliger and Edwards," The Austin Chronicle, January 23, 2004.</div><div>? "Americans for Job Security," StealthPacs.org, October 5, 2004.</div><div>? 33.0 33.1 "The companies he keeps. Richard Burr is Congress’ No. 1 recipient of money from Big Tobacco—and a host of other special interests. So, who does he really represent?" Independent Weekly (Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill, N.C.), July 7, 2004.</div><div>? 34.0 34.1 Walter Shapiro, "White House money machine may spawn gremlins," USA TODAY, June 19, 2003.</div><div>? 35.0 35.1 Joe Conason, "The most ridiculous, shameless lie in this campaign season," Joe Conason's Journal/Salon, October 24, 2002.</div><div>? "Political Transparency and Accountability Profile (2006): Microsoft," PoliticalAccountability.net.</div><div>? Election Update, National Committee for an Effective Congress, July/August 2000.</div><div>? Carl Hulse, "Ads Push Estate Tax As Issue in Campaigns," New York Times, July 14, 2002.</div><div>? "CPA report calls trade associations 'Swiss bank accounts of American politics,' hiding and spending corporate political funds and heightening risks for shareholders," Center for Political Accountability, May 15, 2006.</div><div>? Viveca Novak: Mystery Health Care Group Funneled Millions to Conservative Nonprofits. Opensecrets, May 18th, 2012. Accessed August 10th, 2012.</div><div>? "Eileen Watt: Political Solutions hired for Council race," Progress Pittsburgh, February 18, 2005.</div><div>? About, PolSol.com.</div><div>? Research: Methodology: Mall Intercepts, Public Opinion Strategies, accessed October 19, 2007.</div><div>? Clients, Stevens, Reed, Curcio and Potholm, accessed October 19, 2007.</div><div>? "Convicted phone-jammer helping host GOP candidate workshop," Associated Press (Boston Globe), May 29, 2006.</div><div>? Ray for Congress, FEC ID#C00366906, FEC Disclosure. Michael D. Dubke is listed as "Crossroads Media/partner".</div><div>? Consultants: Americans for Job Security, StealthPacs.org.</div><div>? Agent: Michael Dubke, StealthPacs.org.</div><div>? Media Transparency Heather R. Higgins Person Profile, accessed October 20, 2011</div><div>? Americans For Job Security, YellowPages.com, accessed October 18, 2007.</div><div>External resources</div><div>Ad: "So think hard America" (30 sec. TV spot running in Tampa Nov. 2000); posted by George Washington University.</div><div>Stephen R. Weissman and Kara D. Ryan,"Soft Money," Campaign Finance Institute, Washington,DC, 2007.</div><div>Profile: Americans for Job Security Profile, Stealthpacs.org/Public Citizen, undated, accessed April 2007.</div><div>External articles</div><div>Categories:</div><div>Front groups portal</div><div>Politics (U.S.)</div><div>Elections (U.S.)</div><div>Political dirty tricks</div><div>Front groups</div><div></div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>PFAW:</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security</div><div>Where:</div><div>CO-SEN; IN-08; NC-02; NM-02; OH-18; PA-04; PA-07; VA-09</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security has already spent over $7 million in the election, and is a huge booster of Republicans such as Pennsylvania’s Pat Toomey and Colorado’s Ken Buck. Now the group is attacking Democratic Congressmen, including Zack Space of Ohio, Jason Altmire of Pennsylvania, Rick Boucher of Virginia, Harry Teague of New Mexico, and Bob Etheridge of North Carolina. In addition, Americans for Job Security is attacking Democrats running for open Democratic seats, including Bryan Lentz of Pennsylvania and Trent Van Haaften of Indiana.</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>Who:</div><div>Utilizing hefty and anonymous corporate donations to run a misleading and deceptive ad campaign, Americans for Job Security is almost the epitome of pro-corporate astroturfing. Americans for Job Security is registered as a 501(c)6 trade association, and consequently does not have to disclose its donors to the FEC. Former Montana Governor Marc Racicot, who also served as the Chair of the Republican National Committee and President of the American Insurance Association, founded the organization. Stephen DeMaura, a former executive director of the New Hampshire Republican Party, recently replaced prominent Republican consultant Michael Dubke as President. The organization even sublets its office space from Dubke’s GOP consulting firm Crossroads Media.</div><div>
</div><div>About:</div><div>Americans for Job Security is an authentic corporate creation: founded in 1997, it initially received two $1 million contributions from the American Insurance Association (previously led by founder Marc Racicot) and the American Forest and Paper Association. Proud of its support from corporate backers, the group hailed the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United as an “unequivocal victory.”</div><div>
</div><div>The New York Times profiled Americans for Job Security and its history of controversial and shadowy political work on behalf of business interests. While the group “avoids disclosure by reporting all its revenue as ‘membership dues’… a review of its tax returns shows membership revenue fluctuating wildly depending on election cycles.” In fact, Americans for Job Security reported $0 in “membership dues” in 2007 but $12.2 million in 2008. The Washington Post writes that even though Americans for Job Security classifies itself as a trade association, it “spends the vast majority of its budget on television and radio ads before elections,” and the ads are overwhelmingly negative attacks against Democrats.</div><div>
</div><div>According to a Public Citizen report, “Americans for Job Security is a sham front group that would be better called Corporations Influencing Elections.” Public Citizen also maintains that Americans for Job Security is “one of the most egregious offenders” in circumventing FEC rules on “electioneering activity.”</div><div>
</div><div>Current attacks:</div><div>The group’s newest ads compare Democrats Zack Space, Jason Altmire, Bryan Lentz and Trent Van Haaften to burglars and pickpockets. Many of their ads slam the Stimulus Plan, which actually improved job growth and Real GDP and prevented total economic collapse, and dishonestly malign progressive legislation. When criticizing Rep. Space for backing the American Clean Energy and Security Act, the group baselessly claims the bill would “kill Ohio jobs.” However, a University of California, Berkeley study found that ACES “would create between 918,000 and 1.9 million new jobs, increase annual household income by $487-$1,175 per year, and boost GDP by $39 billion-$111 billion.” In the group’s ad against Bryan Lentz of Pennsylvania, who is running to replace Joe Sestak, Americans for Job Security alleges that health care reform cuts $500 billion from Medicare, a claim FactCheck.org forcefully debunked as a gross distortion.</div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>http://dyn.politico.com/tag/AmericansForJobSecurity</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div>hit jobs on Reps. Perlmutter and Donnelly.blanche lincoln. kissel http://politicalcorrection.org/adcheck/201009210002</div><div>
</div><div>http://videocafe.crooksandliars.com/heather/chris-wallace-repeats-americans-job-securi fox</div><div>
</div><div>On Fox News Sunday, Nov. 23, 2008 Chris Wallace repeats Americans For Job Security talking points verbatim immediately preceding one of their ads airing on the network.</div><div>
</div><div>driftglass comes up with the find and keenly observes Wallace's puppet-like devotion to his advertiser:</div><div>
</div><div>Wallace (filtered through Driftglass): Apropos of nothing whatsoever, aren’t unions evil? And shouldn’t the Evil Union Card Check program be opposed by all right thinking people who don’t want the destroy the economy? I mean, after all you get secret ballots in Congress. Why is it OK for Congress to have secret ballots and not for workers?</div><div>
</div><div>... [O]ne minute later, they went to commercial, [and] I got the shock of the week when the first paid commercial was from an outfit called “Americans For Job Security” repeating VERBATIM the Boehner/Fox Party line “question” that Wallace had awkwardly wedged into the middle of a “news” broadcast not sixty seconds prior.</div><div>
</div><div>You get secret ballots in Congress.</div><div>
</div><div>Why is it OK for Congress to have secret ballots and not for workers?</div><div>
</div><div>Driftglass goes on to provide us with lots of detail about Americans For Job Security -- predictably, a "sham front group that would be better called Corporations Influencing Elections." Be sure to read it all.</div><div>
</div><div>public citizen campaign:</div><div>
</div><div>http://www.citizen.org/congress/article_redirect.cfm?ID=16408</div><div>
</div><div>...</div><div>
</div><div>2007</div><div>
</div><div> </div><div>
</div><div> RE: Complaint against Americans for Job Security MUR</div><div>
</div><div>Dear Acting General Counsel Duncan:</div><div>
</div><div> We, Laura MacCleery, Director of Public Citizen’s Congress Watch, Taylor Lincoln, Director of Research at Congress Watch, and Craig Holman, Lobbyist for Public Citizen, file this complaint with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) against Americans for Job Security (AJS), a 501(c)(6) non-profit organization. The evidence compiled in this complaint strongly indicate that AJS and its officers violated 2 U.S.C. §§433, 434, 441a(f) and 441b(a) of the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) by:</div><div>
</div><div>• Failing to register as a political committee with the Commission.</div><div>• Failing to report contributions and expenditures as a political committee to the Commission.</div><div>• Knowingly accepting contributions in excess of the $5,000 contribution limit.</div><div>• Knowingly accepting corporate contributions.</div><div>
</div><div>These violations have occurred at least since 1998, and are likely to continue in the current election cycle, as Americans for Job Security solicits and spends undisclosed and impermissible funds primarily for the purpose of promoting the election or defeat of candidates for federal elective office.</div><div>
</div><div>AJS has been the subject of several similar election complaints at the state and federal levels in Alaska, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Texas....</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security readily boasts that it spends the bulk of its budget on its advertising campaign. Public Citizen has confirmed this, using the organization’s Form 990 tax records. Since all AJS ads obtained by Public Citizen aired shortly before an election, in the year 2000, AJS reportedly spent $9 million on political ads out of a total budget of $10.9 million. In 2002, AJS reported spending $4.5 million on media out of total expenditures of $5.3 million. In 2004, AJS reported expenditures of $3.8 million on media out of a total of $6 million. According to news reports, these funds derive largely from corporate contributions as well as contributions from individuals in excess of $5,000. Overall, about 78 percent of the AJS budget has been allocated to the political advertising campaign – all of which appears to be electioneering in nature.</div><div>
</div><div>===</div><div>
</div><div>2010 factchecker org</div><div>
</div><div>Political leanings: Pro-business/Free-market/Republican</div><div>
</div><div>Spending target: Unknown; $6.3 million spent by mid-August 2010</div><div>
</div><div>Americans for Job Security has been active since 1997. It describes itself as a "pro-business issue advocacy organization." It also says it is independent and bipartisan, but it leans Republican. Its president is Stephen DeMaura, who was executive director of the New Hampshire Republican Party in 2007 and early 2008.</div><div>
</div><div>AJS is organized as a 501(c)6 "business league," and does not disclose its donors. It says only that its members are "businesses, business leaders and entrepreneurs." In 2008, staff lawyers for the Federal Election Commission saw "reason to believe" that AJS had violated federal election law by, among other things, failing to register as a political committee and failing to disclose its donors. But in 2009 the three Republican commissioners on the FEC blocked any action, voting to dismiss the case while the three Democratic commissioners voted to pursue it. Since a majority is required for the FEC to act, the partisan 3-3 deadlock killed any enforcement action against AJS. When the Supreme Court later struck down longstanding federal laws against campaign spending by corporations and labor unions, AJS President DeMaura told the Wall Street Journal the decision was an "unequivocal victory" for those "who believe in free speech and the rights of organizations such as ours to promote our point of view."</div><div>
</div><div>Since its inception AJS says it has raised nearly $60 million and run more than 90 different TV spots in 46 states and the District of Columbia. DeMaura told FactCheck.org that as of mid-August, the group had spent $6.3 million in the 2010 election cycle, but he would not say what the group expected to spend during the remainder of the election campaign.</div><div>
</div><div>During 2010 it backed Republican Scott Brown, who won a special election to fill the U.S. Senate seat left vacant by the death of Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts. Later it was active in the Arkansas Democratic primary, attacking union-backed candidate Bill Halter, who was running for the Senate nomination against incumbent Blanche Lincoln. Halter lost. AJS also dove into a number of Republican primaries in 2010. In the Michigan race for the Republican nomination for governor, it attacked Rep. Pete Hoekstra, who was later defeated. In the Republican Senate primary in Colorado, it attacked Jane Norton, who lost the nomination to Ken Buck, the tea party favorite. In the Republican gubernatorial primary in South Carolina, it attacked Rep. J. Gresham Barrett, who also lost.</div>