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<p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="">=</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see evangelical 2 billy g</font></p><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/corporate-america-invented-religious-right-conservative-roosevelt-princeton-117030_full.html">https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/corporate-america-invented-religious-right-conservative-roosevelt-princeton-117030_full.html</a></font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style=""><div class="super opaque-guts" role="main" style=""><div class="super-inner" style=""><article class="content layout-story" style=""><div class="content-group story-core sticky-wrapper" style=""><div class="story-text has-drop-cap" style=""><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In December 1940, as America was emerging from the Great Depression, more than 5,000 industrialists from across the nation made their yearly pilgrimage to the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City, convening for the annual meeting of the<b style=""> National Association of Manufacturers. </b>The program promised an impressive slate of speakers: titans at General Motors, General Electric, Standard Oil, Mutual Life, and Sears, Roebuck; popular lecturers such as etiquette expert Emily Post and renowned philosopher-historian Will Durant; even FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. Tucked away near the end of the program was a name few knew initially, but one everyone would be talking about by the convention’s end: Reverend James W. Fifield Jr.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Handsome, tall, and somewhat gangly, the 41-year-old Congregationalist minister bore more than a passing resemblance to Jimmy Stewart.</b> Addressing the crowd of business leaders, Fifield delivered a passionate defense of the American system of free enterprise and a withering assault on its perceived enemies in Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration. Decrying the New Deal’s “encroachment upon our American freedoms,” the minister listed a litany of sins committed by the Democratic government, ranging from its devaluation of currency to its disrespect for the Supreme Court. Singling out the regulatory state for condemnation, he denounced “the multitude of federal agencies attached to the executive branch” and warned ominously of “the menace of autocracy approaching through bureaucracy.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It all sounds familiar enough today, but Fifield’s audience of executives was stunned. Over the preceding decade, as America first descended into and then crawled its way out of the Great Depression, the these titans of industry had been told, time and time again, that they were to blame for the nation’s downfall. Fifield, in contrast, insisted that they were the source of its salvation.</font></p><div id="widgetMagazineGlobalSponsoredContent" class="p3Global" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">They just needed to do one thing: Get religion.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fifield told the industrialists that <u>clergymen</u><i> </i>would be crucial in regaining the upper hand in their war with Roosevelt. As men of God, ministers could voice the same conservative complaints as business leaders, but without any suspicion that they were motivated solely by self-interest. They could push back against claims, made often by Roosevelt and his allies, that business had somehow sinned and the welfare state was doing God’s work. The assembled industrialists gave a rousing amen. “When he had finished,” a journalist noted, “rumors report that the N.A.M. applause could be heard in Hoboken.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was a watershed moment—the beginning of a movement that would advance over the 1940s and early 1950s a new blend of conservative religion, economics and politics that one observer aptly anointed “Christian libertarianism.” Fifield and like-minded ministers saw Christianity and capitalism as inextricably intertwined, and argued that spreading the gospel of one required spreading the gospel of the other. The two systems had been linked before, of course, but always in terms of their shared <em>social</em> characteristics. Fifield’s innovation was his insistence that Christianity and capitalism were political soul mates, first and foremost.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Before the New Deal, the government had never loomed quite so large over business and, as a result, it had never loomed large in Americans’ thinking about the relationship between Christianity and capitalism. But in Fifield’s vision, it now cast a long and ominous shadow.He and his colleagues devoted themselves to fighting the government forces they believed were threatening capitalism and, by extension, Christianity. And their activities helped build a foundation for a new vision of America in which businessmen would no longer suffer under the rule of Roosevelt but instead thrive—in a phrase they popularized—in a nation “under God.” In many ways, the marriage of corporate and Christian interests that has recently dominated the news—from the <em>Hobby Lobby</em> case to controversies over state-level versions of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act—is not that new at all.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-align: center;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><strong style="">For much of the 1930s, </strong>organizations such as the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) had been searching in vain for ways to rehabilitate a public image that had been destroyed in the Great Depression and defamed by the New Deal</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> In 1934, a new generation of conservative industrialists took over NAM with a promise to “serve the purposes of business salvation.” The organization rededicated itself to spreading the gospel of free enterprise, vastly expanding its expenditures in the field. As late as 1934, NAM spent a paltry $36,000 on public relations. Three years later, it devoted $793,043 to the cause, more than half its total income. NAM now promoted capitalism through a wide array of films, radio programs, advertisements, direct mail, a speakers bureau and a press service that provided ready-made editorials and news stories for 7,500 local newspapers.</span></font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Ultimately, though, industry’s self-promotion was seen as precisely that. Jim Farley, chairman of the Democratic Party, joked that another group involved in this public relations campaign—the American Liberty League—really should have been called the “American Cellophane League.” “First, it’s a DuPont product,” Farley quipped, “And second, you can see right through it.” </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Even President Franklin D. Roosevelt took his shots. “It has been said that there are two great Commandments—one is to love God, and the other to love your neighbor,” he noted soon after the Liberty League’s creation. “The two particular tenets of this new organization say you shall love God and then forget your neighbor.” Off the record, he joked that the name of the god they worshiped seemed to be “Property.”</span></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As Roosevelt’s quips made clear, the president shrewdly used spiritual language for political ends. In the judgment of his biographer James MacGregor Burns, “probably no American politician has given so many speeches that were essentially sermons rather than statements of policy.” His first inaugural address was so laden with references to Scripture that the National Bible Press published an extensive chart linking his text with the “Corresponding Biblical Quotations.” In a memorable passage, Roosevelt reassured the nation that “the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore the temple to the ancient truths.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>When Roosevelt launched the New Deal, politically liberal clergymen echoed his arguments, championing his proposal for a vast welfare state as simply the Christian thing to do.</b> The head of the Federal Council of Churches, for instance, claimed the New Deal embodied basic Christian principles such as the “significance of daily bread, shelter, and security.” When businessmen realized their economic arguments were no match for Roosevelt’s religious ones, they decided to beat him at his own game.</font></p><p id="page_02" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">That’s where Revered Fifield came in. Nicknamed “The Apostle to Millionaires” by a friendly writer, Fifield took over the elite First Congregational Church in Los Angeles in 1935. </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The minister was well matched to the millionaires in his pews. Politically conservative but doctrinally liberal, he crafted an interpretation of the Bible that catered to his congregation. Notably, Fifield dismissed the many passages in the New Testament about wealth and poverty, and instead assured the elite that their worldly success was a sign of God’s blessings.</span></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Soon after his arrival in Los Angeles, Fifield founded Spiritual Mobilization, an organization whose mission was “to arouse the ministers of all denominations in America to check the trends toward pagan stateism, which would destroy our basic freedom and spiritual ideals.” The organization’s credo reflected the common politics of the millionaires in his congregation: Men were creatures of God imbued with “inalienable rights and responsibilities,” specifically enumerated as “the liberty and dignity of the individual, in which freedom of choice, of enterprise and of property is inherent.” Churches, it asserted, had a solemn duty to defend those rights against the encroachments of the state.</font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Fifield quickly brought the organization into national politics, gaining attention from leading conservatives across America who were eager to enlist ministers in their fight against the New Deal. Former President Herbert Hoover, deposed by Roosevelt and disparaged by his acolytes, advisedand encouraged Fifield in personal meetings and regular correspondence. “If it would be possible for the Church to make a non-biased investigation into the morals of this government,” Hoover wrote the minister in 1938, “they would find everywhere the old negation of Christianity that ‘the end justifies the means.’</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">” In October 1938, Fifield sent an alarmist tract to more than 70,000 clergymen across the nation, seeking to recruit them in the revolt against Roosevelt. “We ministers have special opportunities and special responsibilities in these critical days,” it began.<b> “America’s movement toward dictatorship has already eliminated checks and balances in its concentration of powers in our chief executive.” Finding the leaflet to his liking, Hoover sent Fifield a warm note of appreciation and urged him to press on</b>.</span></font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Within a few years, the minister had the support of not just Hoover but an impressive array of conservative figures in politics, business and religion—“a who’s who of the conservative establishment,” in the words of one observer. As Spiritual Mobilization’s national ambitions grew, Fifield searched for more sponsors to finance the fight. In the mid-1940s, he won a number of powerful new patrons, but none was more important than J. Howard Pew Jr., president of Sun Oil.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tall and stiff, with bushy eyebrows, Pew had a stern appearance that matched his attitude. He had previously been involved in anti-New Deal organizations like the Liberty League and now believed the postwar era would witness a renewed struggle for the soul of the nation. Looking over some material from Spiritual Mobilization, Pew decided the organization shared his understanding of what was wrong with America and what needed to be done. But to his dismay, the material offered no agenda for action whatsoever, merely noting that Spiritual Mobilization would send clergymen bulletins and place advertisements but ultimately “leave details” of what to do “to individual ministers.” Pew thought this was no way to run a national operation. “I am frank to confess,” he wrote a confidant, “that if Dr. Fifield has developed a concrete program and knows exactly where he is going and what he expects to accomplish, that conception has never become clearly defined in my mind.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If Pew felt Fifield’s touch had been too light, he knew a more forceful approach would fail as well. In February 1945, famed industrial consultant Alfred Haake explained to Pew why NAM’s own outreach to ministers had failed. “Of the approximately thirty preachers to whom I have thus far talked, I have yet to find one who is unqualifiedly impressed,” Haake reported. “One of the men put it almost typically for the rest when he said: ‘The careful preparation and framework for the meetings to which we are brought is too apparent. We cannot help but see that it is expertly designed propaganda and that there must be big money behind it. We easily become suspicious.’”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If they wanted to convince clergymen to side with them, industrialists would need a subtler approach. Rather than treating ministers as a passive audience to be persuaded, Haake argued, they should involve them actively in the cause as participants. The first step would be making ministers realize that they, too, had something to fear from the growth of government. “The religious leaders must be helped to discover that their callings are threatened,” Haake argued, by realizing that the “collectivism” of the New Deal, “with the glorification of the state, is really a denial of God.” Once they were thus alarmed, they would readily join Spiritual Mobilization as its representatives and could then be organized more effectively into a force for change both locally and nationally.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-align: center;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>Reverend Fifield worked to</strong> make Spiritual Mobilization out of the ranks of the clergy. The growing numbers of its “minister-representatives” were found in every state, with large concentrations in industrial regions like New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Illinois. They were overwhelmingly Protestant, though a scattering of priests and rabbis allowed the organization to present itself as part of the new spirit of “Judeo-Christianity.” In the previous decade, this innovative “interfaith” approach had taken shape as a way for liberal clergymen to unite in common social causes. Now, in the postwar era, conservative organizations such as Spiritual Mobilization shrewdly followed suit.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization grew rapidly. In February 1947, Fifield reported that in three years he had expanded the mass of their minister-representatives from an initial 400 members to more than 10,000 in all. He set them to work spreading arguments against the “<b>pagan stateism” of the New Deal. </b>“It is time to exalt the dignity of individual man as a child of God,” he urged. “Let’s redouble our efforts.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clergymen responded enthusiastically. Many wrote the Los Angeles office to request advertised copies of Friedrich Hayek’s libertarian treatise <em>The Road to Serfdom </em>and anti–New Deal tracts by Herbert Hoover and libertarian author Garet Garrett. Armed with such materials, the minister-representatives transformed secular arguments into spiritual ones and spread them widely. “Occasionally I preach a sermon directly on your theme,” a Midwestern minister wrote, “but equally important, it is in the background of my thought as I prepare all my sermons, meet various groups and individuals.” Everyday activities were echoed by special events. In October 1947, for instance, Spiritual Mobilization held a national sermon competition on the theme “The Perils to Freedom,” with $5,000 offered in prize money. The organization had more than 12,000 minister representatives at that point, but it received twice as many submissions for the competition—representing roughly 15 percent of the entire country’s clergymen.</font></p><p id="page_03" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Pleased with his progress, Fifield’s backers doubled the annual budget. Pew once again set the pace, soliciting donations from officials at 158 corporations, including longstanding supporters of Spiritual Mobilizationsuch as General Motors, Chrysler, National Steel, Firestone Tire and Rubber and Gulf Oil. “A large percentage of ministers in this country are completely ignorant of economic matters and have used their pulpits for the purpose of disseminating socialistic and totalitarian doctrines,” Pew wrote in his appeal. “Much has already been accomplished in the education of these ministers, but a great deal more is left to be done.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The success of Spiritual Mobilization brought increased funding, but also scorn from progressives. In February 1948, the<em> Nation </em>ran an acidic cover story. “A major battle for the minds of the clergy, particularly those of the Protestant persuasion, is now being waged in America,” it read. “For the most part the battle lines are honestly drawn and represent a sharp clash in ideologies, but now and then the reactionary side tries to fudge a bit by backing movements which mask their true character and real sponsors. Such a movement is Spiritual Mobilization.” The article detailed the scope of its operations, noting its high-rent offices in New York, Chicago and Los Angeles, as well as the hundreds of thousands of pamphlets by pro-business authors it distributed for free. <b>But no one knew who was funding the operation, the<em> Nation</em> warned. In this withering account, Fifield came off as a charlatan who prostrated himself before the “apostles of rugged individualism” to secure his own fame and fortune and, in return, prostituted himself for their needs.</b></font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">In response, Spiritual Mobilization redoubled its efforts, taking an even more aggressive approach to public relations.</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> In 1949, it launched </span><em style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The Freedom Story, </em><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">a 15-minute</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> radio program consisting of a dramatic presentation and brief commentary from Fifield. In the original scripts, Fifield made direct attacks on Democratic programs at home, but his lawyer warned him they would lose the “public service” designation that gave them free airtime if he were “too plain spoken” with partisan attacks. Instead, he advised, the minister should make use of foreign examples to illustrate the spreading menace of “creeping socialism” at home. Fifield’s financial backers helped secure free airtime for these programs across the nation. In 1950, <em style="">The Freedom Story </em>was broadcast on over 500 stations; by late 1951, it aired on more than 800.</span></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Meanwhile, Spiritual Mobilization launched a monthly magazine, <em>Faith and Freedom</em>, showcasing the work of prominent libertarian authors, including Ludwig von Mises, leader of the Austrian School of economics; Leonard Read, founder of the Foundation for Economic Education; and Henry Hazlitt, a founding member of the future American Enterprise Institute. Even though laymen dominated the pages of <em>Faith and Freedom</em>, the journal purposely presented itself as created <em>by </em>ministers <em>for </em>ministers. Spiritual Mobilization had long operated on the principle that clergymen could not be swayed through crude propaganda. “The articulation should be worked out beforehand, of course, and we should be ready to help the thinking of the ministers on it,” Haake noted in one of his early musings, “but it should be so done as to enable them to discover it for themselves.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><em>Faith and Freedom </em>thus presented itself as a forum in which ministers could disagree freely. But for all of its claims about encouraging debate, the journaldid little to hide its contempt for liberal ministers. The magazine repeatedly denounced the Social Gospel and, just as important, clergymen who invoked it to advocate for the establishment and expansion of welfare state programs. In a typical article, Irving Howard, a Congregationalist minister, darkly noted the “pagan origin of the Social Gospel” in 19th century Unitarianism and Transcendentalism, claiming it was part of a larger “impetus to a shift in faith from God to man, from eternity to time, from the individual to the group, [from] individual conversion to social coercion, and from the church to the state.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>With the Republican gains in the midterm elections of 1950, the forces behind Spiritual Mobilization felt emboldened. In an upbeat letter to Alfred Sloan,</b> the head of General Motors and one of his ardent supporters, Fifield reflected on the recent returns. “We are having quite a deluge of letters from across the country, indicating the feeling that Spiritual Mobilization has had some part in the awakening which was evidenced by the elections,” he wrote. “Of course, we are a little proud and very happy for whatever good we have been able to do in waking people up to the peril of collectivism and the importance of Freedom under God.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For Fifield and his associates, the phrase “freedom under God”—contrasted with what they saw as oppression under the federal government—became an effective new rallying cry in the early 1950s. The minister pressed the theme repeatedly in the pages of <em>Faith and Freedom </em>and in his radio broadcasts of <em>The Freedom Story, </em>but he soon found a more prominent means of spreading the message to the American people.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-align: center;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">*</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>In the spring of 1951,</strong> Spiritual Mobilization’s leaders struck upon an idea they believed would advance their cause considerably. To mark the 175th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, they proposed for the week surrounding the Fourth of July a massive series of events devoted to the theme of “Freedom Under God.”</font></p><p style=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">To that end, in June 1951, the leaders of Spiritual Mobilization announced the formation of a new Committee to Proclaim Liberty to coordinate their Fourth of July “Freedom Under God” celebrations. Despite its apparent spiritual emphasis, the true goal of the Committee was advancing political conservatism.<b> Its two most prominent members had been brought low by Democratic administrations: Hoover, driven from the White House two decades earlier by Franklin Roosevelt, and Gen. Douglas MacArthur, removed from his command in Korea two months earlier by Harry Truman</b>.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> These conservative icons were joined by military leaders, heads of patriotic groups, conservative legal and political stars, right-wing media figures and outspoken conservatives from the realm of entertainment, such as Bing Crosby, Cecil B. DeMille, Walt Disney and Ronald Reagan. But the majority came from corporate America. J. Howard Pew was joined by other business giants, including household names such as Harvey Firestone, Conrad Hilton, James L. Kraft, Henry Luce, Fred Maytag and J.C. Penney, as well as lesser-known leaders at giant corporations including General Motors, Chrysler, U.S. Steel and Gulf Oil.</span></font></p><p id="page_04" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" /><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The committee’s corporate sponsors took out full-page newspaper ads to promote a pinched version of the Declaration. Dropping the founding fathers’ long list of grievances about the absence of effective government in the colonies, the sponsors reprinted just the preamble alone. This approach allowed them to reframe the Declaration as a purely libertarian manifesto, dedicated solely to the removal of an oppressive government.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The San Diego Gas & Electric Company, for instance, encouraged its customers to reread the preamble, which it presented with its editorial commentary running alongside:</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">These words are the stones upon which man has built history’s greatest work—the United States of America. Remember them well!</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>“ </strong>… <strong>all men are created equal </strong>… <strong>” </strong>That means you are as important in the eyes of God as any man brought into this world. You are made in his image and likeness. There is no “superior” man anywhere.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>“ </strong>… <strong>they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights </strong>… <strong>” </strong>Here is your birthright—the freedom to live, work, worship, and vote as you choose. These are rights no government on earth may take from you.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>“ </strong>… <strong>That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men </strong>… <strong>” </strong>Here is the reason for and the purpose of government. Government is but a servant—not a master—not a giver of anything.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>“ </strong>… <strong>deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed </strong>… <strong>” </strong>In America, the government may assume only the powers you allow it to have. It may assume no others.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Committee to Proclaim Liberty also enlisted the nation’s ministers to promote the “Freedom Under God” festivities. Those on Spiritual Mobilization’s mailing list received a prefabricated press release that merely needed clergymen to fill in the blanks with their personal information (“‘The purpose of the Committee,’ the Reverend _ declared, ‘is to revive a custom long forgotten in America—spiritual emphasis on the 4th of July’”). The committee also established a sermon contest, modeled on the wildly successful “Perils to Freedom” competition of 1947. The 17,000 minister-representatives of the organization were encouraged to compete for cash prizes and other rewards by writing an original sermon on the theme of “Freedom Under God” and delivering it to their congregations on “Independence Sunday,” July 1, 1951.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">These sermons were amplified by a program broadcast that same evening over CBS’s national radio network. Cecil B. DeMille worked with his old friend Fifield to plan the production, giving it a professional tone and attracting an impressive array of Hollywood stars. Jimmy Stewart served as master of ceremonies, while Bing Crosby and Gloria Swanson offered short messages of their own. The preamble to the Declaration was read by Lionel Barrymore, who had posed for promotional photos holding a giant quill and looking at a large piece of parchment inscribed with the words “Freedom Under God Will Save Our Country.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The broadcast featured choral performances of “America” as well as “Heritage,” an epic poem composed by a former leader of the US Chamber of Commerce. Gen. Matthew Ridgway</b> interrupted his duties leading American forces in Korea to send a keynote address from Tokyo. He insisted that the founding fathers had been motivated, in large part, by their religious faith. “For them there was no confusion of thought, no uncertainty of objectives, no doubt as to the road they should follow to their goals,” he said. “Theirs was a deep and abiding faith in God, a faith which is still the great reservoir of strength of the American people in this day of great responsibility for their future and the future of the world.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The “Freedom Under God” festivities reached a crescendo with local celebrations on the Fourth of July. The Committee to Proclaim Liberty coordinated the ringing of church bells across the nation, timed to start precisely at noon and last for a full 10 minutes. Cities and small towns across the country scheduled their own events around the bell ringing. In Los Angeles, for instance, the city’s civil defense agency sounded its air raid sirens in the first test since their installation, resulting in what one newspaper described as “a scream as wild and proud as that of the American eagle.” As bells chimed across the city, residents were encouraged by the committee “to open their doors, sound horns and blow whistles and ring bells, as individual salutes to Freedom.” After the bell ringing, groups gathered in churches and homes to read the preamble together. Both Mayor Fletcher Bowron and Gov. Earl Warren, like their counterparts in many other cities and states, issued official proclamations that urged citizens, in Warren’s words, to spend the day reflecting upon “the blessings we enjoy through Freedom under God.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That night, 50,000 residents attended a massive rally at the Los Angeles Coliseum. Organized under the theme “Freedom Under God Needs You,” the night featured eight circus acts, a jet plane demonstration and a fireworks display that the local chapter of the American Legion promised would be the largest in the entire country. Fifield had the honor of offering the invocation for the evening ceremonies, while actor Gregory Peck delivered a dramatic reading of the Declaration’s preamble.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the end, the Committee to Proclaim Liberty believed, rightly, that its work had made a lasting impression on the nation. “The very words ‘Freedom Under God’ [have] added to the vocabulary of freedom a new term,” the organizers concluded. “It is a significant phrase to people who know that everybody from Stalin on down is paying lip service to freedom until its root meaning is no longer apparent. The term ‘Freedom Under God’ provides a means of identifying and separating conditions which indicate pseudo-freedom, or actual slavery, from those of true freedom.” Citing an outpouring of support for the festivities, the committee resolved to make them an annual tradition and, more important, keep the spirit of its central message alive in American life. The entire nation, its members hoped, would soon think of itself as “under God.”</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And indeed, it did. The Christian libertarianism that propelled this religious rhetoric into American politics proved short-lived, but its slogans thrived long after it was gone. Ironically, language designed to discredit the federal government was soon used to sanctify it instead.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Throughout the 1950s, a new trend of what the Senate chaplain called “under-God consciousness” transformed American political life. In 1953, the first-ever National Prayer Breakfast was convened on the theme of “Government Under God.” In 1954, the previously secular Pledge of Allegiance was amended to include the phrase “under God” for the first time, too. A similar slogan, “In God We Trust,” spread just as quickly. Congress added it to stamps in 1954 and then to paper money in 1955; in 1956, the phrase became the nation’s first official motto.</font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As this religious revival swept through American politics, many in the United States began to believe their government was formally and fundamentally religious. In many ways, they’ve believed it ever since.</font></p><div class="story-share" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div class="interrupt-item social-share-btns">
</div></div><footer class="author-bio" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kevin M. Kruse is a professor of history at Princeton and the author, most recently, of One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America, from which this article has been adapted.</font></p></footer></div></div></article></div></div><div class="super opaque-guts" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div class="super-inner"><div class="content layout-unequal-extended"><div class="content-primary"><section class="content-group story-categories"><div class="related-categories"><h6><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This story tagged under:</font></h6><ul class="related-categories-list"><li><a href="http://www.politico.com/p/magazine/tag/history-dept"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">History Dept.</font></a></li><li><a href="http://www.politico.com/p/magazine/tag/evangelicals"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Evangelicals</font></a></li><li><a href="http://www.politico.com/p/magazine/tag/new-deal"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">New Deal</font></a></li><li><a href="http://www.politico.com/p/magazine/tag/christian-conservatives"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Christian Conservatives</font></a></li></ul></div></section></div></div></div></div></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">no lnx</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></font></font></font></div><div><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/17/books/review/one-nation-under-god-by-kevin-m-kruse.html" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/17/books/review/one-nation-under-god-by-kevin-m-kruse.html</a></div><div>
</div><div>kazin</div><div>
</div><div>Did you ever wonder how “In God We Trust” came to be quoted on every American coin and dollar bill? Or why the Pledge of Allegiance to the most revered symbol of the nation includes an explicit declaration of confidence in the Almighty? Or why the president and members of Congress host a National Prayer Breakfast the first Thursday of each February?</div><div>
</div><div>These now utterly commonplace markers of public piety were almost all created during the same decade — the 1950s. Their initial enthusiasts, as described by the Princeton historian Kevin M. Kruse, were conservative Protestant ministers and businessmen who hoped Americans would not take their handiwork for granted. They believed the nation badly needed a religious awakening to reverse the depredations of a godless federal state.</div><div>
</div><div><b>“Every Christian should oppose the totalitarian trends of the New Deal,” asserted James W. Fifield Jr.,</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> an eloquent Congregationalist pastor from Los Angeles who, during the 1930s, created Spiritual Mobilization, a publicity offensive that joined megachurches like his with vocal, anti-liberal magnates like the Hollywood producer Cecil B. De Mille and J. Howard Pew Jr., the president of Sun Oil. </span>They all believed religiosity, if widely and officially deployed, would be a mighty weapon in the battle against collectivist liberals at home and Communists abroad. As their ally, Billy Graham, preached in 1951 at one of his ever popular crusades, Americans urgently needed to rededicate themselves to “the rugged individualism that Christ brought” to the world.</div><div>
</div><div>But a funny thing happened on the road to spiritual and political redemption. By the mid-1950s, officeholders and social activists from every point on the ideological spectrum had signed on to the same righteous platform. In 1952, just before moving into the White House, Dwight Eisenhower (who was named after Dwight Moody, the renowned Gilded Age evangelist) told a gathering at the Waldorf Astoria: “Our form of government has no sense unless it is founded in a deeply felt religious faith, and I don’t care what it is.” Only a hardened atheist could object to such an ecumenical bromide. Under Eisenhower, Kruse writes, “the state no longer seemed ‘pagan,’ .?.?. and liberals could present themselves as acting in accord with God’s will too.”<b> Two years later, when Congress agreed to add “one nation under God” to the Pledge, not even the American Civil Liberties Union objected</b>. One lone Jewish representative from Brooklyn, Abraham Multer, did argue that putting God’s name on the currency would not stimulate “one single person to be more religious.” But even he didn’t dare vote against the bill.</div><div>
</div><div>Faith-based conflict did not disappear from American politics, of course. During the 1960s and early 1970s, battles over religion in public life were fought with no less vigor and nastiness than those waged over civil rights, feminism and war. Kruse provides a deft narrative about the movement to overturn the Supreme Court’s ban on prayer and Bible readings in public schools,<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> President Richard Nixon’s attempt to make approval of his Vietnam policy seem a sacred duty and the Republican Party’s wooing of white evangelicals. Only the last of those endeavors was successful.</span></div><div>
</div><div>In 1966, Sen. Everett Dirksen of Illinois spearheaded an aggressive campaign to add a Constitutional amendment permitting school prayer. “They teach the little children sex in the schools,” the Republican leader growled. “They teach them about Communism. They even teach them ballet! Why not God Almighty?” Opinion polls strongly favored his stand. But clergymen from a variety of faiths contended that encouraging children to pray violated the First Amendment and might confuse a faith in God with obedience to their teachers. The Dirksen amendment failed to receive the necessary two-thirds margin in the Senate.</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The main event in Nixon’s pro-war religious revival took place on Independence Day in 1970. Billy Graham led a joint rally and prayer service at the Lincoln Memorial to “Honor America.” Graham assured the crowd of 15,000 — and a national television audience — that the Republic’s founding was “rooted in a book called the Bible”; Kate Smith belted out “God Bless America.” But several hundred chanting, mocking, underclad demonstrators managed to distract and anger the crowd, and the occasion did nothing to firm up support for the debacle in Indochina.</span></div><div>
</div><div>Despite the argument Kruse makes beginning with his subtitle, “corporate America” played no significant role in conceiving any of these initiatives — although the hotelier J. Willard Marriott did persuade fellow businessmen to finance Honor America Day. Devout lawmakers like Dirksen and preachers like Graham were quite capable of mustering a God-fearing constituency by themselves. And Graham was not the stalwart right-winger that Kruse, echoing many of his contemporary critics, describes. As Grant Wacker reveals in his excellent new biography of the man, “America’s pastor” admired and was as close to President Lyndon Johnson, an archliberal, as he was to the wily Republican who succeeded him.</div><div>
</div><div>Kruse tells a big and important story about the mingling of religiosity and politics since the 1930s. Still, he oversells his basic premise. Americans easily accepted placing God’s name on their currency and in the oath children recite every school day because similar invocations were already routine in public discourse — from the Declaration’s reference to the “unalienable Rights” endowed by the “Creator” to the official chaplains who have opened sessions of the House and Senate with a prayer since 1789. Following the attacks of 9/11, we’ve added the ubiquitous “God Bless America” to bumper stickers, to the ends of political speeches and to many a seventh-inning stretch. As features of what the sociologist Robert Bellah called “civil religion” (a term he borrowed from Rousseau), the familiarity of these practices comforts some without making particular demands on anyone else. Even back in the age of Eisenhower, the A.C.L.U. understood that. </div><div>
</div><div>In recent years, those who claim to have inside knowledge of what the Creator wants us to think and do have been more common on the right than on the left. Conservatives blasted President Obama for comparing, at this year’s National Prayer Breakfast, the people who “committed terrible deeds in the name of Christ” with those contemporary Muslims who slaughter in the name of Allah. No serious competitor for the 2016 Republican nomination would quarrel with Ronald Reagan’s 1984 statement that “as morality’s foundation is religion, religion and politics are necessarily related. .?.?. If we ever forget that we’re one nation under God, then we’ll be a nation gone under.”</div><div>
</div><div>But which leading progressive in American history would have disagreed with those sentiments? Surely not William Lloyd Garrison or Jane Addams or the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. As Kruse points out, Franklin Roosevelt, that alleged collectivist foe of God, sprinkled biblical references into many of his speeches. In his Second Inaugural Address, Roosevelt even “portrayed himself, rather unsubtly, as a modern-day Moses leading his people out of the wilderness.” In the United States, spiritual mobilization has long been anyone’s game.</div><div>
</div><div>For that very reason, the presence of four little words of reverence on the currency is quite unremarkable. I doubt any of the long-dead white men whose portraits appear along with the words would have found them objectionable. They may, however, have wondered why they were necessary.</div><div>
</div><div>ONE NATION UNDER GOD</div><div>
</div><div>How Corporate America Invented Christian America</div><div>
</div><div>By Kevin M. Kruse</div><div>
</div><div>Illustrated. 352 pp. Basic Books. $29.99.</div><div>
</div><div>Michael Kazin teaches history at Georgetown University and is a co-editor of Dissent. His most recent book is “American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation.”</div><div>
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</div><div><a href="https://www.amazon.com/One-Nation-Under-God-Corporate/dp/1501238213" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.amazon.com/One-Nation-Under-God-Corporate/dp/1501238213</a></div><div>
</div><div>k kruse</div><div>One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America</div><div></div><div><a href="https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/162368" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/162368</a></div><div> briley</div></div><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><u>Invisible Hands</u> tells the story of how a small group of American businessmen succeeded in building a political movement. Long before the “culture wars” of the 1960s sparked the Republican backlash against cultural liberalism, these high-powered individuals actively resisted New Deal economics and sought to educate and organize their peers. Kim Phillips-Fein recounts the little-known efforts of men such as W. C. Mullendore, Leonard Read, and Jasper Crane, drawing on meticulous research and narrative gifts to craft a compelling history of the role of big and small business in American politics―and a blueprint for anyone who wants insight into the way that money has been used to create political change.</font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Invisible-Hands-Businessmens-Crusade-Against/dp/0393337669" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.amazon.com/Invisible-Hands-Businessmens-Crusade-Against/dp/0393337669</a></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></p><div id="mw-content-text" lang="en" dir="ltr" class="mw-content-ltr" style="direction: ltr;"><div class="mw-parser-output" style=""><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>James William Fifield Jr</b> (June 5, 1899 – February 25, 1977) was an American <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congregational_church" title="Congregational church" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Congregational</a> minister who led the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Congregational_Church_of_Los_Angeles" title="First Congregational Church of Los Angeles" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">First Congregational Church</a> in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Los_Angeles" title="Los Angeles" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Los Angeles</a> and was co-founder and<b> president of the conservative free-market organization Spiritual Mobilization.</b></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><div id="toc" class="toc" style="background-color: rgb(248, 249, 250); border: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); padding: 7px; display: table; zoom: 1;"><input type="checkbox" role="button" id="toctogglecheckbox" class="toctogglecheckbox" style="direction: ltr; position: absolute; opacity: 0; display: none;" /><div class="toctitle" lang="en" dir="ltr" style="direction: ltr; text-align: center;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><ul style="list-style-type: none; margin: 0.3em 0px; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none;"><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#Early_life" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">1</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Early life</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#First_Congregational_Church_in_Los_Angeles" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">2</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">First Congregational Church in Los Angeles</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#Spiritual_Mobilization" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">3</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Spiritual Mobilization</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#Awards" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">4</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">Awards</span></font></a></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#References" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0.5em;">5</span><span class="toctext" style="display: table-cell; text-decoration: inherit;">References</span></font></a></li></ul></div><h2 style="background: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Early_life">Early life</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em;">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_W.Fifield_Jr.&action=edit§ion=1" title="Edit section: Early life" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em;">]</span></span></font></h2><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Born in Chicago, Fifield grew up in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kansas_City,Missouri" title="Kansas City, Missouri" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Kansas City, Missouri</a>, where his father was a Congregational minister. After having served in the infantry during <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I" title="World War I" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">World War I</a>, he received a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Master_of_Arts" title="Master of Arts" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Master of Arts</a> degree from <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Chicago" title="University of Chicago" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">University of Chicago</a> in 1921. In 1924, he obtained a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bachelor_of_Divinity" title="Bachelor of Divinity" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Bachelor of Divinity</a> degree from the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chicago_Theological_Seminary" title="Chicago Theological Seminary" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Chicago Theological Seminary</a> and was ordained a minister.<sup id="cite_ref-stamp_1-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-stamp-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[1]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-Kruse2015_2-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-Kruse2015-2" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[2]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="background: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="First_Congregational_Church_in_Los_Angeles">First Congregational Church in Los Angeles</span></font></h2><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Fifield received an honorary Doctor of Divinity degree from Chicago Theological Seminary in 1934.[1] The following year, he moved to Los Angeles to head the First Congregational Church.<sup id="cite_ref-lora_3-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-lora-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[3]</a></sup></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The First Congregational Church was at the time heavily indebted due to the costs of a cathedral-style building which had a 176 foot high tower, more than 100 rooms, auditoriums, and a gymnasium. The church had 1,500 members at Fifield's arrival, but after Fifield initiated a major increase in activities membership rose to over 4,500 in the beginning of the 1940s and the debt was paid off in 1942.<sup id="cite_ref-roy_4-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-roy-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The members of the First Congregational Church were mostly among the wealthy, giving Fifield the nickname "The Apostle to Millionaires"</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-politico_5-0" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-politico-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-roy_4-1" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-roy-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The Church from 1937 to 1942 paid substantial money to Spiritual Mobilization.<sup id="cite_ref-roy_4-2" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-roy-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Fifield strongly opposed a merger of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congregational_Christian_Churches" title="Congregational Christian Churches" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Congregational Christian Churches</a> with the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evangelical_and_Reformed_Church" title="Evangelical and Reformed Church" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Evangelical and Reformed Church</a> to form the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Church_of_Christ" title="United Church of Christ" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">United Church of Christ</a>. The merger was approved by a clear majority of the general council of the Congregational churches in 1949, and Fifield became part of the minority movement that tried to stop the merger from going through.<sup id="cite_ref-roy_4-3" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-roy-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup> The merger was completed in 1957.</font></p><h2 style="background: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Spiritual_Mobilization">Spiritual Mobilization</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em;">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_W.Fifield_Jr.&action=edit§ion=3" title="Edit section: Spiritual Mobilization" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em;">]</span></span></font></h2><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In 1935, Fifield Jr. co-founded Mobilization for Spiritual Ideas with president of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carleton_College" title="Carleton College" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Carleton College</a> Donald J. Cowling and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Hocking" class="mw-redirect" title="William Hocking" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">William Hocking</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-lora_3-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-lora-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[3]</a></sup> Fifield's religious-political organization <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Spiritual_Mobilization&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Spiritual Mobilization (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Spiritual Mobilization</a> was started by Fifield in 1935<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[6]</a></sup> He became its president; its ideology has been described by <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kevin_M.Kruse" title="Kevin M. Kruse" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Kevin M. Kruse</a> and others as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_libertarianism" title="Christian libertarianism" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Christian libertarianism</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-7" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[7]</a></sup> "Freedom under God" was a much used phrase by Fifield and the organization. The message was mainly directed towards Congregational, Presbyterian and Episcopal ministers and laymen through radio and television programs and a monthly magazine <i>Faith and Freedom</i> with William Johnson as editor and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_C.Ingebretsen&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="James C. Ingebretsen (page does not exist)" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">James C. Ingebretsen</a> as a major contributor.<sup id="cite_ref-politico_5-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-politico-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fiefield and the organization attracted the attention of philanthropist <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J.Howard_Pew" title="J. Howard Pew" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">J. Howard Pew</a> and former President <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herbert_Hoover" title="Herbert Hoover" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Herbert Hoover</a> whom Fifield met and with whom he corresponded</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-politico_5-2" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-politico-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[5]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);" size="4">In 1940, Fifield gave a speech to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Association_of_Manufacturers" title="National Association of Manufacturers" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">National Association of Manufacturers</a> at the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waldorf_Astoria_New_York" title="Waldorf Astoria New York" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Waldorf Astoria New York</a> where he praised capitalism and business leaders, while denouncing <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D.Roosevelt" title="Franklin D. Roosevelt" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Franklin D. Roosevelt</a> and the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Deal" title="New Deal" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">New Deal</a>. The speech, which underlined that Christian leaders and religious arguments were crucial in the effort to promote a free-market agenda, was exceptionally well received.<sup id="cite_ref-politico_5-3" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-politico-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[5]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);" size="4">In 1949, Spiritual Mobilization started broadcasting a short radio program called "The Freedom Story". By late 1951 the program, which included brief remarks by Fifield, was broadcast on more than 800 radio stations.<sup id="cite_ref-politico_5-4" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-politico-5" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[5]</a></sup></font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 1951, the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Defamation_League" title="Anti-Defamation League" style="background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; text-decoration-line: none;">Anti-Defamation League</a> demanded an apology from Fifield after he falsely stated in a program that "it was a matter of historical record that Benjamin Franklin denounced the Jews at the Constitutional Convention in 1787."<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-8" style="text-decoration-line: none; background-image: none; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;">[8]</a></sup> On other occasions, Fifield and his organization were also accused of racism and anti-antisemitism. <b>He successfully campaigned to remove UNESCO material from use in schools in Los Angeles</b></span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-roy_4-4" class="reference" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-roy-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[4]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="background: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Awards">Awards</span></font></h2><p style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: inherit;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Fifield received an honorary <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doctor_of_Divinity" title="Doctor of Divinity" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Doctor of Divinity</a> degree from Chicago Theological Seminary in 1934.<sup id="cite_ref-stamp_1-1" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: isolate; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_note-stamp-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">[1]</a></sup></font></p><h2 style="background: none; font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); line-height: 1.3;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="References">References</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em;">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_W.Fifield_Jr.&action=edit§ion=5" title="Edit section: References" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em;">]</span></span></font></h2><div class="reflist columns references-column-width" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); margin-bottom: 0.5em; margin-top: 0.3em; column-width: 30em; list-style-type: decimal;"><ol class="references" style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 3.2em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: none; list-style-type: inherit;"><li id="cite_note-stamp-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-stamp_1-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up to:</span><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-stamp_1-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.academystamp.com/product2127.html" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">Fifield Jr., James W</a> Academy Stamp & Autograph. Retrieved 19 April 2015</span></font></li><li id="cite_note-Kruse2015-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"><b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-Kruse2015_2-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up</span></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><cite class="citation book" style="font-style: inherit; word-wrap: break-word;">Kevin Kruse (14 April 2015). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=jwGCBgAAQBAJ&pg=PT16" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data"><i>One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America</i></a>. Basic Books. pp. 16–. <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Standard_Book_Number" title="International Standard Book Number" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">ISBN</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-465-04064-3" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-465-04064-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">978-0-465-04064-3</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=One+Nation+Under+God%3A+How+Corporate+America+Invented+Christian+America&rft.pages=16-&rft.pub=Basic+Books&rft.date=2015-04-14&rft.isbn=978-0-465-04064-3&rft.au=Kevin+Kruse&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fbooks.google.com%2Fbooks%3Fid%3DjwGCBgAAQBAJ%26pg%3DPT16&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3AJames+W.+Fifield+Jr." class="Z3988" /></span></font></li><li id="cite_note-lora-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-lora_3-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up to:</span><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-lora_3-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Ronald Lora and William Henry Longton (1999) <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.questia.com/read/26257429/the-conservative-press-in-twentieth-century-america" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">The Conservative Press in Twentieth-Century America</a>, (subscription required) pp. 153–154. Greenwood Press. Via Questia.</span></font></li><li id="cite_note-roy-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-roy_4-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up to:</span><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-roy_4-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-roy_4-2" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-roy_4-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-roy_4-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Ralph Lord Roy (1953) <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.questia.com/read/10495247/apostles-of-discord-a-study-of-organized-bigotry" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">Apostles of Discord: A Study of Organized Bigotry and Disruption on the Fringes of Protestantism</a>(subscription required) <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beacon_Press" title="Beacon Press" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Beacon Press</a>. Boston. Via Questia. Pp. 286–294</span></font></li><li id="cite_note-politico-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-politico_5-0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up to:</span><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-politico_5-1" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-politico_5-2" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-politico_5-3" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-politico_5-4" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1;"><i><b>e</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Kevin M. Kruse (6 April 2015) <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/corporate-america-invented-religious-right-conservative-roosevelt-princeton-117030.html" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">How Corporate America Invented Christian America</a> Politico</span></font></li><li id="cite_note-6" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"><b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-6" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up</span></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Kevin M. Kruse (14 March 2015) <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/15/opinion/sunday/a-christian-nation-since-when.html" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">A Christian Nation? Since When?</a><i>New York Times</i></span></font></li><li id="cite_note-7" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"><b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-7" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up</span></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Kevin M. Kruse (17 November 2012) <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://campaignstops.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/01/17/for-god-so-loved-the-1-percent/?r=0" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">For God So Loved the 1 Percent ...</a> <i>New York Times</i></span></font></li><li id="cite_note-8" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em; break-inside: avoid-column;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink" style="user-select: none;"><b><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.#cite_ref-8" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style="user-select: none; top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important;">Jump up</span></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.jta.org/1951/07/27/archive/los-angeles-minister-urged-to-apologize-for-broadcasting-anti-semitic-falsehood" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) right center no-repeat, url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" csvg="Csvg" width="%2212%22" height="%2212%22%3E" cpath="Cpath" fill="%22%23fff%22" stroke="%22%2336c%22" d="%22M9.995" h5.982v10.5h1.5z="h5.982V10.5H1.5z" e="E" h11v5.39l9.427="H11v5.39L9.427" l-1.31-1.31l5.393="l-1.31-1.31L5.393" l-2.69-2.688="l-2.69-2.688" l4.2="L4.2" z="z" l.022="l.022" l8.2="L8.2" l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z="l2.882-2.88-1.85-1.852z" c="C" padding-right="padding-right" px="px" xmlns="%22http://www.w3.org/2000/svg%22" xmlns:data="data">Los Angeles Minister Urged to Apologize for Broadcasting Anti-Semitic Falsehood</a> <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jewish_Telegraphic_Agency" title="Jewish Telegraphic Agency" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Jewish Telegraphic Agency</a> 27 July 1951</span></font></li></ol></div></div></div><div id="catlinks" class="catlinks" data-mw="interface" style="border: 1px solid rgb(162, 169, 177); background-color: rgb(248, 249, 250); padding: 5px; margin-top: 1em; clear: both;"><div id="mw-normal-catlinks" class="mw-normal-catlinks"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:Category" title="Help:Category" style="text-decoration-line: none; background: none;">Categories</a>: </font><ul style="list-style: none none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><li style="margin: 0.125em 0px; display: inline-block; line-height: 1.25em; border-left: 0px; padding: 0px 0.5em 0px 0.25em; zoom: 1;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:1899_births" title="Category:1899 births" style="text-decoration-line: none; 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In 1934, a new generation of conservative industrialists took over <span style="font-weight: bold;">NAM</span> with a ... Soon after his arrival in <span style="font-weight: bold;">Los Angeles</span>, <span style="font-weight: bold;">Fifield</span> founded Spiritual ...</font></span></a></div></div></div></div><div class="g" style="line-height: 1.2; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 26px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><div data-hveid="CAgQAA" data-ved="2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQFSgAMAJ6BAgIEAA"><div class="rc" style="position: relative;"><h3 class="r" style="font-weight: normal; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; overflow: hidden; text-overflow: ellipsis; white-space: nowrap;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr." ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQFjACegQICBAB" style="cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">James W. Fifield Jr. - Wikipedia</font></a></h3><div class="s" style="max-width: 48em; line-height: 18px;"><div class="f hJND5c TbwUpd" style="height: 18px; line-height: 16px; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><cite class="iUh30" style="font-style: normal;">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.</cite></font><div class="action-menu ab_ctl" style="display: inline; position: relative; margin: 1px 3px 0px; user-select: none; vertical-align: middle;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a class="GHDvEf ab_button" href="https://www.google.com/search?q=fifield+nam+new+deal+LA&oq=fifield+nam+new+deal+LA&aqs=chrome..69i57.19014j0j4&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#" id="am-b2" aria-label="Result Options" aria-expanded="false" aria-haspopup="true" role="button" jsaction="m.tdd;keydown:m.hbke;keypress:m.mskpe" data-ved="2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQ7B0wAnoECAgQAg" style="border-radius: 0px; cursor: default; font-weight: bold; height: 12px; line-height: 27px; margin: 1px 0px 2px; min-width: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: center; transition: none 0s ease 0s; user-select: none; background-image: none; border: 0px; box-shadow: 0px 0px 0px 0px; filter: none; width: 13px; text-decoration-line: none; display: inline-block;"><span class="mn-dwn-arw" style="border-color: rgb(0, 102, 33) transparent; border-style: solid; border-width: 5px 4px 0px; width: 0px; height: 0px; margin-left: 3px; top: 7.5px; margin-top: -4px; position: absolute; left: 0px;" /></a></font><div class="action-menu-panel ab_dropdown" role="menu" tabindex="-1" jsaction="keydown:m.hdke;mouseover:m.hdhne;mouseout:m.hdhue" data-ved="2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQqR8wAnoECAgQAw" style="background-image: initial; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; border: 1px solid rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.2); padding: 0px; position: absolute; right: auto; top: 12px; z-index: 3; transition: opacity 0.218s ease 0s; box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.2) 0px 2px 4px; left: 0px; visibility: hidden;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><ol style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /></font></font></font><li class="action-menu-item ab_dropdownitem" role="menuitem" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; list-style: none; user-select: none; cursor: pointer;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a class="fl" href="https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:em9hjW2RqYMJ:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.+&cd=3&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us" ping="/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search%3Fq%3Dcache:em9hjW2RqYMJ:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.%2B%26cd%3D3%26hl%3Den%26ct%3Dclnk%26gl%3Dus&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQIDACegQICBAE" style="text-decoration-line: none; cursor: pointer; display: block; padding: 7px 18px; outline: 0px;" /></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></li><li class="action-menu-item ab_dropdownitem" role="menuitem" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; list-style: none; user-select: none; cursor: pointer;"><a class="fl" href="https://www.google.com/search?q=related:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.+fifield+nam+new+deal+LA&tbo=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQHzACegQICBAF" style="text-decoration-line: none; cursor: pointer; display: block; padding: 7px 18px; outline: 0px;" /></li></ol></div></div></div><a class="fl" href="https://www.google.com/search?q=related:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W.Fifield_Jr.+fifield+nam+new+deal+LA&tbo=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQHzACegQICBAF" style="text-decoration-line: none; cursor: pointer; display: block; padding: 7px 18px; outline: 0px;"><span class="st" style="line-height: 1.4; word-wrap: break-word;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">James William <span style="font-weight: bold;">Fifield</span> Jr (June 5, 1899 – February 25, 1977) was an American Congregational minister who led the First Congregational Church in <span style="font-weight: bold;">Los Angeles</span> and was co-founder ... Waldorf Astoria New York where he praised capitalism and business leaders, while denouncing Franklin D. Roosevelt and the<span style="font-weight: bold;">New Deal</span>.</font></span></a><div class="TXwUJf" style=""><a class="fl" href="https://www.google.com/search?q=related:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_W._Fifield_Jr.+fifield+nam+new+deal+LA&tbo=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQHzACegQICBAF" style="text-decoration-line: none; cursor: pointer; display: block; padding: 7px 18px; outline: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Missing: <s>nam</s> | Must include: </font></a><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a class="fl" href="https://www.google.com/search?q=fifield+%22nam%22+new+deal+LA&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiI-r2GiaLdAhVSXq0KHbF4CBMQ5t4CMAJ6BAgIEAc" style="text-decoration-line: none; cursor: pointer;">nam</a></font></div></div></div></div></div><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="">==</font></p>