moore, blake Rep Ut 22%
https://scorecard.lcv.org/moc/blake-moore
22%
2021427Supporting Tribal Management of BisonWildlife, Environmental Justice, Public Lands/Forests
2021385Transformative Climate, Jobs, and Justice Investments (2x Score)Climate Change, Air, Clean Energy, Environmental Justice, Transportation, Public Lands/Forests, Water, Other
2021385Transformative Climate, Jobs, and Justice InvestmentsClimate Change, Air, Clean Energy, Drilling, Environmental Justice, Public Lands/Forests, Transportation, Water, Other
2021379Censuring Paul GosarJustice and Democracy
2021272Taking Action on PFAS ContaminationToxics/Public Right to Know
2021260Restoring the Voting Rights ActJustice and Democracy
2021247Pro-Environment Funding PackageOther, Climate Change, Clean Energy, Clean Air, Clean Water, Environmental Justice
2021217Protecting People from PFASToxics/Public Right to Know; Water
2021208Investing in Transportation and Water InfrastructureClimate Change, Transportation, Water, Clean Energy, Environmental Justice
2021206Building Climate-resilient Wastewater InfrastructureWater, Climate Change
2021201Investing in Climate-Smart and Pro-Wildlife InfrastructureTransportation, Climate Change, Wildlife
2021196Removing Confederate Statues from the U.S. CapitolLands/Forests, Justice and Democracy
2021185Repealing Assault on Methane Pollution SafeguardsClimate Change, Dirty Energy
2021169Corporate Climate Risk Disclosure RequirementsClimate Change; Other
2021145Increasing Awareness and Reporting of Hate CrimesOther, Justice and Democracy
2021132Washington, D.C. StatehoodJustice and Democracy
202191Protecting Dreamers and Immigrants Fleeing DisastersJustice and Democracy, Other
202170Protecting the Rights of Workers to OrganizeOther, Justice and Democracy
202162Voting Rights and Democracy ReformsJustice and Democracy
202145Protecting Public Lands and Waters Across the WestPublic Lands/Forests
202117Impeachment for Incitement of InsurrectionJustice and Democracy
202111Certifying Pennsylvania’s Electoral VotesJustice and Democracy
202110Certifying Arizona’s Electoral VotesJustice and Democracy
https://theintercept.com/**2022/09/**16/fossil-fuel-industry-climate-free-speech/
REPS. JAMIE RASKIN, D-Md., and Katie Porter, D-Calif., probably didn’t plan for their committee hearings to run at the exact same time this week, but the hearings sure were talking to each other.
In her Committee on Natural Resources hearing, Porter highlighted the role PR firms play in blocking climate policy.Rep. Blake Moore, R-Utah, and his selected witness, Amy Cooke, CEO of the conservative John Locke Foundation, expressed concern that preventing companies and their hired PR firms from spreading misinformation about climate change would have a chilling effect on free speech.
Meanwhile, the House Oversight Subcommittee on Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, chaired by Raskin, focused on free speech attacks against environmentalists, digging into the fossil fuel industry’s attempts to curb citizens’ speech rights via strategic litigation and laws that criminalize protest. Taken together, the two are a perfect illustration of the industry’s First Amendment strategy: expand free speech for corporations, curb it for citizens.
raskin’s free speech hearing focused on two key tactics: the increased filing of strategic lawsuits against public participation, or SLAPPs— defamation suits aimed at penalizing citizens or citizen groups for exercising their First Amendment rights — and theproliferation of so-called critical infrastructure bills, which pile on fines and criminal sentences for those caught trespassing or vandalizing near pipelines, power plants, railroads, or other infrastructure. These anti-protest bills were a direct industry backlash to the Standing Rock protests in 2016 and 2017. Starting with a law passed in Oklahoma in 2017, they proliferated with the help of the industry group American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers and the American Legislative Exchange Council, which drafts and disseminates pro-corporate model legislation for adoption by state governments. Seventeen states now have critical infrastructure laws on the books, with several more considering proposals.
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“SLAPPs and anti-protest bills are really two sides of the same coin,” said Deepa Padmanabha, deputy general counsel for Greenpeace and a witness at Raskin’s hearing. “They’re tactics used by the same corporate actors to quash dissent. They’re pushing legislation to silence us, to criminalize our critiques through anti-protest bills. And they’re also filing SLAPP suits to silence dissent.”
Greenpeace has dealt with both. Greenpeace USA activists were arrested in 2019 under Texas’s felony critical infrastructure law for unfurling banners on a bridge, which temporarily blocked shipping. The goal of the action was to highlight the connection between the oil industry and climate change.
Greenpeace is engaged in active litigation in a couple of SLAPP suits too. In one, Energy Transfer, the company behind the Dakota Access Pipeline, sued the organization for its role in the Standing Rock protests. The suit was initially filed in federal court and invoked the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, orRICO, a law designed to prosecute organized crime. “Energy Transfer was alleging that our advocacy work to uplift Indigenous voices at Standing Rock constituted organized crime,” Padmanabha said.
Because RICO allows for damages to be tripled if a defendant is found guilty, Greenpeace faced a $1 billion fine. Losing that suit would have had a truly chilling effect on free speech. A federal judge threw out the case, but Energy Transfer filed again in North Dakota (minus the RICO charge), a state that doesn’t have an anti-SLAPP law on the books.
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“SLAPPs and anti-protest bills are really two sides of the same coin.”
}:
Anti-SLAPP laws allow defendants a quick way to get SLAPP suits dismissed, minimizing the time and money spent on meritless cases. Currently, 31 states and the District of Columbia have adopted anti-SLAPP statutes, which makes it fairly easy for corporate entities to go venue shopping for a court in a state without such a law. To address that gap, Raskin proposed new legislation this week to create federal anti-SLAPP protection. While some players in the fossil fuel industry may oppose Raskin’s bill, others have actually sought to avail themselves of anti-SLAPP protections. Exxon Mobil, for example, in its final attempt to thwart the fraud case against it in Massachusetts, argued that the suit was a SLAPP.
The oil company’s attorney Justin Anderson maintained that Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey’s fraud complaint against Exxon was not valid because the company’s public statements on climate policy should be considered political opinion (“petitioning activity,” in legal parlance), not misleading advertising — even when Exxon falsely claimed that climate change wasn’t real and overstated the company’s investments in low-carbon technology.
When one judge asked why Exxon would file an anti-SLAPP complaint rather than make a First Amendment argument in court, Anderson made clear that the point was to avoid discovery, when the corporation would be asked to hand over files and make its executives available for depositions. “The anti-SLAPP statute provides a mechanism to have a case that is brought against someone for petitioning activity dismissed at the outset before burdensome discovery is imposedon the party,” he argued.
The “petitioning activity” argument is one that the industry and its allies have trotted out repeatedly, both in court and in congressional hearings like those held this week. It’s a broad interpretation of free speech rights for corporations, the very sort of protection these same companies are opposed to extending to individuals. In his testimony before Raskin’s subcommittee, Daren Bakst, a senior research fellow on environmental policy and regulation for the Heritage Foundation, said, “The chilling effects are states bringing lawsuits against people for their speech.” It’s hard to tell because he said “people,” but he meant oil companies. Which he made clear by immediately referencing “what municipalities are doing, the government is doing against these fossil fuel companies. And I also see that Massachusetts is doing.”
This view of an oil company as a person who is being silenced for simply sharing their views on climate policy is the basic argument oil companies are making in dozens of cases across the country. These cases, brought by both municipalities and states, hinge either on fraud or nuisance claims and effectively ask that fossil fuel companies pay up for delaying action on climate, which increased both the impacts of the climate crisis and the price of adapting to a warming world. In all of them, the corporate defendants make some version of a free speech argument. They maintain that their public speech about global warming differed from their internal knowledge because their public statements were “petitioning speech,” related to their political views and desires and thus, protected. The industry has been building the foundation for such an argument for about as long as it has known about climate change — since the late 1960s.
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“They will try to defend their misinformation efforts as political speech covered by the First Amendment and not subject to false advertising laws.”
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The argument arose out of a situation not unlike the one playing out today, with war driving up prices at the pump and oil companies desperate to control public perception.
According to documents from Mobil’s corporate archive at the University of Texas at Austin, the company’s longtime PR whiz Herbert Schmertz and then-CEO, Rawleigh Warner, came up with an idea to help wrestle back control of the narrative. Using Mobil’s PR and advertising budget, they would create “idea advertising” to push the company’s take on key issues of the day and create the sense of Mobil as a citizen with a distinct personality.
They ran weekly :{advertorial:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}:s in the New York Times as well as regular placements in a wide range of other publications, from the Los Angeles Times and the Wall Street Journal to Time and Fortune. Then Schmertz proposed TV and radio too. Why not?
In the early 1970s, Mobil took their TV and radio advertorials to all the big broadcast stations and only one, NBC, agreed to run them. CBS and ABC said they preferred to have their journalists cover energy issues. For Schmertz and Warner, it was a battle they had to win. What if the newspapers, or PBS, started to rethink playing nice with Mobil? In a media blitz, the two blasted CBS and ABC from every angle, in their NYT spot, on radio and TV programs, at events. Warner went to various business clubs to talk about the importance of protecting corporate free speech. Schmertz testified before Congress in 1978, urging First Amendment protection for Mobil’s ads and arguing that there was no difference between Mobil advertorials and New York Times editorials, because after all the Times was a business too.
Mobil helped rally support and funding for the first big Supreme Court case on the matter, First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, the precursor to Citizens United. The court ruled that corporations could spend whatever money they wanted to influence politics, overruling a Massachusetts statute that said otherwise. “If the restricted view of corporate speech taken by the Massachusetts court were accepted,” Justice Lewis A. Powell wrote, “government would have the power to deprive society of the views of corporations.”
Related
How the Media Launders Fossil Fuel Industry Propaganda Through Branded Content
“I don’t think people really appreciate how big of a deal that was in shifting the rules of speech in the public space,” environmental sociologist Robert Brulle said. “Now, suddenly, corporations could use their budgets — which are enormous, you know, much larger than individuals — to advocate their position in the public space. … It allowed for a systematic distortion of the public space that gives corporations basically a loudspeaker to amplify their voice above everybody else’s.”
The 2010 Citizens United ruling, of course, intensified that dynamic. Whereas Bellotti allowed corporations to publicly campaign for particular ballot initiatives or candidates, Citizens United allowed political speech of any sort without disclosure of who was paying, who was actually speaking. Oil companies have been working to broaden corporate free speech rights even more in recent years, as their arguments in climate litigation and before Congress show.
“They will try to defend their misinformation efforts as political speech covered by the First Amendment and not subject to false advertising laws,” said Brulle, who has co-authored briefs in some of these cases.
Robert Kerr, who’s researched Mobil’s role in the corporate free speech movement for years, said to side with the oil companies’ arguments in these cases, the Supreme Court would have to turn its back on about a century’s worth of legal precedent. “It’s really deeply established even by some of the members of the current Supreme Court that the First Amendment will never protect expression that is fraud,” he said. “The worry now is that with this court there seems to be a majority that wants to say yes to almost any question the corporate interests raise.”
It makes sense then, that the industry and its allies would be working hard to rebrand climate denialism as simply a difference of opinion, to put some distance between greenwashing and fraud, to collectively gasp about the “chilling effect” (a phrase that came up so often in minority witness testimony this week that it’s hard to believe someone somewhere wasn’t disseminating talking points) that tackling misinformation might have on free speech. The fact that those efforts are happening alongside coordinated attempts to criminalize protest is more of the same: corporations drowning out the public.
blake David Moore (born June 22, 1980)[1] is an American politician and former diplomat from the state of Utah. He is the U.S. representative for Utah's 1st congressional district, serving since January 2021.
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Early life and education[
Moore was born and raised in Ogden, Utah. He attended Ogden High School, graduating in 1998.[2][3] During high school, he was a quarterback for the football team.[4] In 1997, he won the Wendy's High School Heisman.[5] He is an Eagle Scout.[6]
After graduating from high school, Moore enrolled at Utah State University on a football scholarship.[7] His freshman year roommate was American-born Azerbaijani NBA player Spencer Nelson. During his freshman year, Moore's football scholarship was rescinded by a newly installed football coach after he left to serve as a missionary for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in Seoul, South Korea.[8]
After returning from his mission, Moore transferred to the University of Utah, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in behavioral science and business. He earned a master's in public policy and administration from Northwestern University.[9][10]
Career[
Moore briefly served as a United States Foreign Service officer in the United States Department of State, and worked as a business consultant for the Cicero Group, a management consulting firm based in Salt Lake City.[11]
U.S. House of Representatives[
Elections[
2020[
See also: 2020 United States House of Representatives elections in Utah § District 1
In February 2020, Moore declared his candidacy for Utah's 1st congressional district in the 2020 elections.[11] In a field of 12 primary candidates, Moore advanced out of the Republican nominating convention in second place, together with Weber County Commissioner Kerry Gibson. Two other candidates, Davis County commissioner Bob Stevenson and Kaysville mayor Katie Witt, also secured their spot in the primary by gathering signatures. During the party nominating process, Moore was criticized for not living within the congressional district.[12] At the time, he resided on the east bench of Salt Lake City, 15 miles outside the district. Congressional candidates are not required to live inside the district they represent, only in the same state. Moore then won the four-way June 30 Republican primary with just over 30% of the vote.[13]
In the general election, Moore defeated Democratic nominee Darren Parry with 69.5% of the vote to Parry's 30.4%.[14] He took office on January 3, 2021, marking the first time an incumbent had not run in 18 years and maintaining Republican control of the district since 1980.[15][16] Moore has said that despite being elected to one of the most powerful political bodies in the world, the title he most prizes is "Little League coach".[17]
2022[
See also: 2022 United States House of Representatives elections in Utah § District 1
Moore faces two primary challengers, Tina Cannon and Andrew Badger. On May 15, State Senate President Stuart Adams endorsed Moore in an editorial in the Deseret News.[18]
Tenure[
Moore voted against the second impeachment of Donald Trump.[19]
On May 19, 2021, Moore voted for bipartisan legislation to establish the January 6, 2021 commission meant to investigate the storming of the U.S. Capitol.[20] The bill to establish this commission was blocked in the Senate. House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy had earlier advocated for congressional action to form such a commission on January 13, stating that "[he thought] a fact-finding commission ... would be prudent."[21] Moore voted against the currently operating United States House Select Committee on the January 6 Attack.[22]
Moore was among the few House Republicans who voted to keep Liz Cheney as conference chair both times a vote was held.[23] In an interview with the Deseret News editorial board, Moore stated he felt no pressure to vote one way or another from Republican leadership, and said it was important for the Republican leadership team to hold "broad appeal."
Moore failed to disclose stock trades on time as required by the STOCK Act. The total value of the stocks in question is unknown but is between $78,000 and $1.1 million. Moore has acknowledged paying a "late filing fee" to the House Committee on Ethics in July 2021; the value of that fee generally starts at $200.[24]
Moore voted against the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act.[25]
In the wake of the Taliban's conquering of Afghanistan, Moore introduced the Afghanistan Accountability Act to investigate what the Biden administration knew before deciding to leave Afghanistan.[26]
As of November 2021, Moore voted with Joe Biden's preferred positions 16% of the time, according to FiveThirtyEight's tracker.[27]
In 2021, Moore co-sponsored the Fairness for All Act, the Republican alternative to the Equality Act.[28] The bill would prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity, and protect the free exercise of religion.
On July 19, 2022, Moore and 46 other Republican Representatives voted for the Respect for Marriage Act, which would codify the right to same-sex marriage in federal law.[29]
Committee assignments[
Caucus memberships[
- Republican Main Street Partnership[33]
- Republican Study Committee[34]
- Republican Governance Group [35]
Personal life[
Moore and his wife, Jane Boyer, have three sons.[36][37] In October 2020, Moore, Jane, and their three children all tested positive for COVID-19, though none were hospitalized with the illness.[38]
References
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:{Blake Moore | League of Conservation Voters Scorecard:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Rep. Blake Moore (R, Utah 1) has a lifetime environmental score of 22% and scored 22% in 2021. Read more on the 2021 LCV Scorecard.
:{Representative Blake Moore:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Congressman Blake Moore's office is teaming up with the Library of Congress to participate in the Veterans History Project (VHP) to archive Utah veterans' stories of their time in military service. We are seeking veterans and volunteer interviewers to help this project come to life. Learn More How Can I Help You? Federal Agency Help
:{Blake Moore - Wikipedia:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Blake David Moore (born June 22, 1980) [1] is an American politician and former diplomat from the state of Utah. He is the U.S. representative for Utah's 1st congressional district, serving since January 2021. Contents 1 Early life and education 2 Career 3 U.S. House of Representatives 3.1 Elections 3.1.1 2020 3.1.2 2022 3.2 Tenure
:{Media | Representative Blake Moore:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Aug 12, 2022WASHINGTON - Today, Congressman Blake Moore introduced the Connecting Forever Families Act of 2022 to improve America's child welfare system and expedite the process to placing foster care children in supportive homes. Congressman Blake Moore's Statement on H.R. 5376 August 12, 2022 Press Releas
The Herald Journal:{:{
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:{MOORE, BLAKE - Candidate overview | FEC:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
BLAKE MOORE FOR CONGRESS; Total disbursements Filter all disbursements. spent in total disbursements by this candidate's authorized committees from January 01, 2021 to June 30, 2022. See the financial summary for a breakdown of each type of disbursement.
:{Elect Blake Moore for Congress:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
As your Congressman, Blake Moore is pushing back on President Biden's failed agenda. He is working to lower inflation, securing American-made energy, and strengthening our military. Fighting for Utah. See where Blake Moore stands on the issues that matter to Utah's First Congressional District.
:{League of Conservation Voters - Our Earth Is Worth Fighting For:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
The League of Conservation Voters builds political power for people and the planet. We influence policy, hold politicians accountable, and win elections. This is how we fight to build a world with clean air, clean water, public lands, and a safe climate that are protected by a just and equitable democracy.
:{Blake Moore Report:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Blake Moore is an ULTRA RINO (Republican in name only) January 6 Blake Moore voted for the January 6th commission. Misleading statements and deceitful practices are being applied to spin this. Don't Believe it!!! Blake Moore knew full well what he was doing when he voted to label peaceful protesters terrorists and bring the full weight of the ...
:{Barry Moore | League of Conservation Voters Scorecard:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Rep. Barry Moore (R, Alabama 2) has a lifetime environmental score of 4% and scored 4% in 2021. Read more on the 2021 LCV Scorecard.
:{Blake Masters is a radical candidate, who won't stand up to big oil and ...:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:
Aug 4, 2022Blake Masters is a radical candidate, who won't stand up to big oil and continues to attack our democracy Nick Abraham, nabraham@lcv.org, 206-833-7021 August 4, 2022 Memos & Research Washington, D.C. - In response to Blake Masters winning the Republican Primary for U.S. Senate in Arizona, LCV Victory Fund issued the following statements: