Sellars, Duncan Int Frdm Fdn

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Duncan <a id="sellars" name="sellars">Sellars</a> - CNP 1984, 1988; former vice Chairman, International Freedom Foundation [IFF]; director, Council on Southern Africa; Former director, The Conservative Caucus Research Analysis and Education Foundation; Editor African Intelligence Digest;One of the I.F.F.'s less endearing traits is its uncritical support of the white South African government; advisory board, Institute of East-West Dynamics.  SEE: UN Endorsement 54

"...In the late 1980s and early 1990s [Dan] Burton and Republican Senator Jesse Helms worked with the International Freedom Foundation, a Washington-based organization in part clandestinely funded by the South African military to prop up overseas support for apartheid. The goal of the anti-communist group was to gather intelligence on, and discredit, the then-banned African National Congress. Burton and Hatch voted against key 1986 legislation banning trade and investment with South Africa, even when most of their party moved across the floor to support it...It is the height of hypocrisy that Orrin Hatch or Dan Burton would be opposed to anyone breaking sanctions against South Africa," said Salih Booker, who was the Democratic professional staff member of the House foreign affairs subcommittee on Africa in the mid-1980s. He is now executive director of the Africa Policy Information Centre, a non-profit advocacy organization in Washington. Dan Burton called the freedom movement of the ANC a 'terrorist' organization and spent most of the time attacking their leadership, notably Nelson Mandela," Booker said, noting that Burton was the ranking Republican on the Africa subcommittee at the time. "He never had a word against the white supremacists who ruled; he never met with those fighting for freedom, unlike others on the committee, Republicans and Democrats alike...after many of his Republican peers decided to support US trade and investment sanctions against South Africa, Burton remained a stalwart against the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986. So did Hatch. That Bill " which became law by garnering a two-thirds majority to override president Ronald Reagan's veto " outlawed petroleum product exports and imports of South African coal, uranium, iron, steel, textiles, sugar and other agricultural products, and prohibited new investment in South Africa.

"The role of apartheid military intelligence in the International Freedom Foundation surfaced in 1995 when former South African spy Craig Williamson revealed that the former Pretoria regime spent up to $1,5-million a year until 1992 to underwrite "Operation Babushka", as the foundation was known.

"A member of the foundation's international board of directors disclosed that at least half of the foundation's money came from projects undertaken on behalf of South Africa's military intelligence, New York's Newsday reported in 1995 after a three-month investigation. And Colonel John Rolt, a South African army representative, confirmed that "the International Freedom Foundation was a former South African Defense Force project".

"Burton, Helms and other foundation participants, such as former Republican presidential candidate Alan Keyes, denied knowledge of the South African funding link. But Burton was an active participant. In 1987, for example, when Senator Edward Kennedy chaired a study of children in apartheid prisons, the foundation retaliated by sponsoring an investigation into the ANC's treatment of children, The Observer of London reported...

"The International Freedom Foundation [IFF] was created in 1985 by [CNP's] Jack Abramoff, a conservative lobbyist who once represented the late Zairean dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Abramoff and Duncan Sellars, who served as the foundation's chair, were both Burton campaign contributors but denied knowing about the South African funding, according to media reports in 1995.

"Abramoff said the foundation had been funded by hundreds of contributors in the US, Europe and Israel. Apartheid South Africa's last president, FW de Klerk, cut off funding for covert "political" operations in 1992 and the foundation folded in 1994..." 55

IFF functioned as a propaganda arm for South African STRATCOM 56   directed against the African National Congress and the trade union confederation. 57

RE: STRATCOM  "...General Viljoen had personally ordered the attacks on so-called "African National Congress Targets" including the blow up of suspected anti-apartheid activists and critics. As revealed by former spy Craig Williamson from classified State Security Council documents, Viljoen was also responsible for Stratcom (Strategic Communications), a covert organization involved in frame-ups, political assassinations, bombings, torture, covert propaganda and "dirty tricks campaigns"...(Stefaans Brummer, "The Web of Stratcoms", Weekly Mail and Guardian. 24 February 1995)." 58

1992 : "...The Heritage Foundation 59 hasn't changed position on the U.N... There's been a change in the U.N., " says [CNP's] Burton Yale Pines, vice president of the Heritage Foundation and longtime head of the U.N.-baiting U.N. Assessment Project.  "Everything the new Secretary General has done -- the appointment of Governor Thornburgh as Under Secretary General, and the composition of the East European delegations -- means that the U.N. is no longer a forum for world Bolshevism and anti-Americanism," Pines told me...

"Joseph Verner Reed...a former Chase Manhattan vice president, was made Ambassador to Morocco by Reagan in 1981, and now has the job of organizing the U.N.'s fiftieth-anniversary celebrations. Reed has also joined Burton Pines on the executive committee of the Institute of East-West Dynamics, which in its own way encapsulates the new relationship between the U.N. and Washington. A nonprofit organization set up to promote profit, it offers training in free-market economic principles to the "economies in transition" in Eastern Europe. The institute ... secured an initial $250,000 grant from the United Nations Development Program, having been referred there by the State Department.

U.N.D.P. is the world's largest miltilateral development grant aid agency, .... this description in Barron's magazine by Christopher Whalen: "The so-called United Nations Development Programme seeks `development approaches that are ecologically sound, self-sustaining and equitable in their distribution of resources and opportunities,' meaning socialist by design and directed from the top down." Whalen, who works for The Whalen Company, a consulting firm, added, "A large number of senior UN officials are European Socialists, who still believe, despite the overwhelming weight of evidence to the contrary, that centralized economic control is getting a bum rap."

Whalen's blast might seem a bit ungrateful, given that his father, Richard Whalen, the head of The Whalen Company, is on the board of advisers of the Institute of East-West Dynamics. Father and son are listed as "public policy experts" by the Heritage Foundation.

The current sweetheart relationship between Heritage and the U.N. began last October, when a group of conservative Congressmen wrote to John Bolton, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, pointing out what sterling work the the Institute of East-West Dynamics is doing: "This private voluntary organization, with which you are familiar, is, in our opinion, at least as worthy a recipient of such funds as any other such U.N.-affiliated organizations." They asked him to grant the institute $2 million.

Bolton, an Ed Meese [CNP] disciple who led the campaign to withdraw U.S. membership from UNESCO, had no problem with the request...he congratulated U.N.D.P.'s administrator William Draper 3d for making the "initial contribution" of $250,000 to the institute...The key figure in all this is the president of the Institute of East-West Dynamics, Pedro Sanjuan, an American who has retired as Director of Political Affairs for the U.N. A former director of the conservative American Enterprise Institute's Hemispheric Center 60, Sanjuan was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Insular Affairs by Reagan, after which he was given a job at the U.N. during Jeane Kirkpatrick's memorable time as U.S. ambassador...

"...he spent a lot of time in Washington, allegedly putting out fires with the Heritage Foundation, for [former Secretary General] Perez de Cuellar," adding, however, "it's funny, he always seemed to have a can of kerosene and a box of matches when he went." Sanjuan fulfills the almost obligatory qualification of disparaging U.N.D.P., which, he says in a recent article for the International Freedom Foundation journal laissez-faire, "seems to be a falling prey to the predominance of ideology over pragmatism." Sanjuan, a charming and plausible person, steered a resolution through the General Assembly of the U.N. last October that endorsed the work of the Institute of East-West Dynamics. He persuaded Eastern Europeans to propose it, and it passed without a vote...at the end of February Pedro Sanjuan retired from the U.N. -- and for many months the address and phone number for the Institute of East-West Dynamics had been his home in Westchester County, New York. When the organization is up and running he expects to be paid $85,000 a year for his services...

"...chairman of the institute is the Democrat Angier Biddle Duke, who was U.S. Ambassaor to El Salvador at a time when the United States was not noted for its restraining influence on the death squads. Duke was a member of PRODEMCA, which, The Washington Post reported in 1986, funded contra-associated groups in Nicaragua and helped pay for ads supporting Reagan's bid to fund military and "nonlethal" aid to the contras...on the advisory board is [CNP's]Duncan Sellars, chairman of the International Freedom Foundation...Sellars told The Nation, "The institute will fill a gap the U.N. has not filled hitherto. It will teach market methods, market economics. It's good to see groups like Pedro's channeling the U.N. in the right direction, especially if it takes funds that would otherwise be used to support traditional U.N.D.P. policies. U.N.D.P. does promote the third way,' mixed economies. I don't think Pedro would, and I certainly wouldn't countenance that. The institute will balance that third way' approach...On March 8 the institute, with its new badge of respectability, co-sponsored with the Heritage Foundation a conference at the U.N. to advise the new Baltic delegations on how they could best use the U.N. Billed as speakers were Duke, Sanjuan, and Burton Yale Pines....A session on how to use the media was addressed by Amity Shlaes, who wrote an article last October inThe Wall Street Journal attacking U.N.D.P. because its budget "largely ignores East Europe's economic progress." She ended her speech by quoting Christopher Gacek, who at the time watched the U.N. for the Heritage Foundation but is currently with the American Enterprise Institute 61: "The danger now is that the U.N. is a rudderless place, and that it will remain rudderless." Gacek is also on the advisory board of the Institute of East-West Dynamics..." 62

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41 From the transcript for “African Dictatorships and Double Standards: Where is the International Criticism Over US-Allied Equatorial Guinean Leader Teodoro Obiang?”, audio, video, and full transcript are at the link:

JUAN GONZALEZ: And, Ken Silverstein, can you talk to us about the role of Charlie Black, a chief adviser to John McCain, in terms of his role in Equatorial Guinea?

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, his firm had the account for Equatorial Guinea. I confess I don’t recall what Charlie Black’s own role was. I remember that there was a woman named Riva Levinson who did a lot of work on behalf of Equatorial Guinea, and she was affiliated with that firm, but I think the client actually at the time was an oil company called Trident, which was subsequently bought up, but which had a big stake in Equatorial Guinea. So she was lobbying for the oil companies there. And then Riva Levinson went on to lobby for Ahmed Chalabi, as it turned out, and the Iraqi National Congress.

But Charlie Black’s firm – Black, Manafort – it’s had various names over the years, but it has always represented some of the world’s worst dictators. It represented Mobutu in Zaire, Marcos in the Philippines, Jonas Savimbi in Angola, and it did represent at one point directly Equatorial Guinea, as well. There was a piece in Spy magazine many, many years ago in the 1980s, which was called “Voices of the Damned,” and it was about sort of the most unethical foreign lobbyists, and Charlie Black’s firm was rated the worst of the worst. I mean, you know, it had – Spy magazine used this sort of “bloody hand” ranking, and I think Charlie Black’s firm had “four bloody hand” ranking, which was the highest of any of the firms. I mean, and that included, you know – I mean, he outdid someone like Edward von Kloberg, who had represented Saddam Hussein and Ceausescu in Romania and a number of other really horrible regimes. So the fact that Black, Manafort still took the prize really says something.

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42 The following is a transcript of “Fooled on the Hill: How some die-hard Cold Warriors and a Belgian con artist tried to change U.S. policy in Africa”, by David Aronson and David Kamp:

FOOLED ON THE HILL

How some die-hard Cold Warriors and a Belgian con artist tried to change U.S. policy in Africa

BY DAVID ARONSON AND DAVID KAMP

Judging from the scene in the stands, we could have been watching a brawl from the Turin-Liverpool match in the 1985 Cup of Champions, or a tilt-screen sequence from the old Batman series, or almost anything except a group of foreign dignitaries attending the inauguration last spring of the president of a new nation. But that’s what it was. On the playing field, with grace and dignity, Sam Nujoma, leader of the South-West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO), was being sworn in as independent Namibia’s first president. But up in the reviewing stand, elbows were flying like mad. One witness saw Angola’s president José Eduardo dos Santos, “pummeling somebody else’s security guard,” and James Baker, the U.S. secretary of State, eluding a haymaker coming from the direction of the president of Zaire. The Namibians, not yet accustomed to this ceremony, had not provided enough seats in their stadium to accommodate both the visiting dignitaries and their bodyguards; a mad scramble for space quickly devolved into an every-VIP-for-himself melee.

Baker avoided damage; had Senator Jesse Helms been in Baker’s shoes, the escape might not have been so complete. Four months earlier Helms and his right-wing allies had managed to put the United States in the position of disapproving Namibian independence by sneaking a rider to a budget bill through Congress. The rider authorized the president to halt U.S. funding for a United Nations team, called UNTAG, that was overseeing Namibia’s peaceful, carefully negotiated secession from South Africa. As we shall see, the basis of Helms’s legislative gambit was bogus, a fabrication that might have been revealed had Congress administered some rudimentary tests before enacting the bill into law. But no tests were administered, and four months later Jim Baker was in Windhoek, bobbing and weaving, trying to convey the message Hey, Namibia – nothing personal.

Helms, like most of Capitol Hill’s extreme conservatives, never wanted an independent Namibia, a country whose dominant party (SWAPO) is aligned with Moscow. Neither do Helms and his ilk hold much affection for Namibia’s friendly neighbor, Angola, whose Marxist government is backed by Cuba and is fighting a civil war against Jonas Savimbi’s U.S.-supported UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) guerillas. In December 1988, Angola, Cuba and South Africa signed an agreement in which Cuba promised to withdraw its troops from Angola by mid-1991 and South Africa agreed to allow Namibia’s independence. This deal was not universally approved; Duncan Sellars, chairman of the conservative International Freedom Foundation (IFF) in Washington, says that after the agreement was signed, right-wingers thought of it as “a sellout of [South Africa-controlled] Namibia and a sellout of UNITA.”

Helms and a platoon of right-wing operatives (the lobbyists at Black, Manafort, Stone & Kelly, who represent UNITA, and the think-tankers at the Heritage Foundation and the IFF) coalesced around a piece of legislation – the rider on the budget bill – that would have given President Bush an excuse for withholding Washington’s funding for the UN team in Namibia if any evidence was found that the Cubans were using chemical weapons to support their Marxist pals in Angola. In other words, the bill said that if the Commies misbehaved in Angola, we wouldn’t help pay for Namibia’s transition to independence.

The idea for the bill was born during a trip to Angola in March 1989 by Michael Johns, the Heritage Foundation’s policy analyst for African affairs. There he met Andries Holst, a West German who claimed to be filming a documentary about Cuba’s use of chemical weapons in Angola. Johns brought Holst to Washington, where the German filmmaker was introduced to Helms, State Department officials, lobbyists and other conservatives likely to be moved by his footage, which purported to show the horrors of chemical warfare.

For whatever reason, Holst did not impress, and Helms’s bill foundered. To salvage the effort, the IFF’s Duncan Sellars refocused attention on a scientific report Holst had commissioned from Aubin Heyndrickx, a toxicologist from the University for Ghent in Belgium, which substantiated Holst’s claims. In July, Sellars brought Heyndrickx to Washington to tour the same conservative network Holst had earlier traveled. The difference: Heyndrickx’s opinions carried the heft and credibility of science.

While Heyndrickx held forth, Helms rallied his allies on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to lash the rider to a vital appropriations bill and Black, Manafort’s lobbyists hit the Hill. And son of a gun, with the boost Heyndrickx provided, the plan worked: on November 21, George Bush put his signature on a bill containing the Cuban-chemical-warfare provision.

But what might look like a model of parliamentary maneuvering is more likely an instance of ultraconservative fraud. For as it turns out, Holst is an impostor with no serious journalistic or filmmaking credentials, and Heyndrickx, on whose reports the rider was entirely predicated, is a publicity-seeking showboat. Heyndrickx has visited war zones around the world – Cambodia, Afghanistan, Iran – in search of evidence of chemical warfare and has tended to find it or not depending on who was supplying his funding. He once argued that one of his clients, the Iranian Army, had not used chemical weapons against the Iraqis because “the gases are not in the Koran.”

Heyndrickx’s examination of Holst’s bomb fragments and environmental samples showed that chemical weapons were used. Other chemical-weapons experts – one is tempted to say realchemical-weapons experts – disagree. Finland’s Marjatta Rautio, who is perhaps the world’s preeminent expert in this field, examined Heyndrickx’s data and reports. “I don’t see the connection between the results and the conclusions,” she says. Julian Perry Robinson, senior researcher at the University of Sussex, doubts Heyndrickx’s descriptions of the victims’ medical conditions. And André De Leenheer, Heyndrickx’s overseer at Ghent, is frankly contemptuous. “I’ve been studying everything in detail that has been written,” De Leenheer says of Heyndrickx’s findings. “It’s a real joke.” De Leenheer says he would kick out any student who handed in a similar report.

Heyndrickx does have a champion or two in the scientific community, including Dr. Clair Paley, a British toxicology expert. And according to Duncan Sellars, “The Soviets said his clinical analysis was incredibly accurate…But it’s not a result of a chemical bomb per se; it’s a firebomb.” As it turns out, Sellars’s source for what the Soviets said about Heyndrickx is – Heyndrickx! But curiously, an account of the meeting between Heyndrickx and the Soviet scientists that appeared inTass indicates that it was not Soviet scientists but – yes! – Heyndrickxhimself who suggested that the residue came from a firebomb.

The question arises, how were Washington’s conservatives so sure that Heyndrickx’s work was scientifically sound? Riva Levinson, one of Black, Manafort’s people on the UNITA account, says she cannot personally vouch for the Heyndrickx report. “All I can tell you,” she says, “is that I am not a technical expert on this issue and that other people are, whom I listen to.” She referred us to Margaret Calhoun, a freelance lobbyist who worked for Black, Manafort and UNITA on the Hill last summer. Calhoun shares Levinson’s ignorance of science (“When you talk about chemical formulas, my eyes glaze over”) but says that she checked Heyndrickx out. “Duncan’s probably more of a technical expert in this,” she says. “You should talk to Duncan.”

We did. Sellars told us he had hired no one to check out Heyndrickx’s bomb-site samples but Heyndrickx himself had sent them to the State Department and other agencies. Helms’s aides at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee say that they too relied on the State Department’s analysis of Heyndrickx’s findings. So we asked the State Department whether it could vouch for the report. Gary Crocker, a State Department intelligence officer with expertise in chemical warfare, indicated that the department’s tests for evidence of chemical contamination in Heyndrickx’s samples were negative. In other words, this significant piece of legislation was passed with no credible substantiation whatsoever.

Like the lobbyists, UNITA can’t really say how or whether it confirmed Heyndrickx’s findings. Helder Mondabe, UNITA’s man in Washington, told us he had visited a “university of chemical warfare” in Switzerland to discuss Heyndrickx’s work, but he could not remember the name or location of the university. We called the military attaché to the Swiss embassy in Paris for help; he said that no such university exists, that no such studies are undertaken at any of the Swiss universities. When we called Mondabe a week later to see whether he’d remembered the name of the university, he said no, he still didn’t remember, and Hey, do you guys really have to mention the Swiss university in your article?

Duncan Sellars remains unfazed by his star witness’s impeached authority. “The questions raised have bee arguments attempting to attack his personal credibility,” he says stalwartly. Fortunately, the State Department has wised up. Is Heyndrickx a charlatan? “I have no doubt about that,” says Gary Crocker. “That’s for sure.” But a year ago the findings of an easily debunked professor were regarded as gospel by gullible policymakers, a mistake that could be rectified only by dispatching Jim Baker to Windhoek, just to show the Namibians that we were sorry we had been such soreheards about their independence.

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The piece featuring Aubin Heyndrickx from the time of the Iraq war is the following, “In Iraq chemical arms trial, scientists face many burdens of proof”:

For 18 years, Dr. Aubin Heyndrickx has tended the sealed jars containing strands of hair and scraps of clothing he gathered from a dead woman’s body. Collected in Halabja, one of many Kurdish towns in northern Iraq that were attacked with chemical weapons by Saddam Hussein’s army in 1988, they have sat in a blue plastic drum in his lab ever since, waiting.

Now, as prosecutors prepare to try Saddam in Baghdad for genocide against the Kurds, Heyndrickx would like the material to be analyzed. “May I insist these proofs are mentioned at the trial?” the doctor asks.

He is one of a small group of doctors, scientists and Middle East experts who have studied chemical weapons use by Iraq against its Kurdish citizens in the 1980s. Now, they are dusting off evidence and attempting to collect new data in an effort to define the scope of a distant tragedy that is only now to come under scrutiny in court.

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Near the very end is a brief reference to his maverick quality:

Because of the lack of hard data and the imprecise testing there is some disagreement about how many people were affected and what chemical compounds were used.

Heyndrickx, somewhat of a maverick in the field, believes that the Iraqi Army also used cyanide and biological toxins, although most other scientists disagree.

Still, he was one of the few Western experts on the ground in Halabja just after the attack, and the samples in his lab – particularly the clothing – could still provide valuable clues if they were properly sealed and stored, Hay said.

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43 From the profile for Marc Thiessen at the American Enterprise Institute; I boldface his experience at BMS&K:

Experience

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<li>Columnist, Washington Post, 2010-present</li>

<li>Cofounder, Oval Office Writers, 2009-present</li>

<li>Visiting Fellow, Hoover Institution, 2009-2010</li>

<li>Senior Speechwriter, Deputy Director of Speechwriting, Chief Speechwriter for President George W. Bush, the White House, 2004-2009</li>

<li>Chief Speechwriter for Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Department of Defense, 2001-2004</li>

<li>Spokesman and Senior Policy Adviser to Senator Jesse Helms, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 1995-2001</li>

<li>Press Secretary, Huffington for Senate Campaign, 1994</li>

<li>Assistant to the President, Empower America, 1993-94</li>

<li>Researcher and Deputy Communication Director, Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, 1989-93</li>

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The Institute of East-West Dynamics was established in 1991 to provide training in free-market principles to the transitional economies of Eastern Europe. Also in 1991, John Bolton, who was never known for his appreciation of the United Nations, "recommended that the United Nations Development Program provide a $2 million grant to the Institute of East-West Dynamics ".<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">[1]<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;" />

<h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 19.2000007629395px; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Principals</h2>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Angier Biddle Duke<span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> – member of Nicaraguan contra organization PRODEMCA</li>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Duncan Sellars<span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;" /></li>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Peter Lazes<span style="text-decoration: none; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> – Advisory Board (1991–2000)<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">[2]<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;" /></li>

</ul>

<h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0.6em; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.17em; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 19.2000007629395px; background-image: none; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">External Resources</h2>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;">United Nations, "<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">General Assembly resolution: Contribution of the Institute of East-West Dynamics to programmes and activities to promote peace in the world<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">", October 31, 1991.</li>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;">Ian Williams, <span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">Why the Right Loves the U.N.<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">", <i style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">The Nation<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">, Volume: 254 • Issue #14, April 13, 1992.</li>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;">Tom Barry, "<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">John Bolton's Baggage<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">", <i style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">CounterPunch<span style="text-decoration: none; padding-right: 13px; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background-image: url(data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAoAAAAKCAYAAACNMs+9AAAAVElEQVR42n3PgQkAIAhEUXdqJ3dqJ3e6IoTPUSQcgj4EQ5IlUiLE0Jil3PECXhcHGBhZ8kg4hwxAu3MZeCGeyFnAXp4hqNQPnt7QL0nADpD6wHccLvnAKksq8iiaAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC); background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat;">, March 14, 2005.</li>

</ul>

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<table><tbody><tr><td bgcolor="F0F0F0">Angier Biddle Duke

Born: 30-Nov-1915

Birthplace: New York City

Died: 29-Apr-1995

Location of death: Southampton, NY

Cause of death: Accident - Automobile [1]

Gender: Male

Religion: Anglican/Episcopalian

Race or Ethnicity: White

Sexual orientation: Straight

Occupation: Diplomat

Nationality: United States

Executive summary: US Ambassador to Spain, 1965-68

Duke's maternal grandfather helped found the American Tobacco Co.

[1] Hit by a car while rollerblading. See Richard Severo, "Angier Biddle Duke, 79, an Ambassador And Scion of Tobacco Family, Has Died", The New York Times, 1 May 1995. The original obituary gave his death as Sunday, the 30th, the newspaper issuing a correction the following day.

Father: Angier Buchanan Duke (b. 1884, d. 1923)

Mother: Cordelia Biddle (sister of Anthony J. Drexel Biddle, Jr.)

Brother: Anthony Drexel Duke (b. 1918)

Wife: Robin Chandler Duke (b. 13-Oct-1923)

Son: Angier Biddle Duke, Jr. (reporter, b. circa 1963)

Administrator: Chancellor, Long Island University, Southampton

US Ambassador to Morocco (1979-81)

US Ambassador to Denmark (1968-69)

US Chief of Protocol (1968)

US Ambassador to Spain (1965-68)

US Chief of Protocol (1961-65)

US Ambassador to El Salvador (1952-53)

Council on Foreign Relations

Duke Family

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<h1 style="margin: 0px 0px 19px; line-height: 1.083em; font-family: georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif;">Angier Biddle Duke, 79, an Ambassador And Scion of Tobacco Family, Has Died</h1>

<div class="byline" style="font-family: arial, helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.2em;">By RICHARD SEVERO</div>

<div class="articleBody" style="margin-top: 15px; margin-bottom: 17px; font-family: georgia, 'times new roman', times, serif; line-height: 15px;">Correction Appended</div><div class="articleBody" style="margin-top: 15px; margin-bottom: 17px; line-height: 15px;">

Angier Biddle Duke, scion of two aristocratic American families who served as Ambassador to El Salvador, Denmark, Spain and Morocco and who was chief of protocol for two Presidents, died yesterday near his home in Southampton, L.I., after being struck by a car while Rollerblading.

He was 79. Mr. Duke's brother, Anthony, said that no charges had been filed against the driver.

After he retired from the diplomatic service in 1981, Mr. Duke served for many years as the $1-a-year chancellor of the Southampton Center of Long Island University.

More recently, he served as chairman of Friends of the Democratic Center in Central America, a Washington-based group supporting the rebels against Nicaragua's Marxist Government. And in 1992, he was elected president of the Council of American Ambassadors, an organization of those who served as envoys.

Mr. Duke, whose father was Angier Buchanan Duke, was heir to part of the fortune from the American Tobacco Company, which was founded in 1890 by his great-uncle James Buchanan Duke. Angier Biddle Duke was the grandson of Benjamin N. Duke, who with his brother, James, heavily endowed Trinity College in Durham, N.C. The college later changed its name to Duke University.

Mr. Duke's mother was Cordelia Drexel Biddle of Philadelphia, a writer. His family thus expected much of him, but his early years were not auspicious.

Born in New York City on Nov. 30, 1915, Mr. Duke was educated at St. Paul's School in Concord, N.H., and entered Yale in 1934. But he dropped out in 1936.

He married Priscilla St. George of Tuxedo Park, N.Y., in 1937 and set off on a round-the-world honeymoon. The couple settled in Tuxedo Park, and he worked in New York as skiing editor for a sports magazine. Their marriage ended in divorce three years later.

By the end of the 1930's, he was better known for his social standing and social excesses than for his industry. He was arrested several times for driving too fast in New York and New Jersey. Fast driving, sometimes after having consumed a considerable quantity of alcohol, was a problem that would recur for many years. He got at least one suspended jail sentence, and in the summer of 1939, his driver's license was revoked by New York State.

Mr. Duke said he became more serious after the United States was caught up in World War II. He served as an Air Force officer in North Africa and Europe and saw war's ravages first-hand, including the survivors of Nazi concentration camps. He was discharged with the rank of major.

In 1949, A. Stanton Griffis, an investment banker who was the newly appointed Ambassador to Argentina, asked Mr. Duke if he would like to become an assistant in Buenos Aires. Mr. Griffis knew that Mr. Duke spoke Spanish and thought he would help in shouldering the burden for the embassy's social functions. Two years later, when Mr. Griffis was posted to Madrid, Mr. Duke was asked to go along.

If the job had come Mr. Duke's way because of his connections, he did not take it for granted. His work was such that in 1952, President Harry S. Truman appointed him Ambassador to El Salvador. At the age of 36, he was then the youngest person ever to hold such a post in the nation's history.

Mr. Duke's friends said he worked even harder in San Salvador than he had in Buenos Aires. Reviewing his performance, one El Salvadoran newspaperman said in 1953 that Mr. Duke had "dedicated more sewers, slaughterhouses and clinics than half a dozen politicians."

Mr. Duke also converted to Roman Catholicism and married his third wife, Maria-Luisa de Aranal of Spain, in 1952. His second marriage, to Margaret Screven White, had failed earlier that year.

Originally a Republican, Mr. Duke had switched and become an active worker for Democratic causes in the late 1940's.

He held no ambassadorship during the Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953 through 1960 but looked after his own business interests and worked for the Democratic Party's national causes. He also became deeply involved with the International Rescue Committee, a group devoted to assisting refugees and other victims of political upheavals. He went to Europe in 1956 to help refugees of the Hungarian Revolution. In 1960, President-elect John F. Kennedy, a personal friend, invited him to be his chief of protocol. The new President also granted him the personal rank of ambassador, the first chief of protocol ever to have this rank.

Mr. Duke won plaudits from the diplomatic community for his efficiency and for his seriousness of purpose. He used his office to help nonwhite diplomats find housing. In 1961, he resigned from the Metropolitan Club of Washington after it refused to admit black diplomats.

But those years were not without difficulty for him. In 1961, his wife was killed when a small chartered plane in which she was a passenger crashed in Jackson Heights, Queens. She had been returning to their home in Southampton from a diplomatic function.

Mr. Duke was married a fourth time, the next year, to Robin Chandler Lynn.

In 1963, he supervised the protocol for world leaders who attended the funeral of President Kennedy. In addition, Jacqueline Kennedy asked him to compile accounts of the funerals of Washington, Lincoln, Grant, Theodore Roosevelt, Warren G. Harding and Edward VII of England. He hurriedly mobilized a research staff of seven to do the job.

In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson sent him to Spain as Ambassador. In 1966, a B-52 was involved in a collision and accidentally dropped four unarmed hydrogen bombs of 25 megatons each in the Mediterranean Sea near Palomares, Spain. The bombs, none of which exploded, had a total of 5,000 times the power of the bomb that had destroyed Hiroshima.

There were fears that the sea might be contaminated with radioactivity, and Spanish tourism seemed headed for a poor season. Mr. Duke, joined by Manuel Fraga Iribane, Spain's Minister of Information, went swimming in the cold water of March to prove to the world that everything was normal. All the bombs were eventually recovered.

At the end of 1967, Mr. Duke left his ambassadorial post, then served briefly as Johnson's chief of protocol.

He then held two final ambassadorships, one to Denmark in 1968-69 and the other to Morocco in 1979-81. In between, he served in a number of positions, including New York City's Commissioner of Civic Affairs and Public Events, a $1-a-year post to which he was appointed by Mayor Abraham D. Beame. In it, he ran a staff of 17 with a budget of nearly $360,000 a year. He resigned in 1976 to work for Jimmy Carter's campaign for the Presidency.

In 1981, when Mr. Duke retired from the United States Foreign Service, he received the first Hans J. Morgenthau Award for his "exemplary foreign policy contributions to the United States." Former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger praised him, and Francis H. Kellogg, a chairman of the event, said Mr. Duke was "the subject of superstition and legend, leaving a sparkling trail millions of miles long."

Survivors include a daughter, Maria-Luisa Cluett of Big Sur, Calif.; three sons, A. St. George Biddle Duke of Absarokee, Mont., Dario Duke of San Jose, Costa Rica, and Angier Biddle Duke Jr. of Buenos Aires; a stepson, Jeffrey Lynn of Southampton, L.I.; a stepdaughter, Letitia Valiunas of Charleston, S.C.; his brother Anthony Duke, of Old Brookville, L.I., and five grandchildren.

The funeral will be at 5 p.m. on Wednesday at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, on Amsterdam Avenue at 112th Street.

Photo: Angier Biddle Duke (The New York Times, 1974)

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hmmn madsen

Jack Abramoff's past as a South African spy

Posted in the database on Sunday, January 22nd, 2006 @ 09:31:20 MST (2587 views)

by Wayne Madsen    The Wayne Madsen Report

According to South African intelligence sources, convicted GOP lobbyist Jack Abramoff was a long-time intelligence asset for South Africa's apartheid era security services. The revelations from South Africa help to explain Abramoff's connections to white supremacists who use Confederate heritage organizations to mask their true agendas.

Abramoff's files from his days as a South African agent emerge: Details of his ties to anti-black, racist groups like World Church of the Creator (insignia on far right -- where have we seen that logo before?) and South African propaganda operations -- Babushka and Longreach -- provided exclusively to WMR. From left to right: Abramoff, Williamson, Leon, and Crystal.

In 1985, Abramoff launched the International Freedom Foundation (IFF) in Washington. In fact, IFF was a front for South African military intelligence, code named Pacman, and a major front for South Africa's international propaganda efforts. The IFF was a joint project of Russel Crystal, currently a Democratic Alliance official in South Africa, and a former apartheid South Africa top spy, Craig Williamson. According to South African intelligence sources, Abramoff was first recruited by Crystal and Williamson during 1979 and 1980. Crystal and Williamson were both paid agents of the Apartheid Security Police (SAP (V)). Money paid to Abramoff initially came from SAP(V) accounts. South African intelligence files also show:

Abramoff’s take-over of the College Republicans National Committee (CRNC) in Washington, DC was directed by both Crystal and Williamson and similarly funded. In fact, Abramoff was mentored by them, being trained as a political operator, apartheid style -- the emphasis was on carrying out political dirty tricks with non-attribution through fronts, screens, and dupes.

Before Crystal worked for SAP(V) as a right-wing student agitator at Wits University in Johannesburg, he was suspected of being an employee of the Bureau of State Security (BOSS), the apartheid spy agency responsible for foreign operations, including hit squad work, disinformation, and bombings. By the time of the establishment of National Students Federation (Crystal was its leader at Wits, Williamson having been exposed as an SAP(V) spy after arrests of anti-apartheid students in the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS)). A question arises as apartheid monies paid to Abramoff came from the specific account of the sections employing Crystal -- this indicates that Abramoff received foreign intelligence service money from BOSS. This was certainly the case when Abramoff's benefactors were in SAP(V) and later, when they left to join Military Intelligence (MI), which became the pre-eminent apartheid intelligence service after the rise of former defence minister P.W. Botha to the Presidency. It is clear that Abramoff received SAP(V) and MI monies for services rendered. Abramoff visited South Africa in 1983 to forge links between Crystal's National Students Federation (NSF) and Abramoff's CRNC.

Abramoff projects with IFF included provision of U.S. armaments to Southern Africa, including Stinger missiles to UNITA in Angola and the apartheid military; stopping the Congressional Comprehensive Anti Apartheid Act and lobbying for Reagan’s veto (this was the only Reagan veto overturned by Congress). As par of South African intelligence's Operation Babushka, Abramoff helped monitor anti-apartheid lobby in USA: Randall Robinson of TransAfrica was a major target as was Coretta Scott King and Jesse Jackson.

Abramoff also hooked IFF up with some representatives of the U.S.-based World Church of the Creator – a white supremacist, neo-Nazi group, which had a branch in South Africa.

The Democratic Alliance in South Africa is the official opposition to the African National Congress. Its leader is Tony Leon, a colleague of Crystal and Williamson at Wits University who bankrolled him in his student election campaigns as they did Abramoff in CRNC. They then financed Leon's year-long visit to the U.S. to teach law. Abramoff administered all of Leon’s U.S. arrangements. Abramoff worked on behalf of the DA and Leon in Washington, DC and New York City.

Abramoff, schooled in the SAP(V) front-tactics worked through an American named Duncan Sellars, who was also connected with Crystal on the Ninth floor, Noswell Hall, in Johannesburg, across the road from Wits University. Abramoff visited Noswell Hall on a number of occasions. Sellars was chairman of the IFF in 1993.

The Abramoff-Crystal anti-communist camp in Angola was an MI project designed to frustrate Chester Crocker’s diplomatic initiative under Secretary of State George Shultz to get the apartheid forces out of Namibia and the Cubans out of Angola.

Williamson applied and received amnesty for a number of his apartheid-era crimes (killings [including Ruth First, the wife of South African Communist Party leader Joe Slovo], bombings, maimings – including children), Crystal did not apply or appear before the Truth & Reconciliation Commission. Crystal was more than “politically tied” to Williamson -- he was also “operationally tied” as was Abramoff, though Sellars and Crystal were often merely cut-outs. The letter bombing fatalities of anti-apartheid activists in Angola and Mozambique are said to have been made by another Crystal-Abramoff confidant, John Adams. Crystal-Abramoff-Williamson are reportedly responsible for compiling the hit-lists

Abramoff introduced Williamson to Grover Norquist and they became friends. This relationship assisted South African intelligence's Operations Longreach and Babushka, essentially pro-apartheid influence operations in DC. One propaganda operation was Abramoff's movie Red Scorpion, based on UNITA guerrilla leader Jonas Savimbi, a movie for which South Africa provided military equipment, vehicles, and extras.

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