McIntosh, David CfG club
===
POW
FOUNDER FED SOC [SEE GIBNEY DOCU 2025] U CHIC
GANG OF FIVE!
caves to trump 2 24
no merri
1994 takeover newt gingrich
CNP ginni?
see cfg
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Club_for_Growth_:{Action}:
==
alternet-2 24 no lnx
in 2023, the conservative Club for Growth spent millions of dollars on ads attacking former President Donald Trump's economic record. The group was clearly hoping that someone other than Trump would be the Republican Party's 2024 GOP presidential nominee.}:
But with Trump moving closer and closer to the nomination, Trump and Club for Growth President David McIntosh, according to Politico's Alex Isenstadt, "appear to have made peace."
"After being at war with each other for the past year," Isenstadt reports in an article published on February 12, "Trump and Club for Growth President David McIntosh met for dinner Wednesday evening, (February 7), at Trump's Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Florida, according to two people with knowledge of the sit-down. McIntosh is also flying with Trump on Saturday to South Carolina, where the former president is campaigning ahead of the state's February 24 Republican primary."
READ MORE:'Club for No Growth': Trump blasts conservative advocacy group for supporting DeSantis
Isenstadt adds, "The rapprochement represents the latest turn in the ongoing, hot-cold relationship between Trump and the conservative organization. Tensions had been especially high between the two sides over the past year, when a Club for Growth-affiliated outside group waged an unsuccessful multi-million-dollar TV ad campaign aimed at sinking Trump in early primary states."
The Politico reporter describes what appears to be a Trump/Club for Growth truce as "another indication of how the GOP is consolidating around Trump as he establishes a stranglehold on the party's nomination."
"Early (in 2023)," Isenstadt notes, "McIntosh told reporters that Republicans should be open to another candidate besides Trump in the 2024 election. Shortly after, the Club for Growth did not extend an invitation to Trump to a donor retreat it was hosting, though it did invite other Republican presidential candidates. After the Club for Growth launched its anti-Trump affiliate in July 2023, Trump blasted the group, calling it the 'Club for No Growth.'"
READ MORE: 'Silly': Elise Stefanik called out for bogus Trump 'election interference' claim
Read Politico's full report at this link.
---
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320
aha wow omg:
cfg big lobbyist on climate vs CoC? enforcer drives polarization, RINO hunters
Climate science skeptics grasp for power in changing GOP
Nick Sobczyk, E&E News reporter
Published: Tuesday, March 10, 2020
---
wow gang of 5 now runs CFG!
David McIntosh, the Club for Growth’s president, said on Tuesday the organization is planning a seven-figure-plus offensive targeting O’Rourke. McIntosh was speaking from Texas, where he is meeting with pro-Cruz donors who could help fund the effort.
“In the last five weeks, it’s become clear that the race has tightened,” said McIntosh.
==
off bs
prez david McIntosh is a leader for the principles of limited constitutional government and individual freedom. He is president of the Club for Growth, the leading advocate for economic liberty.
Former Congressman David McIntoshrepresented Indiana’s 2nd Congressional District in the United States Congress from 1995-2001. As a Freshman, David chaired the Subcommittee on Regulatory Relief. He passed the Congressional Review Act and held extensive oversight and field hearings to build a record of public support for regulatory relief initiatives in energy, biotechnology, pharmaceutical, healthcare, transportation and technology sectors. Another issue that he championed was the elimination of the marriage penalty in the Federal Tax Code.
David served during the Reagan administration as special assistant to Attorney General Edwin Meese III, and as special assistant to President Reagan for Domestic Affairs. During the first Bush administration, he served as executive director of the President’s Council on Competitiveness and assistant to the Vice President. The Competitiveness Council coordinated the cost/benefit review of major regulations and promoted legal reform measures.
David is a co-founder of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy and serves on the Board of Directors. He remains active with several free market and conservative think tanks and grassroots organizations. David has also had stints at the Hudson Institute and as a Professor of Economics at Ball State School of Business.
Prior to the Club for Growth, David was a partner at Mayer Brown, LLP in Washington, DC.
David graduated from theUniversity of Chicago Law School in 1983, and Yale University,BA, cum laude, in 1980. He and his wife, Ruthie, are the proud parents of Ellie age 20 and Davey age 17.
==
https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Club_for_Growth
---
---
https://www.rollcall.com/2019/08/23/david-koch-leaves-behind-legacy-of-dark-money-political-network/
Republican mega-donor David Koch, who helped pioneer a network of often surreptitious organizations aimed at influencing elections and public policy, leaves behind a legacy of dark-money groups and a volatile political landscape.
Koch, one half of the Koch Brothers along with his older brother Charles, died at age 79, the billionaires’ company, Kansas-based Koch Industries, said Friday. David Koch had stepped away from business and politics in 2018 for health reasons and had previously battled cancer, though the company did not say the exact cause of death.
Congressional and K Street insiders, whether they agreed with the Kochs’ libertarian-conservative ideology or fought it relentlessly, agreed that David Koch left a lasting imprint on the nation’s politics.
The flush-with-money Koch network, which includes such groups as Americans for Prosperity, helped to resuscitate the Republican Party after its losses in the 2008 presidential and congressional elections and helped give rise to the tea party movement. But David Koch died at a time when the emboldened Republicans’ current leader, President Donald Trump, doesn’t toe the Koch line, especially when it comes to trade and immigration policy.
In establishing AFP and the Koch network, “you could fairly say he saved the Republican Party after that incredible defeat,” said David McIntosh, president of the conservative Club for Growth, referring to the 2008 elections. “He helped the Republican Party get back on its feet.”
===
wiki 7 22
david Martin McIntosh(born June 8, 1958) is an American attorney and Republican Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Indiana's 2nd congressional district from 1995 to 2001. McIntosh was the Republican nominee for Governor of Indiana in 2000, losing to Democratic incumbent Frank O'Bannon. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the Republican nomination in Indiana's 5th congressional district in 2012. In December 2014, McIntosh was named the president of the Club for Growth, a 501(c)(4) organization.[1]
- :{1:(style="display:table-cell;padding-left:0px;padding-right:0.5em"):}::{Early life, education, and law career:(style="display:table-cell"):}:
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Early life, education, and law career[
McIntosh was born in Oakland, California, the son of Jean Marie (Slough), a judge, and Norman McIntosh.[2] He moved to his mother's hometown of Kendallville, Indiana, at age five after his father died.[3]
McIntosh attended Yale University, where he was a member and later president of the Yale Political Union and despite his political orientation its Progressive Party.[4] He graduated with a B.A. (cum laude) in 1980, and later received aJ.D. from University of Chicago Law School in 1983.[5] He was taught at Chicago by Antonin Scalia, who later became a Supreme Court Justice.[6] He is also a co-founder of The Federalist Society.[7]
Early political career[
[
](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C45277_%28cropped%29.jpg)
McIntosh's official portrait during the Reagan administration
During theReagan Administration, McIntosh served as Special Assistant to the Attorney General and as Special Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs.[5]
In George H. W. Bush's administration, he served as executive director of Vice President Dan Quayle's Council for Competitiveness.[8] In that role, he emphasized limiting or rolling back environmental regulations that the Council saw as inimical to economic growth[9] – such as a redraft of the Clean Air Act which would allow for companies to increase pollution emissions without notifying the public.[10]
U.S. House of Representatives[
Elections[
1994
Incumbent Democrat U.S. Congressman Philip Sharp of Indiana's 2nd congressional district decided to retire. McIntosh decided to run and won the Republican primary with a plurality of 43% in a four candidate field.[11] In the general election, he defeated Democratic Secretary of State of Indiana Joe Hogsett 54%–46%.[12]
1996
He won re-election to a second term with 58% of the vote.[13]
1998
He won re-election to a third term with 61% of the vote.[14]
Tenure[
McIntosh fought against U.S. Senator Bob Dole to get rid of regulations within the health and food industries.[15]
After Newt Gingrich resigned as Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, McIntosh thought about running himself. He decided not to run and endorsed William Reynolds Archer, Jr.[16]
Committee assignments[
He was a member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee and was Chairman of the House Oversight and Reform subcommittee.[17] [FUCKERY?]
2000 gubernatorial election[
See also: 2000 Indiana gubernatorial election
In 2000, McIntosh ran for Governor of Indiana, but lost to incumbent Democrat Frank O'Bannon, 57 percent to 42 percent. His campaign was built around a 25 percent guaranteed property tax cut, but he never provided details on how he would accomplish it.[citation needed]
Post-congressional career[
Since 2001, McIntosh has been a partner in the global law firm of Mayer Brown.[5] In 2009, he served as a political advisor to conservative lobby groups on Sonia Sotomayor's nomination to the Supreme Court.[18]
2004 gubernatorial election[
See also: Indiana gubernatorial election, 2004
He planned another run for governor in 2004, but dropped out before the Indiana Republican primary after President George W. Bush gave his support to Mitch Daniels, former Director of the White House Office of Management and Budget.
2012 congressional election[
See also: United States House of Representatives elections in Indiana, 2012 § District 5
In 2012 McIntosh announced his candidacy for Congress, running in the newly redrawn Indiana's 5th Congressional district, held by retiring Republican Dan Burton. He was narrowly defeated in the primary by former U.S. Attorney Susan Brooks, losing to her by 1,010 votes out of over 100,000 votes cast.[19]
Club for Growth[
In December 2014, McIntosh was named the head of the Club for Growth.[1] On November 7, 2020, on behalf of the Club for Growth, McIntosh was a signatory to a message communicated by Rep. Mike Lee to White House Chief of Staff, Mark Meadows, expressing unequivocal support for Donald Trump following his loss in the 2020 election to Joe Biden and urging President Trump "to exhaust every legal and constitutional remedy at [his] disposal to restore Americans faith in our elections."[20]
Electoral history[
Indiana's 2nd congressional district: Results 1994–1998[21]| Year | | Democratic | Votes | Pct | | Republican | Votes | Pct | | 3rd Party | Party | Votes | Pct |
| 1994 | Joe Hogsett | 78,241 | 46% | David M. McIntosh | 93,592 | 54% | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1996 | R. Marc Carmichael | 85,105 | 40% | David M. McIntosh | 123,113 | 58% | Paul E. Zimmerman | Libertarian | 4,665 | 2% | |||
| 1998 | Sherman A. Boles | 62,452 | 38% | David M. McIntosh | 99,608 | 61% | Cliff Federle | Libertarian | 2,236 | 1% |
Governor of Indiana: Results 2000[22]| Year | | Democratic | Votes | Pct | | Republican | Votes | Pct | | 3rd Party | Party | Votes | Pct |
| 2000 | Frank O'Bannon | 1,232,525 | 57% | David M. McIntosh | 908,285 | 42% | Andrew Horning | Libertarian | 38,458 | 2% |
References[
- ^ :{Jump up to::(style="user-select:none;top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:^a b(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M._McIntosh#cite_ref-ClubForGrowth2014_1-1) "Why the Club for Growth Is Changing Leadership". National Journal. December 11, 2014. Retrieved December 12, 2014.
- ^ Thursday October 10, 2019 (2007-04-13). "Former city judge Jean McIntosh dies at 81". kpcnews.com. Retrieved 2019-10-10.
- ^ Keith Schneider, "Administration's Regulation Slayer Has Achieved a Perilous Prominence," New York Times, 30 June 1992.
- ^ Easton, Nina. Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. P51.
- ^ :{Jump up to::(style="user-select:none;top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:^a b(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M.McIntosh#cite_ref-www.mayerbrown.com_5-1) c(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M.McIntosh#cite_ref-www.mayerbrown.com_5-2) Mayer Brown – David M. McIntosh
- ^ Toobin, Jeffrey. "The Nine: Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court". New York Times, September 23, 2007.
- ^ "Andrew Card Address Before The Federalist Society at the 2003 National Lawyers Convention". Archived from the original on 2008-10-15. Retrieved 2008-01-10.
- ^ The Buying of the President 2000 by Charles Lewis (journalist) and the Center for Public Integrity, page 315.
- ^ Schneider, "Administration's Regulation Slayer."
- ^ Rosenthal, Andrew "Quayle's Moment," New York Times, 5 July 1992
- ^ "IN District 2 - R Primary Race - May 03, 1994". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2019-10-10.
- ^ "IN District 2 Race - Nov 08, 1994". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2019-10-10.
- ^ "IN District 2 Race - Nov 05, 1996". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2019-10-10.
- ^ "IN District 2 Race - Nov 03, 1998". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2019-10-10.
- ^ Herbert, Bob (July 10, 1995). "In America; Health & Safety Wars". The New York Times.
- ^ Seelye, Katharine Q. (November 7, 1998). "THE SPEAKER STEPS DOWN: THE OVERVIEW; FACING A REVOLT, GINGRICH WON'T RUN FOR SPEAKER AND WILL QUIT CONGRESS". The New York Times.
- ^ "Article". nl.newsbank.com.
- ^ "GOP struggles for anti-Sotomayor message" Associated Press, July 5, 2009.
- ^ "Former Congressman wants back into politics" Associated Press, July 5, 2009.
- ^ "CNN". April 15, 2022.
- ^ "Election Statistics". Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. Archived from the original on 2007-07-25. Retrieved 2007-08-08.
- ^ "Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections". David Leip. Retrieved 2013-08-06.
External links[
- United States Congress. "David M. McIntosh (id: M000481)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- David McIntosh On the Issues
===
REF
https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna31750700
week before her Senate hearings, Republicans are floundering in their efforts to trip up Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor, unable to find an effective message about why she's not fit to serve.
Blame the tricky politics of opposing the woman who would be the first Hispanic justice, especially for a party struggling to broaden its base and whose chief spokesman on Sotomayor has a troubled history of racism allegations.
Add to that the mathematical impossibility of Republicans' rejecting President Barack Obama's first high court nominee, and it's a recipe for a weak-kneed response.
Conservative activists have noticed, and they're not happy.
"Too many Republicans and conservatives planned to lose instead of planning to win" the debate over Sotomayor, said Tom Fitton of Judicial Watch. His group has mounted strong opposition to the federal appeals court judge.
About half the Senate's Republicans are willing to raise serious questions about Sotomayor and there's "a sizable minority who — partly because she's Hispanic — just want this to go away," said Curt Levey of theCommittee for Justice.
Conservative groups have sought to convince Senate Republicans that they can benefit politically by strongly opposing Sotomayor. But many of their leaders complain the message isn't getting through.
During recent confrontations, some activists have told GOP senators, "Don't throw away yet another conservative agenda item when it's a successful one for you. Your base cares about this and you should, too," said former Rep. David McIntosh, R-Ind., who's advising some outside groups on Sotomayor's nomination. "It was kind of a blunt message."
There are good reasons for Republicans to be holding back, wondering what their best approach is to opposing a nominee who's broadly acknowledged to be qualified and whose past rulings make it difficult to pigeonhole her as a liberal crusader.
The GOP has just 40 votes in the Senate — well short of the majority they would need to defeat Sotomayor or to sustain a drawn-out effort to block a final vote to confirm her.
Even if they could stall Sotomayor's nomination, though, it's evident that many Republicans don't think it's politically prudent to take on a Hispanic woman, given the GOP's low standing in the polls and its efforts to appeal to women and minorities. Those groups traditionally have shunned the party.
The issue of race and ethnicity has proven a toxic one for the key Republican carrying the party message on Sotomayor: Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, the senior GOP member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which begins hearings on Sotomayor on July 13.
Sessions' own nomination for a federal judgeship in 1986 was scuttled by allegations that he made racist comments and targeted black civil rights leaders as a federal prosecutor in Alabama.
HE denied those charges. But he did acknowledge making what he called some off-color "jokes," such as calling civil rights groups such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People "un-American."
Sessions has spoken in similar terms recently about a Puerto Rican legal advocacy group on whose board Sotomayor sat from 1980 until 1992.
"This is a group that has taken some very shocking positions with respect to terrorism," Sessions said of LatinoJustice PRLDEF, citing its defense in 1990 of Puerto Rican nationalists who 36 years earlier had wounded five lawmakers during an attack on the House while it was in session.
Sessions said Thursday the group's stances on issues from capital punishment to race were "extreme." His staff raised concern about its ties with the community organizing group ACORN, which Republicans routinely describe as a radical organization.
Democrats said the GOP was grasping at straws.
It's not that Republicans aren't criticizing Sotomayor. Early on, they went out of their way to treat her gently, trying to distinguish themselves from party firebrands such as radio host Rush Limbaugh and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who called her a racist.
In recent days, GOP senators have faulted her for her stance on gun rights, her ruling against white firefighters who alleged reversed discrimination, and her participation in the Puerto Rican legal advocacy group. They've raised questions about her ability to be "colorblind."
Still, they've had to reach to score points against Sotomayor.
For instance, Republicans recently banded together to raise concerns about her position on gun rights. They held a news conference about an appeals court decision Sotomayor joined that said the Second Amendment's protection against curbs on bearing arms applies only to the federal government — not to states.
That was in line with Supreme Court precedent on the issue, Sessions acknowledged, and presumably in keeping with GOP views that judges should be restrained.
But Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, criticized Sotomayor for taking a "cramped and restricted view of a basic civil liberty." At the same time, Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, said Sotomayor had been too expansive in her ruling on the right to keep and bear arms. "I wish Judge Sotomayor had been similarly restrained on these issues" as other courts that ruled differently, he said.
The message was as clear as mud.
ggl 7 22
David McIntosh - Club for Growthhttps://www.clubforgrowth.org › Staff
david mcintosh club from www.clubforgrowth.org
He is president of the Club for Growth, the leading advocate for economic liberty. Former Congressman David McIntosh represented Indiana's 2nd Congressional ...
David McIntosh & Leadership Team | Club for Growthhttps://www.clubforgrowth.org › About
Club for Growth is led by David McIntosh and a team of experts that promote limited government and economic growth initiatives.
David M. McIntosh - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org › wiki › David_M._McIntosh
Club for Growth — David Martin McIntosh (born June 8, 1958) is an American attorney and Republican Party politician who served as the U.S. representative ...
Political party: Republican
Education: Yale University (BA); University of ...
Early political career · U.S. House of Representatives · Post-congressional career
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David McIntosh, '83, Named New President of Club for Growthhttps://www.law.uchicago.edu › news › david-mcintosh...
At a meeting this week, the board of the Club for Growth officially named former Indiana Congressman David McIntosh President. Congressman McIntosh will ...
David McIntosh - President - Club for Growth | LinkedInhttps://www.linkedin.com › david-mcintosh-29758941
The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies is a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order.
David M McIntosh, Club for Growth: Profile and Biographyhttps://www.bloomberg.com › profile › person
May 11, 2022 — David M McIntosh is President at Club for Growth. See David M McIntosh's compensation, career history, education, & memberships.
BOARD MEMBERSHIPS: Federalist Society For ...
EDUCATION: Yale UniversityUniversity of Chi...
Hon. David M. McIntosh - The Federalist Societyhttps://fedsoc.org › contributors › david-mcintosh
He is president of the Club for Growth, the leading advocate for economic liberty. Former Congressman David McIntosh represented Indiana's 2nd Congressional ...
How Club For Growth and Trump's partnership turned into a ...https://www.washingtonpost.com › nation › 2022/05/16
May 16, 2022 — A tight alliance between the Club for Growth and former president Donald Trump cracked open when they backed different contenders in the ...
David M. McIntosh (@DavidMMcintosh) / Twitterhttps://twitter.com › davidmmcintosh
Reagan staffer, turned Conservative rabble-rouser. @FedSoc co-founder, Member of Congress 'Contract with America' Class '94. President of the @club4growth.
==
Volume 0%
David Koch’s biggest, most lasting influence is likely to be the system of using nonprofit organizations that often do not need to disclose their donors. The Koch network made use of Supreme Court rulings, such as the landmark 2010 Citizens United case, that allowed corporations to spend unlimited money. But they also worked through organizations that could shield donors from public view.
Though they pioneered the effort, they have been widely copied on both sides of the aisle.
“By far, the most fundamental way that David Koch and his brother and their network has influenced campaign finance broadly is through the role that they played in expanding the way that dark money enters elections,” said Sarah Bryner, who has tracked Koch political spending as research director at the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics. “That’s what I think of when I think of Koch money — those networks and the chains of connections and the ways in which they are able to spend millions and millions of dollars out of the public view.”
Still, some of the money is traceable to some extent to the Kochs’ network of groups, which include nonprofit social welfare organizations, super PACs and other outside entities with various rules for public disclosures.
Americans for Prosperity reported spending some $13.3 million and Freedom Partners reported $30 million to the Federal Election Commission for political advertising in 2016, the center has found. The Kochs said they would spend $400 million in the 2018 elections, but just $44.2 million was disclosed to the FEC, the center’s research showed.
Club for Growth’s McIntosh recalled that he first met David Koch in the 1990s when McIntosh was a GOP congressman from Indiana. Koch, he said, invited him and his wife, Ruthie, to New York.
“He was very encouraging,” McIntosh said. “He was always looking for young people to get involved and take leadership roles. That’s a huge part of the legacy of the Koch Network: to bring droves of young people into the conservative and libertarian movement and Republican politics.”
David Koch ran for vice president, on the Libertarian Party ticket, in 1980, but found the Republican Party the closest and most viable political home, McIntosh and others said.
In addition to funding political causes and candidates, David Koch, who lived in New York, donated millions to artistic and medical caucuses with his name on several spots including the David H. Koch Theater at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. But it’s his role in politics that won him the most fame.
“The Kochs, and you’ve got to talk about Charles and David together, they revolutionized much of money in politics,” said Burdett Loomis, an emeritus professor of politics at the University of Kansas. “They certainly moved politics, with their money, to the right.”
Though the Kochs may be at odds with Trump Republicans on issues of trade and immigration, they were big backers of a criminal justice overhaul that won Trump’s blessing and was enacted in December.
Despite policy divisions with the Trump administration, the Kochs backed some of the administration’s insiders, including Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, a former Kansas congressman.
“Certainly, the Kochs were instrumental in the rise of the farther right politics in Kansas,” Loomis said, noting the Koch Brothers’ work through state-focused organizations, including the American Legislative Exchange Council.
Through their company, they also spent millions on lobbying.
The Kochs’ donor retreats also helped expand their own influence, urging other business leaders to give in lockstep.
David Koch and his brother Charles “have been staunch proponents for spending as much money in politics in every avenue you can,” said Lisa Gilbert, a frequent opponent of the Koch network as vice president of legislative affairs at the liberal group Public Citizen. “They sort of led the charge in explaining how to do that to other corporate interests.
“In terms of laying a path that corporate America has followed, that does not go away with the death of the single person,” she added.
McIntosh agreed that David Koch’s imprint will endure.
“He made sure there was a political force for freedom and liberty that survived past his lifetime,” McIntosh said. “In a personal way, he was such a warm and gracious man.”
==
==
energize bunny
2004 gubernatorial election[
See also: Indiana gubernatorial election, 2004
He planned another run for governor in 2004, but dropped out before the Indiana Republican primary after President George W. Bush gave his support to Mitch Daniels, former Director of the White House Office of Management and Budget.
2012 congressional election:{:(style="margin-right:0.25em"):}:[edit:{]}:
See also: United States House of Representatives elections in Indiana, 2012 § District 5
In 2012 McIntosh announced his candidacy for Congress, running in the newly redrawn Indiana's 5th Congressional district, held by then-retiring Republican incumbent U.S. Congressman Dan Burton. He was narrowly defeated in the primary by former U.S. Attorney Susan Brooks, losing to her by 1,010 votes out of over 100,000 votes cast.[19]
==
of bs
McIntosh is a leader for the principles of limited constitutional government and individual freedom. He is president of the Club for Growth, the leading advocate for economic liberty.
Former Congressman David McIntosh represented Indiana’s 2nd Congressional District in the United States Congress from 1995-2001. As a Freshman, David chaired the Subcommittee on Regulatory Relief. He passed the Congressional Review Act and held extensive oversight and field hearings to build a record of public support for regulatory relief initiatives in energy, biotechnology, pharmaceutical, healthcare, transportation and technology sectors. Another issue that he championed was the elimination of the marriage penalty in the Federal Tax Code.
David served during the Reagan administration as special assistant to Attorney General Edwin Meese III, and as special assistant to President Reagan for Domestic Affairs. During the first Bush administration, he served as executive director of the President’s Council on Competitiveness and assistant to the Vice President. The Competitiveness Council coordinated the cost/benefit review of major regulations and promoted legal reform measures.
David is a co-founder of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy and serves on the Board of Directors. He remains active with several free market and conservative think tanks and grassroots organizations. David has also had stints at the Hudson Institute and as a Professor of Economics at Ball State School of Business.
Prior to the Club for Growth, David was a partner at Mayer Brown, LLP in Washington, DC.
David graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1983, and Yale University, BA, cum laude, in 1980. He and his wife, Ruthie, are the proud parents of Ellie age 17 and Davey age 13.
==
grossman
Olin Foundation president William Simon, a former Treasury Secretary, has been a major player in these efforts. He is quoted in Justice For Sale: "Funds generated by business . . . must rush by multimillions to the aid of liberty . . . to funnel desperately needed funds to scholars, social scientists, writers and journalists who understand the relationship between political and economic liberty."
Simon and many others have orchestrated and coordinated "sophisticated media offensives, academic research, and advocacy efforts" with lavish funding from Aetna Life And Casualty Corporation, Exxon Corporation, Pfizer Corporation, RJR Nabisco Corporation, General Electric Corporation, Dow Corporation, Monsanto Corporation and other legal fictions chartered in our names in our several states.
Corporate money has also been rushed by multimillions to corporate fronts such as the American Enterprise Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, the Insurance Information Institute, the Product Liability Coordinating Committee, and the American Tort Reform Association (ATRA). (The ATRA is made up of corporation trade groups such as the National Association of Manufacturers, the Chemical Manufacturers Association, the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association -- thus giving corporations a decoy and accomplice group two full steps removed from their board rooms.) Judge Robert Bork, Irving Kristol, and law schools at Stanford, Yale, Columbia, George Mason, Chicago and Virginia universities have also been beneficiaries of this corporate largess.
Corporate money created the Federalist Society in 1982, helping it to gather 10,000 members at 120 law schools. "Dedicated to purging law schools and the legal system of the `orthodox liberal ideology which advocates a centralized and uniform society,'" declares Justice For Sale,
the Society is now the principal organization for recruiting, educating and mobilizing conservative students on law school campuses and showcasing conservative legal scholarship. . . . The group's influence is perhaps best exemplified by the success of its three co-founders. As a member of the White House Office of Legal Counsel, Lee Liberman was considered the "ideological gatekeeper for the Bush Administration's process for selecting judges."David McIntosh served as Executive Director of Vice President Quayle's Council on Competitiveness, and Steven Calabresi, now a professor at Northwestern University School of Law, was a special assistant to Reagan Attorney General Ed Meese.
In sum, paying for and orchestrating law and economics professors and curricula at the nation's elite schools, sponsoring conferences, Continuing Legal Education workshops, legal research and theoretical writing, as well as for massive advertising and strategic litigation, these corporation initiatives "to make conservative economic theory the cornerstone of legal decision making," documents Justice For Sale, have set up an "institutional network that will advance and sustain their cause well into the future. Integrated and intergenerational, this infrastructure includes representatives from all segments of the legal establishment -- judges, scholars, practitioners, and young apprentices hailing from the Federalist Society."
Justice For Sale is a frightening report, meticulously documented with references to the professors, theorists, and foundations behind this campaign. "Intended to provoke debate" and "instigate true reform of the legal system," it should be a catalyst for public debate and strategizing. Read it.
===
David M. McIntosh
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| David McIntosh | David McIntosh |
|---|---|
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Indiana's 2nd district | Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Indiana's 2nd district |
In office 1995–2001 | In office 1995–2001 |
| Preceded by | Phil Sharp |
| Succeeded by | Mike Pence |
| Born | June 8, 1958 (1958-06-08) (age 52) |
| Political party | Republican |
David Martin McIntosh (born June 8, 1958) is a lawyer who served as a Republican representative from Indiana from January 3, 1995, to January 3, 2001. McIntosh was the Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana in 2000, losing to incumbent Democrat Frank O'Bannon.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Early life
McIntosh was born in Oakland, California, but moved to his mother's hometown of Kendallville, Indiana, at age five after his father died of cancer.[1]
McIntosh attended Yale University, where he was a member and later president of the Yale Political Union and despite his political orientation its Progressive Party.[2] He graduated with a B.A. (cum laude) in 1980, and later received a J.D. from University of Chicago Law School in 1983.[3] He was taught at Chicago by Antonin Scalia, who later became a Supreme Court Justice.[4]
He is also a co-founder of The Federalist Society.[5]
[edit] Career
During the Reagan Administration, McIntosh served as Special Assistant to the Attorney General and as Special Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs.[3]
In George H. W. Bush's administration, he served as executive director of Vice President Dan Quayle's Council for Competitiveness.[6] In that role, he emphasized limiting or rolling back environmental regulations that the Council saw as inimical to economic growth[7] – such as a redraft of the Clean Air Act which would allow for companies to increase pollution emissions without notifying the public.[8]
In 2000, McIntosh ran for Governor of Indiana, but lost to incumbent Democrat Frank O'Bannon, 57 percent to 42 percent. His campaign was built around a 25 percent guaranteed property tax cut, but he never provided details on how he would accomplish it.
Since 2001, McIntosh has been a partner in the Washington law firm of Mayer Brown.[3] He planned another run for governor in 2004, but dropped out before the Indiana Republican primary after President George W. Bush gave his support to Mitch Daniels, former Director of the White House Office of Management and Budget.
In 2009, he served as a political advisor to conservative lobby groups on Sonia Sotomayor's nomination to the Supreme Court.[9]
...
- ^ Keith Schneider, "Administration's Regulation Slayer Has Achieved a Perilous Prominence," New York Times, 30 June 1992.
- ^ Easton, Nina. Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. P51.
- ^ a(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M.McIntosh#cite_ref-www.mayerbrown.com_2-0) b(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M.McIntosh#cite_ref-www.mayerbrown.com_2-1) c(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M._McIntosh#cite_ref-www.mayerbrown.com_2-2) Mayer Brown - David M. McIntosh
- ^ Toobin, Jeffrey. "The Nine: Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court". New York Times, September 23, 2007.
- ^ Andrew Card Address Before The Federalist Society at the 2003 National Lawyers Convention
- ^ The Buying of the President 2000 by Charles Lewis (journalist) and the Center for Public Integrity, page 315.
- ^ Schneider, "Administration's Regulation Slayer."
- ^ Rosenthal, Andrew "Quayle's Moment," New York Times, 5 July 1992
- ^ "GOP struggles for anti-Sotomayor message" Associated Press, July 5, 2009.
- ^ "Election Statistics". Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. http://clerk.house.gov/member_info/electionInfo/index.html. Retrieved 2007-08-08.
[edit] External links
- David M. McIntosh at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
- David McIntosh On the Issues
- Indy Star Fact File
David McIntosh - Club for Growth
https://www.clubforgrowth.org/staff-members/david-mcintosh/
1.
David M. McIntosh - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M._McIntosh
2.
Early political career · U.S. House of ... · Post-congressional career
Conservative breakup: Club for Growth splits with Jamestown ... - Politico
https://www.politico.com/story/.../club-for-growth-jamestown-associates-split-663000
1.
David M. McIntosh (@DavidMMcintosh) | Twitter
https://twitter.com/davidmmcintosh?lang=en
2.
David McIntosh, '83, Named New President of Club for Growth ...
https://www.law.uchicago.edu/.../david-mcintosh-83-named-new-president-club-grow...
1.
Enter David McIntosh. Educated at Harvard and the University of Chicago, McIntosh has used his establishment credentials to ride roughshod over traditional liberal causes. A staunch libertarian, McIntosh headed Dan Quayle's Competitiveness Council at age 33. "When developers complained to Quayle about President Bush's pledge that he would countenance `no net loss of wetlands,' the Council set out to change the definition of wetlands, taking millions of acres out from under federal protection." Now that he is leaving the House to run for governor of Indiana, McIntosh has slightly softened his stands, but the Federalist Society libertarian may prove the most potent of the gang.
Even McIntosh, however, has had to curb his antigovernment rhetoric, chastened by the realities of constituent demands for government services. As Easton points out, conservatives never really figured out how to cope with Clinton. He may have roused them to new pitches of indignation, but the fervor with which conservatives attacked the president only united the public behind him. Once conservatives began attacking the public as well, they seemed intent on becoming a parody of the New Left, which had decried the immorality of the U.S. Whether it was abortion or Clinton's behavior, the 1960s were seen as culpable for all of America's woes. In 1996, Catholic priest Richard John Neuhaus asked in his journal, First Things, whether "The End of Democracy?" had arrived. Robert Bork and Charles Colson suggested that civil disobedience might be in order to stop abortion. The parallel was completed by the Clinton administration's air war against Serbia; many on the right, with the notable exception of the Weekly Standard, condemned the American bombing of the Serbs and called upon the U.S. to heal itself before it intervened abroad.
The Federalist Society is governed by a board of directors
co-chaired by Steven Calabresi and David McIntosh, both of whom
have strong ultra-conservative credentials. As a Yale law student,
Calabresi founded one of the first Society chapters. Upon
graduation, he went on to:{clerk for both Robert Bork at the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit and for
Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. He also served as a special
assistant to Reagan Attorney General Edwin Meese III and as a
speechwriter for Vice President Dan Quayle.}:
McIntosh followed a similar path, co-founding one of the Society's
first chapters at the University of Chicago law school. McIntosh
also served a stint as a special assistant to Meese and as special
assistant and deputy legal counsel to Quayle. After his 1994
election to the U.S. House of Representatives from Indiana,
McIntosh became a frequent ally of then-House Speaker Newt
Gingrich.[10] McIntosh's congressional voting record was
extremely conservative,exemplified by his July 28, 1995 vote to
prohibit the Environmental Protection Agency from enforcing some
sections of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act.[11]
McIntosh, who chaired a subcommittee on regulatory issues,
confided to one reporter that he was surprised at the public's
support for existing environmental laws.[12]
see fedsoc2 for cite
With offices in 20 cities[4] across the Americas, Europe and Asia, global law firm Mayer Brown has approximately 1,450 lawyers[5] and by revenue is the 19th largest law firm in the world.[6]
The firm advises many Fortune 100, FTSE 100,[7] DAX and Hang Seng Index companies and more than half of the world’s largest banks.[8]
Contents
History[
The three firms that now form the core of Mayer Brown were all founded in the 19th century. The US portion of the firm was founded in 1881 in Chicago, by Adolf Kraus and Levi Mayer, and was shortly thereafter known as Kraus, Mayer & Brackett. After several changes in name to reflect its changing membership the firm eventually became known in the US as Mayer, Brown & Platt. The English portion of the firm, Rowe & Maw, was established in 1895 in London and operated under that name until joining with Mayer, Brown & Platt in 2002 to form Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw. In 2007 the amalgamated firm shortened its name to Mayer Brown. Johnson Stokes & Master|JSM (formerly Johnson Stokes & Master) was formed in 1863 in Hong Kong and is today known as Mayer Brown JSM after merging with Mayer Brown in 2008.
Offices:{:(style="margin-left:-0.25em;margin-right:0.25em"):}:[edit source | edit:{beta:(style="vertical-align:top;padding-left:0.5em;background-image:none !important;display:inline !important"):}::{]}:
The firm has offices in Bangkok, Beijing, Brussels, Charlotte, Chicago, Düsseldorf, Frankfurt, Guangzhou, Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, Hong Kong, Houston, London, Los Angeles, New York, Palo Alto, Paris, Shanghai, Singapore and Washington DC; and, in association with Tauil & Chequer Advogados, offices in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.
References:{:(style="margin-left:-0.25em;margin-right:0.25em"):}:[edit source | edit:{beta:(style="vertical-align:top;padding-left:0.5em;background-image:none !important;display:inline !important"):}::{]}:
- ^ "Chambers and Partners", retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "Gross Revenue: A New Number One", The American Lawyer, retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "The 2012 Global 100: Most Revenue", The American Lawyer, retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "Chambersandpartners.com", retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "Gross Revenue: A New Number One", The American Lawyer, retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "The 2012 Global 100: Most Revenue", The American Lawyer, retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "Hoovers.com", retrieved August 16, 2013.
- ^ "Mayerbrown.com", retrieved August 16, 2013.
External links:{:(style="margin-left:-0.25em;margin-right:0.25em"):}:[edit source | edit:{beta:(style="vertical-align:top;padding-left:0.5em;background-image:none !important;display:inline !important"):}::{]}:
:{Former Congressman David McIntosh focuses his practice on government affairs. His extensive government experience includes stints in both the Reagan and first Bush administrations, as well as service in the US House of Representatives.
David develops a winning strategy for clients who have policy issues before Congress and the Administration. He has worked extensively on environmental issues, particularly climate change legislation, from his time in Congress to today’s cap and trade proposals. In addition, he has worked on NRC and Congressional policy governingnuclear waste issues. He also focuses on preparing clients to respond to Congressional oversight investigations. }:
David has represented clients on Department of Transportation regulatory issues with Senior Administration officials and Congressional leadership. For one major client he preserved their ability to operate internationally by successfully working with the Department and Congress to harmonize cargo regulations with international safety standards. He also has represented one of the largest trucking companies out of Detroit on an international (Canadian – USA) licensing issue. Additionally, he has represented major telecommunications companies promoting internet competition, energy companies on regulatory issues, major healthcare companies on price control and reimbursement issues, and he has coordinated work for a tax coalition working on AMT reform.
During the Reagan administration, he served as special assistant to the Attorney General and as special assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs. During the first Bush administration, he served as executive director of the President's Council on Competitiveness and assistant to the Vice President. He later represented Indiana's second district in the House of Representatives (1995 until January 2001), becoming chairman of the Subcommittee on Regulatory Relief, which had oversight of environmental, labor, and FDA regulations.