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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">4/17 main blank</font><div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">619 change name to avoid tag fail
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div>no pix</div><div>A Night at the Federalist Society Birthday Bash</div><div>By LAURIE LIN</div><div>on November 16, 2007&nbsp;</div><div>Alex Kozinski David Lat.jpg</div><div>
</div><div>We now yield the floor to Laurie Lin. Who better to report on one of the year’s biggest social events than the writer of Legal Eagle Wedding Watch? Over to you, Laurie.</div><div></div><div><b><u>Ambition and Old Spice wafted sweetly through the air last night at the Federalist Society’s 25th Anniversary Gala at Union Station </u></b>— a kind of right-wing Golden Globes. Nearly two thousand G-ed up conservative lawyers packed the main hall to hear President George W. Bush blast the Senate on judicial confirmations:</div><div>
</div><div>“Today, good men and women nominated to the federal bench are finding that inside the Beltway, too many interpret ‘advise and consent’ to mean ‘search and destroy,'” Bush said.</div><div>
</div><div><b>Tickets to the black-tie affair were $250 — actually $249, because there was a new $1 Madison coin at every place setting — but that was a small price to pay to breathe the same oxygen as Ted Olson, Antonin Scalia, and Laura Ingraham.</b></div><div>More on the conservative legal fabulosity — including pictures of the people who didn’t hide when they saw us coming — after the jump.</div><div>From ABOVE THE LAW</div><div>Will Consovoy Dick Wiley.jpg</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Will Consovoy, a Clarence Thomas clerk-in-waiting, and Dick Wiley of Wiley Rein.</span></div><div>Hayley Reynolds.jpg</div><div>Hayley Reynolds, currently beautifying the Department of Justice front office.</div><div>Kevin Newsom Marc Ayers.jpg</div><div>Birminghamsters Kevin Newsom and Marc Ayers of Bradley Arant.</div><div>David Lauren Petron Nathan Sales.jpg</div><div>David Petron of Sidley Austin, DHS Deputy Assistant Secretary Nathan Sales, and<b> Lauren Petron, Judiciary Committee Staffer to Senator Sam Brownback.</b></div><div>Elbert Lin William Pryor.jpg</div><div>Mr. LEWW and <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">11th Circuit superstar Judge William H. Pryor Jr., who got a presidential shout-out last night from the man who appointed him.</span></div><div>The intense networking and vast right-wing conspiring were punctuated by speeches from familiar conservative luminaries. <b>Clarence Thomas and Ed Meese were crowd favorites, but our favorite SCOTUS mind candy was Sam Alito </b>— lean, self-deprecating, and totally at ease. The junior-est Justice left us wanting more!</div><div>And finally, because you can’t have too much of the #1 male superhottie of the federal judiciary:</div><div>Alex Kozinski Eugene Volokh.jpg</div><div>The Koz with<b> UCLA law prof Eugene Volokh </b>(who, by the way, was fantastically gracious about ATL’s narrow victory over the Volokh Conspiracy in the 2007 Weblog Awards).</div><div>=</div><div>
</div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">jane mayer che</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...<b style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">More controversial still were Law and Economics seminars that the Olin foundation funded for judges. The seminars were initiated by Henry Manne</b><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" background-color="background-color" rgb="rgb">, who had become dean of the George Mason University School of Law, which he was trying to transform into a hub of libertarian jurisprudence. The seminars treated judges to two-week-long, all-expenses-paid immersion training in Law and Economics, usually in luxurious settings like the Ocean Reef Club in Key Largo, Fla. They soon became popular free vacations for the judges, a cross between Maoist cultural re-education camps and Club Med. After a few hours of learning why environmental and labor laws were anathema, or why, as Manne argued, insider-trading laws did more harm than good, the judges broke for golf, swimming, and delightful dinners with their hosts. Within a few years, 660 judges had gone on these junkets, some, like the U.S. Court of Appeals judge and unconfirmed Supreme Court nominee Douglas Ginsburg, many times. By one count, 40 percent of the federal judiciary had participated, including the future Supreme Court justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Clarence Thomas.</span></font></div><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">A variety of major corporations eagerly joined Olin and other conservative foundations in footing the bills. A study by the nonpartisan Center for Public Integrity found that </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b style="">between 2008 and 2012 close to 185 federal judges attended judicial seminars sponsored by conservative interests, several of which had cases before the courts. </b>The lead underwriters were the Charles Koch Foundation, the Searle Freedom Trust, ExxonMobil, Shell Oil, the pharmaceutical giant Pfizer, and State Farm, the insurance company. Topics ranged from "The Moral Foundations of Capitalism" to "Terrorism, Climate, and Central Planning: Challenges to Liberty and the Rule of Law."</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4" style=""><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 153, 102);">Simultaneously, the Olin foundation provided crucial start-up funds for th<b>e Federalist Society</b></span><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">,</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> an organization for conservative law students founded in 1982. With $5.5 million from the Olin foundation, as well as large donations from foundations tied to Scaife, the Kochs, and other conservative legacies, t</span><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">he Federalist Society grew from a pipe dream shared by three ragtag law students into a powerful professional network of 42,000 right-leaning lawyers, with 150 law-school campus chapters and about 75 lawyers' groups nationally</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">. </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 153, 102);">All of the conservative justices on the Supreme Court are members, as are former vice president<b> Dick Cheney, </b>the former attorneys general Edwin Meese and John Ashcroft, and numerous members of the federal bench. Its president, Eugene B. Meyer, son of a founding editor of National Review, acknowledged that without Olin funding "it possibly wouldn't exist at all." Looking back, the Olin foundation's staff described it as "one of the best investments" the foundation ever made.</span></font></p><p style="margin-top: 8px; margin-bottom: 8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>The Olin foundation also backed what came to be known as the Collegiate Network</b>, privately financing a string of right-wing newspapers on America's college campuses. Among them was The Dartmouth Review, which infamously published an editorial in Ebonics proclaiming, "Now we be cornin' to Dartmut' and be up over our 'fros in studies, but we still be not graduatin' Phi Beta Kappa." The paper hosted a feast of lobster and champagne to mock a student fast against global hunger, sledge-hammered shantytowns erected by students protesting apartheid in South Africa, and published a transcript of a secretly taped meeting of students belonging to Dartmouth's gay student association. The Dartmouth Review became an incubator for right-wing media figures like D'Souza and the future conservative radio host Laura Ingraham. Its counterpart at Vassar, meanwhile, gave starts in journalism to the ABC correspondent Jonathan Karl and Marc Thiessen, an online columnist at The Washington Post best known for his defense of the Bush administration's use of torture....</font></p><div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.exposedbycmd.org/2020/10/13/senator-whitehouse-calls-out-dark-money-networks-behind-amy-coney-barretts-scotus-nomination" style="text-decoration-line: none; font-weight: bold; outline: none;">https://www.exposedbycmd.org/2020/10/13/senator-whitehouse-calls-out-dark-money-networks-behind-amy-coney-barretts-scotus-nomination</a></font></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Senator Whitehouse Calls Out Dark-Money Networks Behind Amy Coney Barrett’s SCOTUS Nomination</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">By ExposedByCMD Editors | October 13th, 2020</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Bradley Files, Democracy, Featured Investigations, Koch, News, RAGA, Trump7 Comments</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Editor’s Note: The following is a transcript of remarks made by Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) in the October 13, 2020, Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on the nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the U.S. Supreme Court.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Thank you, Chairman, Judge Barrett. You can take a bit of a breather on your return to the committee, because what I want to do is go through with the people who are watching this now the conversation that you and I had when we spoke on the telephone. You were kind enough to hear out a presentation that I made, and I intend to ask some questions in that area, but it doesn’t make sense to ask questions if I haven’t laid the predicate, particularly for viewers who are watching this.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So, I guess the reason that I want to do this is because people who are watching this need to understand that this small hearing room and the little TV box that you are looking at, the little screen that you are looking at, are a little bit like the frame of a puppet theater, and if you only look at what’s going on in the puppet theater you’re not going to understand the whole story. You are not going to understand the real dynamic what is going on here, and you are certainly not going to understand forces outside of this room who are pulling strings and pushing sticks and causing the puppet theater to react.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>So first, let me say, why do I think outside forces are here pulling strings?&nbsp;</b>Well, part of it is behavior. We have colleagues here who supported you, this nominee, before there was a nominee. That’s a little unusual.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">We have the political ram job that we have already complained of driving this process through at breakneck speed in the middle of a pandemic while the Senate is closed for safety reasons and while we are doing nothing about the COVID epidemic around us. We have some very awkward 180s from colleagues. Mr. Chairman, you figure in this. Our leader said back when it was Garland versus Gorsuch, that of course, of course, the American people should have a say in the Court’s direction. Of course, of course, said Mitch McConnell. That’s long gone.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Senator Grassley said the American people shouldn’t be denied a voice. That’s long gone. Senator Cruz said you don’t do this in an election year. That’s long gone. And our chairman made his famous hold-the-tape promise if an opening comes in the last year of President Trump’s term we’ll wait until the next election. That’s gone too.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So there is a lot of hard-to-explain hypocrisy and rush taking place right now, and my experience around politics is that when you find hypocrisy in the daylight, look for power in the shadows. Now people say well, what does all this matter? This is a political parlor game; it’s no big deal. Well, there are some pretty high stakes here that we have been talking about here on our side, and I will tell you three of them right here.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Roe v. Wade, Obergefell, and the Obamacare cases. Here’s the GOP platform, the Republican platform, the platform of my colleagues on the other side of this aisle say that a Republican president will<b>&nbsp;appoint judges who will reverse Roe, Obergefell, and the Obamacare cases</b>.&nbsp;</span>So if you have a family member with an interest in some autonomy over their body under Roe v. Wade, the ability to have a marriage, have friends marry, have a niece or a daughter or a son marry someone of their same-sex they have – you’ve got a stake, and if you are one of the millions and millions of Americans who depend on the affordable care act you’ve got a stake.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">It’s not just the platform. Over and over again, let’s start by talking about the Affordable Care Act. Here is the president talking about this litigation that we are gearing up this nominee for for November 10. In this litigation, he said we want to terminate healthcare under Obamacare.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">That is the president’s statement, so when we react to that, don’t act as if we are making this stuff up. This is what President Trump said. This is what your party platform says: reverse the Obamacare cases. Senator after senator, including many in this committee, filed briefs saying that the Affordable Care Act should be thrown out by courts. Why is it surprising for us to be concerned that you want this nominee to do what you want nominees to do?</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">One quick stop on NFIB v. Sebelius, because a lot of this has to do with money. This is an interesting comparison.&nbsp;<b>National Federation of Independent Businesses,</b>&nbsp;until it filed the NFIB v. Sebelius case, had its biggest donation ever of $21,000. In the year that it went to work on the Affordable Care Act, ten wealthy donors gave $10 million. Somebody deserves a thank you.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So let’s go on to Roe v. Wade. Same thing. Same thing. The president has said that reversing Roe v. Wade will happen automatically because he is putting pro-life justices on the Court. Why would we not take him at his word? The Republican Party platform says it will reverse Roe. Why would we not comment on that and take you at your word?</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Senators here, including Senator Hawley, have said I will vote only for nominees who acknowledge that Roe v. Wade is wrongly decided, and their pledge to vote for this nominee. Do the math. That’s a really simple equation to run.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The Republican brief in June Medical said Roe should be overruled, so don’t act surprised when we ask questions about whether that’s what you are up to here. And finally, out in the ad world that you have spared yourself wisely Judge Barrett, the Susan B Anthony Foundation is running advertisements right now saying that you are set, you are set to give our pro-life country a Court that it deserves.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Here is the ad with the voiceover. She said – she said. And then Roe, Obamacare cases and Obergefell, gay marriages. National Organization for Marriage, the big group that opposes same-sex marriage, says in this proceeding, all our issues are at stake. The Republican platform says it wants to reverse Obergefell. And the Republican brief filed in the case said same-sex relationships don’t fall within any constitutional protection, so when we say the stakes are high on this, it’s because you have said the stakes are high on this. You have said that is what you want to do. So how are people going about doing it? What is the scheme here?</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Let me start with this one. In all cases, there’s big anonymous money behind various lanes of activity. One lane of activity is through the conduit of the Federalist Society. It is managed by a guy – was managed by – a guy named Leonard Leo, and it has taken over the selection of judicial nominees. How do we know that to be the case? Because Trump has said so over and over again. His White House counsel said so.&nbsp;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">So we have an anonymously funded group controlling judicial selection run by this guy&nbsp;<b>Leonard Leo.</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Then in another lane, we have again anonymous funders running through something called the&nbsp;<b>Judicial Crisis Network, which is run by Carrie Severino</b>, and it is doing PR and campaign ads for Republican judicial nominees. It got $17 million – a single $17 million donation in the Garland-Gorsuch contest. It got another single $17 million donation to support<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">&nbsp;Kavanaugh. Somebody, perhaps the same person, spent $35 million to influence the United States Supreme Court. Tell me that’s good.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And then over here you have a whole array of legal groups, also funded by dark money, which have a different role. They bring cases to the Court. They don’t wind their way to the Court, your Honor, they get shoved to the Court to by these legal groups, many of which ask to lose below so they can get quickly to the Court to get their business done there. And then they turn up in a chorus, an orchestrated chorus of amici.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Now I’ve had a chance to have a look at this. And I was in a case, actually, as an amicus myself, the&nbsp;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Consumer Financial Protection Board case. And in that case there were 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 amicus briefs filed, and every single one of them was a group funded by something called&nbsp;<b>DonorsTrust.</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">DonorsTrust is a gigantic identity-scrubbing device for the right wing so that it says DonorsTrust is the donor without whoever the real donor is. It doesn’t have a business. It doesn’t have a business plan. It doesn’t do anything. It’s just an identity scrubber.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>And this group here, the Bradley Foundation, funded eight out of the 11 briefs.</b>&nbsp;That seems weird to me when you have amicus briefs coming in little flotillas that are funded by the same groups but nominally separate in the court.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So I actually attached this to my brief as an appendix. Center for Media and Democracy saw it, and they did better work. They went on to say which foundations funded the brief writers in that CFPB case. Here is the Bradley Foundation for $5.6 million to those groups. Here’s DonorsTrust, $23 million to those brief writing groups.&nbsp;<b>The grand total across all the donor groups was $68 million to the groups that were filing amicus briefs, pretending that they were different groups.</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Right-Wing Foundations Fund Anti-Consumer Protection Groups, 2014-present</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Sixteen right-wing foundations gave nearly $69 million to groups urging the Supreme Court to&nbsp;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">abolish the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau</span>&nbsp;since 2014.</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Donor<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Amount</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">DonorsTrust<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$23,460,705</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Charles Koch Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$12,986,462</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Sarah Scaife Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$7,550,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">L&H Bradley Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$5,579,500</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Searle Freedom Trust<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$4,550,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Dunn Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$4,450,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Donors Capital Fund<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$2,522,680</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">John William Pope Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,895,175</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Bradley Impact Fund<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,363,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Mercer Family Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,200,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Adolph Coors Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,155,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">F.M. Kirby Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$672,500</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Charles Koch Institute<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$517,134</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Ed Uihlein Family Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$408,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Pierre F. and Enid Goodrich Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$395,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">William H. Donner Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$167,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>TOTAL<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$68,872,156</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And it’s not just in the Consumer Financial Protection Board case.<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">&nbsp;You might say well that was just a one-off. Here’s Janus, the anti-labor case that had a long trail through the Court, through Friedrichs, and through Knox, and through other decisions.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And SourceWatch and ProPublica did some work about this. Here’s DonorsTrust and Donors Capital Fund. And here’s the Bradley Foundation. And they totaled giving $45 million to the 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15<b>&nbsp;groups that filed amicus briefs, pretending to be different groups, and both of the lawyer groups in the case, funded by DonorsTrust, funded by Bradley Foundation in Janus.</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">This is happening over and over and over again, and it goes beyond just the briefs. It goes beyond just the amicus presentations.<b>&nbsp;The Federalist Society&nbsp;</b>– remember this group that is acting as the conduit and that Donald Trump has said is doing his judicial selection? They’re getting money from the same foundations, from DonorsTrust, $16.7 million and the Bradley Foundation, $1.37 million. From the same group of foundations total, $33 million.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">Donors to the Federalist Society, 2014-present</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The same 16 foundations that fund the amicus brief filers all give to the Federalist Society</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>donor<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Amount</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">DonorsTrust<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$16,733,100</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Mercer Family Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$4,850,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Donors Capital Fund<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$4,231,120</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Charles Koch Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$2,419,264</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Searle Freedom Trust<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,551,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,375,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Ed Uihlein Family Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$1,000,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">John William Pope Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$250,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Adolph Coors Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$230,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Pierre F. and Enid Goodrich Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$210,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Dunn Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$150,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">F.M. Kirby Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$120,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">William H. Donner Foundation<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$45,000</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Bradley Impact Fund<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$15,250</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Charles Koch Institute<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$6,400</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>TOTAL<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>$33,286,134&nbsp;&nbsp;</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div><b style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">So you can start to look at these, and you can start to tie them together.</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">&nbsp;The legal groups, all the same funders over and over again, bringing the cases and providing us orchestrated, orchestrated chorus of amici. Then the same group also funds the Federalist Society over here</span><b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">.</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">&nbsp;The Washington Post wrote a big expose about this, and that made Leonard Leo a little hot, a little bit like a burned agent. So he had to jump out. And he went off to go do anonymously-funded voter suppression work. Guess who jumped in to take over the selection process in this case for Judge Barrett? Carrie Severino made the hop.&nbsp;</span></b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">So once again, ties right in together.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>So, Center for Media and Democracy did a little bit more research.</b>&nbsp;Here’s a<b>&nbsp;Bradley Foundation</b>&nbsp;memo that they’ve published. The Bradley Foundation is reviewing a grant application asking for money for this orchestrated amicus process, and what do they say in the staff recommendation? It is important to orchestrate – their word, not mine – important to orchestrate high-caliber amicus efforts before the Court.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Page 3 of 2015 Bradley Summary Judicial Education Project Proposal 150K</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
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</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">They also note that Bradley has done previous philanthropic investments in the actual underlying legal actions. So Bradley is funding – what do they call – philanthropically investing in, the underlying legal action and then giving money to groups to show up in the orchestrated chorus of amici. That can’t be good.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">And it goes on, because they also found this email. This email comes from an individual at the Bradley Foundation, and it asks our friend, Leonard Leo, who used to run the selection process, is there a 501(c)(3) nonprofit to which Bradley could direct any support of the two Supreme Court amicus projects other than DonorsTrust? I don’t know why they wanted to avoid the reliable identity-scrubber DonorsTrust, but for some reason they did.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Page 6 of 2014 Bradley Leonard Leo Neil Corkery Carrie Severino Judicial+Education+Project</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
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</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So Leonard Leo writes back on Federalist Society address – so don’t tell me that it isn’t Federal Society business – on Federalist Society, on his address, he writes back, yes, send it to the Judicial Education Project, which could take and allocate the money.&nbsp;<b>And guess who works for the Judicial Education Project? Carrie Severino,&nbsp;</b>who also helped select this nominee, running the Trump Federalist Society selection process.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">So the connections abound. In the Washington Post article, they point out that the Judicial Crisis Network’s office is on the same hallway in the same building as the Federalist Society, and when they sent their reporter to talk to somebody at the Judicial Crisis Network, somebody from the Federalist Society came down to let them up.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>This more and more looks like it’s not three schemes, but it’s one scheme with the same funders selecting judges, funding campaigns for the judges, and then showing up in court in these orchestrated amicus flotillas to tell the judges what to do.</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">On the Judicial Crisis Network, you’ve got the Leonard Leo connection, obviously. She hopped in to take over for him with the Federalist Society. You’ve got the campaigns that I’ve talked about, where they take $17 million contributions. That’s a big check to write, $17 million, to campaign for Supreme Court nominees. No idea who that is or what they got for it. You’ve got briefs that she wrote.&nbsp;<b>The Republican senators filed briefs in that NFIB case signed by Ms. Severino.</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">
</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">The woman who helped choose this nominee has written briefs for Republican senators attacking the ACA.</span>&nbsp;Don’t say the ACA is not an issue here.<b><u>&nbsp;And by the way, the Judicial Crisis Network funds the Republican attorneys general. It funds RAGA</u></b>, the Republican Attorneys General Association, and it funds individual Republican attorneys general. And guess who the plaintiffs are in the Affordable Care Act case? Republican attorneys general.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Trump joined them because he didn’t want to defend, so he’s in with the Republican attorneys general. But here’s the Judicial Crisis Network campaigning for Supreme Court nominees, writing briefs for senators against the Affordable Care Act, supporting the Republicans who are bringing this case, and leading the selection process for this nominee</span>.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Here is the page off the brief. Here is where they are. Mitch McConnell, and on through the list, Senator Collins, Senator Cornyn, Senator Hoeven, Senator — who’s still here? Marco Rubio. It’s a huge assortment of Republican senators who Carrie Severino wrote a brief for against the Affordable Care Act.</span>&nbsp;So this is a, to me, pretty big deal. I’ve never seen this around any court that I’ve ever been involved with, where there’s this much dark money and this much influence being used.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Here’s how the Washington Post summed it up. This is “a conservative activist behind-the-scenes campaign to remake the nation’s courts,” and it’s a $250 million dark money operation. $250 million is a lot of money to spend if you’re not getting anything for it. So that raises the question, what are they getting for it?</b></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Well, I showed the slide earlier on the Affordable Care Act. And on Obergefell and on Roe v. Wade, that’s where they lost. But with another judge, that could change. That’s where the contest is. That’s where The Republican Party platform tells us to look at how they want judges to rule, to reverse Roe, to reverse the Obamacare cases, and to&nbsp;<b>reverse Obergefell and take away gay marriage.</b>&nbsp;That is their stated objective and plan. Why not take them at their word?</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">But there is another piece of it, and that is not what’s ahead of us, but what’s behind us. What’s behind us is now 80 cases,&nbsp;<b>Mr. Chairman, 80 cases under Chief Justice Roberts that have these characteristics. One, they were decided five to four by a bare majority. Two, the five-to-four majority was partisan in the sense that not one Democratic appointee joined the five. I refer to that group as the “Roberts Five.”</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">It changes a little bit as–with Justice Scalia’s death, for instance – but there’s been a steady “Roberts Five” that has delivered now 80 of these decisions.<b>&nbsp;And the last characteristic of them is that there is an identifiable Republican donor interest in those cases, and in every single case, that donor interest won. It was an 80 to zero, 5 to 4 partisan rout, ransacking.</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And it’s important to look at where those cases went, because they’re not about big, public issues like getting rid of the Affordable Care Act, undoing Roe v. Wade, and undoing same sex marriage.<b>&nbsp;They’re about power.</b>&nbsp;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">And if you look at those 80 decisions, they fall into f<b>our categories over and over and over again. One, unlimited and dark money and politics.&nbsp;</b>Citizens United is the famous one, but it’s continued since with McCutcheon and we’ve got one coming up now.&nbsp;<b>Always the five for unlimited money in politics. Never protecting against money dark money in politics, despite the fact that they said it was going to be transparent.</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And who wins when you allow unlimited dark money in politics? A very small group. The ones who have unlimited money to spend and a motive to spend it in politics. They win. Everybody else loses. And if you’re looking at who might be behind this, let’s talk about people with unlimited money to spend and a motive to do it. We’ll see how that goes.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Next, knock the civil jury down.</b>&nbsp;Whittle it down to a nub. The civil jury was in the Constitution, in the Bill of Rights, in our darn Declaration of Independence, but it’s annoying to big corporate powers because you can swagger your way as a big corporate power through Congress. You can go and tell the president you put money into to elect what to do. He will put your stooges at the EPA. It’s all great until you get to the civil jury, because they have an obligation, as you know, Judge Barrett, they have an obligation under the law to be fair to both parties irrespective of their size.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">You can’t bribe them. You’re not allowed to. It’s a crime to tamper with the jury. It’s standard practice to tamper with Congress. And they make decisions based on the law. If you’re used to being the boss and swaggering your way around the political side, you don’t want to be answerable before a jury. And so one after another, these 80 5-to-4 decisions have knocked down, whittled away at, the civil jury, a great American institution.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>Third – first was unlimited dark money, second was demean and diminish the civil jury – third is weaken regulatory agencies.</b>&nbsp;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">A lot of this money, I’m convinced, is polluter money. The Koch Industries is a polluter, the fossil fuel industry is a polluter. Who else would be putting buckets of money into this and wanting to hide who they are behind DonorsTrust or other schemes?</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">And what are – if you’re a big polluter – what do you want? You want weak regulatory agencies. You want ones that you can box up and run over to Congress and get your friends to fix things for you in Congress. Over and over and over again, these decisions are targeted at regulatory agencies to weaken their independence and weaken their strength. And if you’re a big polluter, a weak regulatory agency is your idea of a good day.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>And the last thing is in politics. In voting.</b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">&nbsp;Why on earth the Court made the decision, a factual decision – not something appellate courts are ordinarily supposed to make, as I understand it Judge Barrett – the factual decision that nobody needed to worry about minority voters in preclearance states being discriminated against, or that legislators would try to knock back their ability to vote. These five made that finding in&nbsp;<b>Shelby County a</b>gainst bipartisan legislation from both houses of Congress, hugely passed, on no factual record.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 204, 102);">They just decided that that was a problem that was over, on no record with no basis, because it got them to the result that we then saw. What followed? State after state after state passed voter suppression laws. One so badly targeting African Americans that two courts said it was surgically, surgically tailored to get after minority voters</span>.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>And gerrymandering, the other great control.</b>&nbsp;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Bulk gerrymandering where you go into a state, like the Red Map project did in Ohio and Pennsylvania, and you pack Democrats so tightly into a few districts that all the others become Republican majority districts. And in those states, you send a delegation to Congress that has a huge&nbsp;<b>majority of Republican members, like 13 to 5, as I recall, in a state where the five, the party of the five actually won the popular vote.</b></span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">You’ve sent a delegation to Congress that is out of step with the popular vote of that state and court after court figured out how to solve that, and the Supreme Court said nope. 5 to 4 again. Nope. We’re not going to take an interest in that question</span>. In all these areas where it’s about political power for big special interests, and people who want to fund campaigns, and people who want to get their way through politics without actually showing up, doing it behind DonorsTrust and other groups, doing it through these schemes over and over and over again, you see the same thing.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b>80 decisions, Judge Barrett. 80 decisions. An 80-to-0 sweep</b>. I don’t think you’ve tried cases, but some cases, the issue is bias and discrimination. And if you’re making a bias case as a trial lawyer – Lindsey Graham is a hell of a good trial lawyer. If he wanted to make a bias case – Dick Durbin is a hell of a good trial lawyer. If they wanted to make a bias case and they could show an 80-to-0 pattern, A, that’s admissible, and B, I’d love to make that argument to the jury. I’d be really hard pressed to be the lawyer saying no, 80-to-0 is just a bunch of flukes.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>All five-four. all partisan, all this way.&nbsp;</b>So something is not right around the Court. And dark money has a lot to do with it. Special interests have a lot to do with it. DonorsTrust and whoever is hiding behind DonorsTrust has a lot to do with it, and the Bradley Foundation orchestrating its amici over at the Court has a lot to do with it.</span></div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">So I thank you, Judge Barrett, for listening to me now a second time and I think this gives you a chance for you and I to tee up an interesting conversation tomorrow. And I thank my colleagues for hearing me out.</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">
</div><div style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"></div></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">11/2001</font></div><div><a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/movin-federalist-society/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://www.thenation.com/article/movin-federalist-society/</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">619 new</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">How does a 1L at Harvard Law School end up singing arm-in-arm with one of the most influential judges on the federal appellate bench? If you are a student at almost any law school, not just one of the top ones, and you have remotely conservative interests, you too can join a student chapter of the Federalist Society and gain automatic admission to the highest echelons of right-wing politics and legal advocacy. Take Chris Ward, 31, a former Latin teacher who graduated from Harvard Law School this spring. As a first year student, he attended the society's annual national student symposium, held that year in Chicago. Afterward he repaired to a hotel bar where he and his friends joined in singing "For He's a Jolly Good Fellow" to Eugene Volokh, a UCLA law professor<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">. Mingling with the group was Judge Alex Kozinski of the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, a notorious card who is considered a leading candidate to become a Supreme Court Justice. Ward drew in Judge Kozinski for a few rounds. "I had just met him for the first time," Ward said. "I just thought it would be fun."</span></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div><div>
</div><div><b>The chance to meet powerful legal luminaries like Kozinski </b>is one of the special treats that come with membership in the Federalist Society. Headquartered in Washington, DC, the society was a focus of attention this spring because President George W. Bush used it to recommend nominees for the federal bench, a role traditionally assigned to the more moderate American Bar Association. But its real strength is its chapters in 150 law schools, which allow Federalists to gain access to the conservative elite, putting them in a superior position for competitive jobs with judges, law firms and now the Bush Administration.</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Unlike twenty years ago, when liberal federal judges provided the most desirable clerkships for law school graduates, today the best "feeders" to the Supreme Court and White House are Reagan and Bush appointees</b>. Judge Kozinski, who screens potential clerks for Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, says that seeing the Federalist Society on a résumé "tells me you're of a particular philosophy, and I tend to give an edge to people I agree with philosophically." The notion hasn't been lost on law students, some of whom keep two résumés, one with the Federalist Society tacked on. "I have seen some students go to the Federalist Society as a career builder," says Cass Sunstein, a professor at the University of Chicago Law School.</span></div><div>
</div><div>Federalists say the favoritism is long overdue; they grumble about what they describe as oppressive disdain from liberal law professors who make them the butt of jokes and left-leaning students who hiss at them in class. To redress this perceived discrimination, the Federalists have created a system that smacks of affirmative action for conservatives. It's an ironic twist for a group that generally opposes affirmative action, on the grounds that opportunity should be based on merit alone.</div><div>
</div><div><b>But the benefits of Federalist membership go beyond the usual advantages of affirmative action, like job promotion. They include the opportunity to change law, public policy and the judiciary</b>. From law school chapters, students can graduate into one of the society's fifteen "practice groups," which provide a venue to design arguments that will be well received by the conservative wing of the Supreme Court. Practice-group leaders, who often have clerked for the Court or have argued before it, hold meetings and debates to formulate how to push case law toward Federalist principles.</div><div>
</div><div>Federalism, in its most basic form, is the idea that the federal government shouldn't encroach on the powers that the Constitution allegedly has reserved to the states. But the Federalist Society is an umbrella organization embracing all right-wing causes. Some members favor libertarian principles of individual rights over "big government"; others advocate strict-constructionist interpretations of the Constitution, which they claim represent the framers' intent. Whatever legal justification is offered to ground these views, the Federalist ideology is in effect a tool to eviscerate Congressional efforts to advance public policy goals where the states have failed. As critics point out, it benefits big business, it's anti-egalitarian, it shuts plaintiffs like the poor and disabled out of the courts, and it rolls back the New Deal notion that the courts have a role to play in helping the downtrodden. While the legal theories may appear tidy, they lack compassion, working to support favorite sons like gun manufacturers and HMOs.</div><div>
</div><div>Federalist arguments include: Sexual-harassment and gender-equality laws impose illegitimate burdens on business; the powers of the Environmental Protection Agency should be exercised by the free market or, at most, by local or state government; juries are too unpredictable to be given the power to award punitive damages against large corporations but legitimate enough to be empowered to impose the death penalty; welfare laws by and large should be repealed; hate crimes are not a separate and more reprehensible category of criminal behavior than crimes not motivated by animus toward people of different races or sexual orientation; and the right of the people to keep and bear arms means empowering individuals to take up arms, not just preserving organized state-based militias.</div><div><b>
</b></div><div><b>However, the Federalist Society claims it takes no positions on issues. </b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">With its tax-exempt status requiring it to stay away from political activity, it hides behind the notion that it is merely a sophisticated speakers' bureau. "We are not a position-taking organization," Eugene Meyer, the society's executive director, told the Washington Post. (Meyer declined to comment for this story.) "We really are interested in discussion and in getting ideas heard." Even Judge Kozinski, a fairly ubiquitous presence at national events, won't say that he's a card-carrying member. "I'm on the mailing lists," he says. "And whether I attend depends on whether it is something I am interested in." The conservative intelligentsia repeats these lines again and again, as if afraid to say the obvious for fear it will reveal their true agenda. Meanwhile, under the dispassionate guise of a debating organization, the Federalist Society is working to prepare a powerful next generation of conservative corporate lawyers, judges, top government officials and decision-makers committed to fundamental change.</span></div><div>
</div><div>How the Federalist Society became a home for young conservatives is a tale told repeatedly by Federalists in trying to explain that they are not the majority but really a besieged minority. In 1982, the history goes, students at Chicago Law School and Yale Law School felt marginalized by the liberal doctrine and ideology that pervaded the curriculum and student body, and decided to form their own organization. The group named itself after James Madison's eighteenth-century Federalist Party, which allegedly favored decentralized government in its later years; and it rallied powerful faculty advisers to help: then-professors Ralph Winter of Yale, now a senior judge on the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, and Antonin Scalia of Chicago, now a Supreme Court Justice. The group operated on a shoestring for about a year, at which time student leaders landed seed money from the Institute for Educational Affairs, overseen by neoconservatives Irving Kristol and the late William Simon. Federalist chapters soon cropped up at the top schools around the country.</div><div>
</div><div>Last year the society had annual financing of $3.1 million–a 117 percent rise since 1996. The Institute for Democracy Studies, which has been tracking the society, reported in a briefing paper that about a third of the society's budget comes from right-wing foundations. These include the Sarah Scaife Foundation ($175,000 in 1998), whose chairman, Richard Mellon Scaife, underwrote investigations of the Clintons; the John M. Olin Foundation ($349,404), which funds conservative law programs; the Castle Rock Foundation ($45,000, created with a $36 million endowment from the Adolph Coors Foundation), a supporter of anti-gay-rights groups; and the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation ($158,000), which is the creation of Koch Industries, the second-largest privately held company in the United States. Among large law firm donors are Munger Tolles & Olson, a mecca for former Supreme Court clerks, and Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher. The latter's partners have included Solicitor General Ted Olson (who argued the Florida election case for Bush before the Supreme Court); Eugene Scalia (Justice Scalia's son), Bush's nominee to become Labor Department Solicitor; and Miguel Estrada, a nominee to the Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit.</div><div>
</div><div>The Federalist Society's staff of thirteen oversees its three divisions, for lawyers, students and professors. The professors' division is relatively small, with only about fifty professors attending its second annual conference in January 2000. Its student division, however, hosts a national convention that this year attracted 250 people to Berkeley's law school, where the topic was "Is Technology Changing the Law?" After panel discussions there are dinners, which are the real reason most students attend. This year, students could meet federal judges Kozinski and Frank Easterbrook of the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, as well as former independent counsel Kenneth Starr. And fliers abounded inviting students to an annual summer barbecue at Ted Olson's house in Virginia. The Washington staff also helps students plan debates, giving advice on speakers and paying one airfare and hotel stay for every event. With the resources to bring in prominent people, the debates can be the most vibrant events of the school year.</div><div>
</div><div>During the summer, the society flies student leaders to Washington for a "leadership conference" to explain how to run a student chapter. A manual warns that liberal students may accuse the group of being part of a "national conspiracy masterminded by the notorious evil genius Irving Kristol." If this occurs, Federalists are advised, "the best solution is to try to portray them as being intolerant bullies and unscholarly." The society emphasizes that the debate format is crucial to "convince people of your viewpoint," and notes that "it is often productive to focus on the legal, rather than the policy or moral, aspects of the issues."</div><div>
</div><div>The formula came through in a round-table talk on Bush v. Gore at Seton Hall Law School in Newark on April 17 on "The Process and Substance of Litigating an Election." All panelists except one, Doug Cox, a Federalist practice-group leader who helped represent Bush before the Supreme Court, grappled with fairness issues: voter access, civil rights violations and the propriety of courts deciding elections. Cox, however, had a more legalistic approach, giving summary descriptions of the arguments in the briefs, petitions to the US Supreme Court and oral arguments. "We can definitely conclude that the legal system worked," he said. Though unexciting, he was civil and reasonable; simply by showing up and laying out arguments he appeared open to genteel debate. The other speakers seemed like foils. One top law school professor says she always rejects Federalist invitations for that reason. "The more I am willing to debate [certain right-wing advocates] the more legitimacy I give them," she says.</div><div>
</div><div>Often, student Federalists' greatest allies are conservative faculty whose jobs are funded by society supporters like the John M. Olin Foundation, which also gives money to law schools to foster interest in law and economics programs, which embrace ideas of free markets, anticommunism and criticism of the welfare state. At Yale last year, John M. Olin Professor George Priest, who teaches law and economics and serves as the Federalist Society's faculty adviser, received $175,000. Though professors like Priest are few in comparison with the number of moderate and left-leaning faculty, they ardently support conservative students. By contrast, even the best students say liberal professors generally have more students vying for their attention and don't feel the same impetus to mentor. "It's hard to get to know liberal professors in law school unless you are exceptionally persistent," said a former Supreme Court clerk who attended Harvard Law School.</div><div>
</div><div>Recommendations from professors with judicial connections are key for competitive clerkships. Clerks often provide the intellectual exchange that forms the basis of a judge's decision, and they frequently even draft opinions. Though each judge receives hundreds of applications, a few conservative judges seek out Federalists. Judge Michael Luttig on the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, for example, hires only students with membership in the Federalist Society or comparable credentials on their resumes. And almost all of Judge Luttig's clerks go on to clerkships at the Supreme Court. His unheard-of batting average is sustained because Judge Luttig diverts clerks who don't land a clerkship with other Justices to Justice Scalia (whom Luttig himself clerked for) and Justice Clarence Thomas. Justice Kennedy interviews applicants based on recommendations from a group of Federalist-friendly professors and Judge Kozinski, himself a former Kennedy clerk. Judge Kozinski stresses, however, that Federalist Society membership is only one factor. "If you are suggesting that it gets people jobs it's simply not true," Judge Kozinski says. "It's like saying you're in the Boy Scouts."</div><div>
</div><div>The Boy Scouts may be a good analogy for the clubbiness that exists among conservative clerks on the Supreme Court. Though the level of social cohesion changes from year to year, conservative clerks work and play together as a bloc in a way that moderate-to-left clerks generally do not. Most notable are the regular poker games held by clerks for Thomas, Scalia, Kennedy and Rehnquist. A recent clerk for a conservative Justice explained the alliance this way: "Conservatives tend to be team-oriented and rule-bound, whereas liberals tend to be odd and individualistic. Have you ever heard of a bunch of liberal people getting together and playing poker? They get together and go to protest marches. It's a simple fact of life." The other clerks don't bond because, except on abortion and states' rights cases, their Justices don't vote as a bloc. "The conservative clerks were a lot more strategic and a lot better coordinated than the liberal clerks," says one clerk about her time at the Court. Moderate-to-left clerks felt the clubbiness most keenly last year during Bush v. Gore. The conservative clerks and their Justices generally agreed with each other, but lack of alignment existed between some moderate clerks and their Justices. While Justice Kennedy is widely reported as having been the swing vote in the case, the conservative majority wouldn't have existed without the supposedly centrist Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. Her clerks disagreed with her but could not persuade her to join the splintered dissent, according to people who have spoken with O'Connor clerks as well clerks for other Justices.</div><div>
</div><div>These days, the right clerkships mean a straight shot into the White House. In the White House counsel's office, several young lawyers who suggest nominees for federal judgeships to the President have been actively involved in the Federalist Society. Among them are associate counsel Noel Francisco, 32 (Luttig/Scalia clerk); associate counsel Brad Berenson, 36 (Kennedy clerk); and Brett Kavanaugh, 35 (Kennedy clerk). In the Justice Department, 31-year-old R. Ted Cruz (Luttig/Rehnquist clerk), who helped prepare the briefs in the Florida election cases, is Associate Deputy Attorney General. And reviewing judicial nominees' written records is Assistant Attorney General for Legal Policy Viet Dinh, 33 (O'Connor clerk), a Georgetown professor who tried to obfuscate his politics at his confirmation hearing, claiming that "I am a member of the Federalist Society, and I do not know, quite frankly, what it all stands for."</div><div>
</div><div>Many young Federalists maintain their ties to the society after law school as officers in its fifteen "practice groups," which parallel the American Bar Association's committees to "improve" areas such as civil rights and religious liberties. Practice-group leaders are often connected to right-wing public interest law firms. Dr. Michael Greve, the co-founder of the Center for Individual Rights in Washington, DC, said Federalist discussions and debates in schools and practice groups have helped his organization conceive and shape litigation. "That is how I get ideas and sort of test them," says Greve, now at the American Enterprise Institute. And practice-group leaders, in conjunction with CIR, have been responsible for some of the greatest victories limiting Congressional authority. Solicitor General Olson, formerly the head of the federalism and separation of powers practice group, litigated the monumental Hopwood v. Texas decision, which put an end to affirmative action at the University of Texas. In 2000 Michael Rosman, vice chairman of the civil rights practice group and general counsel of CIR, led the fight to the Supreme Court that struck down a Violence Against Women Act remedy that allowed sexual assault victims to sue for damages in federal court. And last year, Michael Carvin, chairman-elect of the civil rights practice group, successfully brought Reno v. Bossier Parish School Board, a redistricting case that reduced the Justice Department's authority to require the creation of "majority-minority" voting districts.</div><div>
</div><div>Practice-group meetings are also a place for lawyers across the country to form alliances. One of the most important cases of the 1999 term had its genesis in such a meeting in Washington, DC, two years earlier. There, Jeff Sutton, a big-firm partner in Ohio who had clerked for both Justices Lewis Powell and Scalia, met Alabama Attorney General Bill Pryor. Pryor, a longtime Federalist who as a student founded Tulane's Federalist chapter, persuaded Florida Attorney General Bob Butterworth to hire Sutton to argue a case in which their states' interests had been consolidated, Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents. The five Federalist-friendly Justices on the US Supreme Court bought their separation-of-powers argument, which arguably became the harshest limitation on civil rights law enacted in the past twenty-five years. As a result, employees can no longer bring an action against states in federal court under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. Sutton again argued for Alabama and, in University of Alabama et al. v. Garrett, successfully convinced the Court to strike down a part of the Americans With Disabilities Act. In a 5-to-4 vote this past February, the Court ruled that individual employees cannot sue their own states for damages in federal court. And this April, in a third case Sutton argued for Alabama, Alexander v. Sandoval, the Supreme Court eviscerated the right of an individual to sue for unintentional discrimination under a provision of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The victories have put Sutton in good stead: President Bush nominated him to become a federal judge on the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.</div><div>
</div><div>Recently, liberals have been working to counteract the power of the Federalist Society [see sidebar, page 16]. But it will require a long, intensive struggle if those efforts are to be anywhere near as coordinated as those of their Federalist counterparts. Once young lawyers are brought into that world, they are unlikely to stray too far, as the case of Kristen Silverberg shows. After graduating from the University of Texas Law School, Silverberg, 30, became a clerk for Federalist Society regular David Sentelle, the DC Circuit Court judge who headed the judicial panel that appointed Ken Starr as an independent prosecutor. After her clerkship, Silverberg raised eyebrows when she chose to begin her law firm career at the undeniably liberal Williams & Connolly, which represented President Bill Clinton at his impeachment trial. She stayed a year, until Clarence Thomas granted her a Supreme Court clerkship–a rare feat for a Texas graduate in a Court where most clerks hail from Yale, Harvard, Stanford, Chicago and Columbia. There, Silverberg gained a reputation for being more moderate than Thomas's usual clerks. She then went to Austin to assist the Bush campaign, which tapped her to work against the Florida recount. Today she walks the halls of the White House as special assistant for policy in the office of the Chief of Staff.</div><div>
</div><div>One can never know precisely how personal experience motivates political values. But as of now, the most effective career path for young lawyers leads straight from the Federalist Society into the corridors of conservative power.</div><div>
</div><div>Amy BachAmy Bach is the author of Ordinary Injustice: How America Holds Court.</div><div>
</div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">text recover</font></div><div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">fedsoc616</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see fedsoc tag and fedsoc2 6/16</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://ratical.org/ratville/CAH/feddieSoc.html">https://ratical.org/ratville/CAH/feddieSoc.html</a></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">https://kpfa.org/episode/letters-and-politics-march-23-2015-2/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We talk to Amanda Hollis-Brusky, Professor of Politics at Pomona College and author of the book Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">rw bk, corp law m avery&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.amazon.com/The-Federalist-Society-Conservatives-Liberals/dp/082651877X/ref=pd_sim_b_1?ie=UTF8&refRID=1Z3KKB8BEJBHWNY3BKSW</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">defacto monopoly on credentials (on left a variety of ways)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Am Const Soc left, informal , trying to ctr FS (sotomatyor? no; elena kagan a bit, but went to more FS)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ucb bob kagan, gordon silverstein (kennedy not fedsoc, got pick after bork implode)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;ltrs and pol 3/30/15 10 am</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">feedback loops of eg calabrises vs scalia, ca rx marijuana; re states rights v thomas</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">chapter &nbsp;3 on corp personhood</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.amazon.com/Ideas-Consequences-Conservative-Counterrevolution-Development/dp/0199385521/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.pomona.edu/news/2015/01/15-hollis-brusky-book.aspx</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In her new book, Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution, Pomona College Professor of Politics Amanda Hollis-Brusky gives an account and analysis of the conservative legal and intellectual reform movement of 40,000 judges, lawyers, scholars and students that counts among its members four Supreme Court Justices, dozens of federal judges, and every Republican attorney general since its creation in 1982.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded by law students and formed under the banner of originalism—a philosophy that judges ought to interpret the Constitution according to its original 18th-century meaning—the Federalist Society’s impact on the modern political and judicial landscape has been twofold, Hollis-Brusky says.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“First, the Federalist Society network has helped to radically redefine our understanding of executive power, states’ rights and federalism, campaign finance, the Second Amendment, equal protection and many other areas of law. Secondly, the Federalist Society has successfully ‘disrupted’ legal education, socialization and credentialing. It has figured out a formula to produce what Federalist Society Vice President Leonard Leo called an army of ‘citizen-lawyers’ that are poised and ready to impact the legal battles of the next several decades.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This month marks the fifth anniversary of one of the Federalist Society’s most resounding successes: the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling. Hollis-Brusky says the groundwork for the controversial campaign finance case was carefully laid out by the Federalist Society over the course of years.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“At their conferences, meetings, and scholarship, lawyers connected through the Federalist Society network nurtured and developed the ‘corporations are people’ frame decades before there was a Supreme Court majority that would be receptive to it…they built the intellectual scaffolding of the decision outside the Court so it was packaged and ready to go when the justices seemed ready to move the law in that direction,” says Hollis-Brusky.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While the Federalist Society doesn’t wield the conventional political power of elected officials, Hollis-Brusky says that its far-reaching influence on jurisprudence can best be understood by two of its favored sayings: “ideas have consequences” and “policy is people.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“What the Federalist Society members realized early on was that no matter how good they thought their ideas were, in order for those ideas to have consequences, they needed people—preferably, people in power—to articulate them, transmit them, and implement them in law and policy,” says Hollis-Brusky.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hollis-Brusky’s research involved interviewing founding and core members of the Federalist Society, gathering and analyzing transcripts of conferences and meetings, and tracing their ideas through the network into Supreme Court briefs and opinions. The connections between the founding generation of the Federalist Society and the Reagan Justice Department are among the most fascinating discoveries she uncovered, she says. Edwin Meese, Reagan's former attorney general, became one of the earliest patrons of the Federalist Society and brought almost all of the founding members into the Reagan Justice Department as special assistants, creating a direct pipeline to power.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“There, they worked alongside more senior Reagan officials to lay a long-term strategy to reclaim the Constitution and the law for those on the right. And by and large, they have been remarkably successful in doing so over the past 30 years,” she says.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Looking ahead, the Federalist Society has an eye towards further expanding states’ rights and further limiting federal regulatory power, says Hollis-Brusky.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Thirty years later, its members are still deeply committed to finishing the unfinished business of the Reagan Revolution. So they continue to work to narrow Congress’s commerce power, fight back against federal regulation like the Affordable Care Act, expand the sphere of state sovereignty, bolster private property rights against federal and state encroachment, and eliminate race-conscious remedies like affirmative action, busing and voting rights legislation. This is the unfinished business of the Reagan Revolution. And the Federalist Society is the organization best-equipped to carry the mantle of that revolution into the coming decades.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://works.bepress.com/amanda_hollis/2/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This article explains the remarkable frequency with which the Unitary Executive Theory (UET) was used in the George W. Bush Justice Department (2001-2008) as legal justification for Executive branch action. It shows how this seemingly sudden turn in Executive branch interpretation was actually the result of a series of long-term political investments by key conservative and libertarian actors who worked to develop the intellectual underpinnings of the UET first within the Reagan and George H. W. Bush Justice Departments and then within the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">omg</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When Michael S. Joyce died in February 24, his death received scant attention in the mainstream press. Although very few people in academic circles are familiar with his name, he was, nonetheless, one of the foundational pillars of the current ideological attacks on the academy. A tribute to him [8] by Peter Collier was published in FrontPage, Horowitz’s Web site. Joyce and his intellectual muse -- the late University of Chicago political philosopher Leo Strauss [9] -- would have been pleased by the level of anonymity that he maintained during his lifetime. Joyce's ability to maintain such anonymity despite the enormous influence that he wielded in shaping and developing the infrastructure of the neoconservative movement in this country is quite remarkable.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Although The Atlantic Monthly, as early as 1986, was describing Joyce as "one of the three individuals most responsible for the triumph of the conservative political movement," he nevertheless adhered rigorously to the secretive and profoundly antidemocratic principles advocated by the enigmatic Strauss. As characterized by Jeet Heer in The Boston Globe, [10] Strauss held that "the best regime is one in which the leaders govern moderately and prudently, curbing the passions of the mob while allowing a small philosophical elite to pursue the contemplative life of the mind. Such a philosophical elite may discover truths that are not fit for public consumption.... For Strauss the art of concealment and secrecy was among the greatest legacies of antiquity."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1979, Michael Joyce entered the world of large-scale philanthropy with assistance from his mentor Irving Kristol, when he assumed the reins of the John M. Olin Foundation from the retiring president, William Simon. At Olin, one of Joyce’s first projects was to organize support for the launching of the Federalist Society. [11] Joyce’s work in creating and fostering the development of the Federalist Society is instructive and foreshadows the role that he has played in current efforts by neoconservatives to restructure American higher education. The Federalist Society, with Joyce’s ongoing support, not only fostered the development of ultra-conservative legal scholars and politicians such as Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Robert Bork, Samuel Alito, John Ashcroft, Alberto Gonzales and Kenneth Starr (all of whom are members) but organized them into a powerful force for reshaping American jurisprudence in support of a larger neoconservative agenda.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Also significant in this regard is a report by Jerome Shestack, [12] former president of the American Bar Association, that the Federalist Society is being increasingly being used as a platform from which to launch ideological attacks on the mainstream legal community. Through the device of the Federalist Society publication, ABA Watch, the society has launched a vicious attack on the ABA. In a special edition of the Watch, U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), co-chair of the society, announced that he would no longer invite the ABA to participate on a pro forma basis in the Senate judicial confirmation process. Employing rhetoric eerily parallel to that being used in the current attacks on the academy, Justice Clarence Thomas openly denounced the ABA, declaring “I am doubtful that the ABA can ever reform itself.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Corporate money created the Federalist Society in 1982, helping it to gather 10,000 members at 120 law schools. "Dedicated to purging law schools and the legal system of the orthodox liberal ideology which advocates a centralized and uniform society,'" declares Justice For Sale,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">the Society is now the principal organization for recruiting, educating and mobilizing conservative students on law school campuses and showcasing conservative legal scholarship. . . . The group's influence is perhaps best exemplified by the success of its three co-founders. As a member of the White House Office of Legal Counsel, Lee Liberman was considered the "ideological gatekeeper for the Bush Administration's process for selecting judges." David McIntosh served as Executive Director of Vice President Quayle's Council on Competitiveness, and Steven Calabresi, now a professor at Northwestern University School of Law, was a special assistant to Reagan Attorney General Ed Meese.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In sum, paying for and orchestrating law and economics professors and curricula at the nation's elite schools, sponsoring conferences, Continuing Legal Education workshops, legal research and theoretical writing, as well as for massive advertising and strategic litigation, these corporation initiatives "to make conservative economic theory the cornerstone of legal decision making," documents Justice For Sale, have set up an "institutional network that will advance and sustain their cause well into the future. Integrated and intergenerational, this infrastructure includes representatives from all segments of the legal establishment -- judges, scholars, practitioners, and young apprentices hailing from the Federalist Society."...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.ratical.org/corporations/Justice4sale.html</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Vice Chairman of The Federalist Society's free speech and election law practice group" [3]&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/content_filters/detail/free-speech-election-law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">colonize montana:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">AUGUST 19, 2013 4:04 PM &nbsp;• &nbsp;BY MIKE DENNISON GAZETTE STATE BUREAU</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BOZEMAN – U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia told a Montana audience Monday that American courts too often decide what rights we “ought to have,” when that decision instead should lie with the people, through their elected officials.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Scalia, speaking to more than 300 people at a Bozeman luncheon sponsored by the conservative Federalist Society, said this “inventing” of rights goes directly against his crusade to uphold the U.S. Constitution’s “original meaning” – a cause he said is losing ground.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“We’re now in an age when the high court’s opinions speak of an evolving Constitution,” he said. “It means what it ought to mean. And who decides what it ought to mean?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Nine lawyers. Actually five lawyers. What, are you crazy? Who would ever set up a system like that?”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Scalia, considered an intellectual leader of the Supreme Court’s conservative wing, said the court’s justices are no better suited to decide what rights ought to exist than is “Joe Sixpack.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“These aren’t questions for lawyers,” he said. “These are the kind of questions that society debates and decides.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Scalia, 77, has been on the Supreme Court since 1986, appointed by then-President Ronald Reagan.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society, a lawyers’ group that emphasizes many of the conservative principles espoused by Scalia, arranged Scalia’s visit here to help like-minded lawyers establish a Montana chapter of the group.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Organizers sold 320 tickets at $30 apiece for the luncheon, selling out the event a couple of weeks after it was advertised in July, said one of its organizers, state Senate Majority Leader Art Wittich, R-Bozeman.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A dozen Republican Montana officeholders attended the event, including Attorney General Tim Fox, who introduced Scalia, and U.S. Rep. Steve Daines.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">book review:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=====</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Vol. 18 No. 7 (July, 2008) pp.632-636</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">THE RISE OF THE CONSERVATIVE LEGAL MOVEMENT: THE BATTLE FOR CONTROL OF THE LAW, by Steven M. Teles. &nbsp;Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008. 385pp. &nbsp;Cloth. $35.00/£19.95. &nbsp;ISBN: 9780691122083.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Reviewed by Roy B. Flemming, Department of Political Science, Texas A&M University. &nbsp;Email: roy [at] politics.tamu.edu.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sure, it was a coincidence but the timing could not have been better. &nbsp;The morning before I sat down to write this review, I received a solicitation letter from the Federalist Society asking me for a donation. &nbsp;The letter signed by Eugene B. Meyer, the organization’s president, pointedly quoted Steven Teles’ comment from his book that the “Federalist Society represents, without a doubt, the most vigorous, durable, and well-ordered organization to emerge from . . . modern conservatism’s political strategy.”&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When Teles set out to document the stumbles, turning points, and successes of the conservative counter-mobilization against legal liberalism, his “first real breakthrough” came after Meyer let him loose to rummage through the Society’s internal documents. Other entrepreneurs in the conservative legal movement like Henry Manne, William “Chip” Mellor, and Clint Bolick fully cooperated with Teles, answering his questions and providing him with background documents. &nbsp;Equally important, pivotal financial patrons of the movement, like the Olin Foundation, followed suit. &nbsp;Finally, Teles decided to organize his research around the themes of strategy and entrepreneurship which he credits to conversations with Stuart Butler of the Heritage Foundation. No published study about the conservative legal movement of which I am aware can compete with the information, detail, perspectives, and stories that Teles has packed into his book.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Teles’ major stories pivot around the formation and evolution of the Federalist Society, the emergence and institutionalization of law and economics as part of law school curriculums, the Center for Individual Rights, and the Institute for Justice. &nbsp;Nested within these narratives are vignettes of other players and organizations that illustrate how patrons and entrepreneurs learned from their mistakes and redirected their strategies. &nbsp;Teles quickly alerts his readers that he not concerned with organizations like the American Center for Law and Justice that have been involved in religious or social conservative litigation. &nbsp;Nor is he interested in the thicket of conservative think tanks that sprouted up during the past three decades or in the proliferation of litigating groups with traditional pro-business agendas or interests in tort reform. &nbsp;The price of Teles’ tight focus, however, is easily off-set by the many benefits generated by his in-depth discussions.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The idea for a conservative legal counter-mobilization first surfaced in Lewis Powell’s &nbsp;confidential memorandum to the US Chamber of Commerce in 1971 shortly before Nixon nominated him to the Supreme Court. &nbsp;(Powell’s memo can be found at [*633] www.pbs.org/wnet/supremecourt/personality/print/sources_document13.html). &nbsp;Entitled “Attack of [sic] the American Free Enterprise System,” Powell argued America’s economic system was under “broad attack.” &nbsp;The “most disquieting” attacks were not those made by the usual left-wing or socialist suspects but those from “the college campus, the pulpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences, and from politicians.” &nbsp;Powell urged the Chamber to confront the criticism especially in universities and colleges (including a “balancing of faculties”) and redirect the public agenda by creating incentives for “independent scholars who believe in the system” to publish more often and more widely. &nbsp;In a very real sense, Powell’s ideas foreshadowed Manne’s campaign to create law and economics centers in law schools and the Olin Foundation’s initiatives aimed at the elite schools as well as the network of conservative faculty and students created by the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a section called a “Neglected Opportunity in the Courts,” Powell cautioned that liberal and far left groups had been “far more astute” in recognizing the “judiciary may be the most important instrument for social, economic, and political change.” &nbsp;This could be a “vast area of opportunity” for the Chamber and the soon-to-be associate justice recommended that it hire “highly competent” staff attorneys to file amicus briefs in the Supreme Court or under special circumstances retain “lawyers of national standing and reputation” to participate in Chamber-sponsored law suits. &nbsp;The American Civil Liberties Union, civil rights groups, and liberal public interest law outfits like those created by Ralph Nader, offered off-the-shelf templates that conservatives could use to organize their counter-mobilization. &nbsp;As Teles explains, Powell implied that the fundamental problem was an imbalance in the interests appearing in courtrooms and that it could be righted by recruiting pro-business if not conservative “repeat players” and by a revival of “judicial restraint” on the bench.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Things did not play out as simply as Powell intimated. &nbsp;Following the formation of the Pacific Legal Foundation in 1973 with the support from the California Chamber of Commerce, several other regional foundations were soon created under the auspices of the National Legal Center for the Public Interest (NLCPI). &nbsp;This network was organized geographically, not functionally, and held together by interlocking directorships. &nbsp;The result was “organizational turmoil” because as one insider told Teles “NLCPI had all the structural flaws of the Articles of Confederation” (p.63). &nbsp;Equally telling, the emphasis on filing amicus briefs displaced coherent litigation strategies and put the foundations on fund-raising treadmills. &nbsp;Most damning of all for Powell’s business-led strategy were unexpected tensions between business interests and conservative ideology. &nbsp;As Adam Smith cautioned long ago, business interests are not synonymous with the public interest however it is defined.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Teles’ cameo study of the Mountain States Legal Foundation illustrates the point. &nbsp;With reliable funding from Joseph Coors, a long-time patron of right-wing causes, effective leadership in the early years by James Watts who later became President Reagan’s Interior [*634] Secretary, and a shared sense of grievance arising from the “Sagebrush Rebellion” in the Western states over the control of federal lands, the Mountain States Legal Foundation had several built-in advantages. &nbsp;Nevertheless it faltered because its business allies expected returns on their “investments” and the foundation often filed amicus briefs in response to particular contributions or to encourage new ones. &nbsp;Matters came to a head when the foundation challenged on First Amendment grounds Denver’s grant of an exclusive cable television franchise to a local businessman, a grant widely supported by the Mile High City’s business community. &nbsp;As an insider explained to Teles, the foundation’s suit “gored very powerful interests there, well connected to the Republican Party . . . Joe Coors resigned from our board [saying] . . . ’I founded MSLF . . . to take on the Sierra Club, not to do this sort of thing’” (p.65).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Soul-searching about the strategy behind the first generation of public interest firms began in the late 1970s when Michael Horowitz (subsequently chief counsel of the Office of Management and Budget during the first Reagan administration) submitted a highly critical report to the Scaife Foundation. &nbsp;The Horowitz Report redefined the goals of the legal counter-mobilization. &nbsp;Litigation alone could not dislodge legal liberalism. &nbsp;Ties to business interests tethered conservative public interest firms and held them back from taking the moral high ground. Amicus briefs were “pufferies intended for naïve audiences of donors and not truly doing meaningful work” (p.71). &nbsp;The aversion to basing organizations in Washington, D.C. had to be jettisoned in order to confront liberalism on its own turf. &nbsp;Most important of all, the movement needed to redefine itself along clear, consistent libertarian lines with long-term strategies that would appeal to underdogs caught up in unresponsive legal institutions like black beauticians struggling under state regulations or lower middle class whites whose houses were threatened by eminent domain. &nbsp;Conservatives had to become idealistic “good guys” limiting government and empowering civil society.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Horowitz Report doused cold water on patron enthusiasm for funding conservative public interest law firms but in time the foundations used the report to restructure how these firms operated &nbsp;Two of these second generation firms are the subject of a separate chapter in which Teles compares the Center for Individual Rights (CIR), best known for its battles against affirmative action policies at the University of Texas and University of Michigan, and the Institute for Justice (IJ) whose fame soared after it turned defeat in KELO v. CITY OF NEW LONDON into a public policy success. &nbsp;While the two firms differ significantly in many ways, they share important similarities. &nbsp;For one thing, judicial activism no longer is a dirty word. &nbsp;Instead both firms see judicial activism as a means of reviving old rights to protect the conservative goal of limited government; property rights and eminent domain offer just one example. &nbsp;Clint Bolick (2007), co-founder of the Institute for Justice, recently argued in favor of judicial activism in a new book published by the libertarian Cato Institute. &nbsp;The firms, seeing the value in an activist bench, are accordingly more strategic in the cases they select and [*635] keep a steady eye on whether a case has the potential to change the public policy agenda or the law.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Horowitz, like Powell, stressed that a “key site” to contest legal liberalism was the university. &nbsp;In three chapters, Teles traces the winding, upward path of the law and economics movement and the seemingly inexorable growth of the Federalist Society. &nbsp;The law and economics story has two parts. &nbsp;The first deals with constructing the “mother ship” at the University of Chicago and the travails of Henry Manne to build law and economic centers at other universities and his final success at George Mason University.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Chicago legitimized law and economics. &nbsp;The JOURNAL OF LAW AND ECONOMICS, the sub-field’s first journal, started there and was later edited by Ronald Coase who won a Nobel Prize for his work. &nbsp;Chicago’s highly influential Anti-Trust Project provided fellowships supported by the Volker Fund, attracted law professors like Robert Bork, and revolutionized the field. &nbsp;Richard Posner with impeccable establishment credentials (Harvard Law and former Supreme Court clerk for Justice William Brennan) wrote ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF LAW (published in 1973 and now in its seventh edition) in which he challenged myriad shibboleths in traditional legal research. &nbsp;In the meantime, Manne spread the gospel by pushing for new centers at other universities, aggressively marketed law and economics with help from the Liberty Fund by holding regular conferences that identified ambitious scholars and brought them into the conservative fold, and through the Economics Institute for Federal Judges introduced numerous judges to the fundamentals of micro-economics.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The second part of the story focuses on the Olin Foundation’s strategic deployment of its largesse aimed directly at faculty and students in elite law schools (most of Manne’s centers were at lesser-ranked schools) which solidified the stature of the law and economics sub-field and raised its status as a distinctive alternative to traditional and contemporary legal scholarship. &nbsp;Law and economics was not Olin’s first choice, however. &nbsp;As an official explained to Teles: “I would have preferred to do something in constitutional law but . . . [i]f you said to a dean that you wanted to fund conservative constitutional law, he would reject the idea out of hand . . . Law and economics is neutral, but it has a philosophical thrust in the direction of free markets and limited government. &nbsp;That is, like many disciplines, it seems neutral but it isn’t in fact” (p.189). &nbsp;Olin’s gamble on law and economics paid off handsomely in ways that Lewis Powell would have applauded. &nbsp;At Harvard, Olin’s support for law and economics provided money, academic panache, and camouflage for Harvard’s president who wanted to stymie the critical legal studies movement and mollify angry alumni in corporate law firms upset by the havoc they felt the “crits” were creating within the profession. &nbsp;Law and economics raised the research bar for hiring and tenure decisions and offered alternatives to law schools that altered the balance of power in their faculties.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society rang repeated alarms within the legal profession that Harvard Law was “out of control” and [*636] from its beginning the Society has been concerned generally about the placement of conservatives in law schools and out of them. &nbsp;Teles maintains in his chapter on the Society, however, that over the course of its twenty-five year history the Federalist Society has carved out an influential niche for itself by limiting its attention to creating and fostering complex networks of lawyers, faculty, law students, and foundation patrons that are held together by an emphasis on serious debate and discourse over ideas that challenge legal liberalism while avoiding right-wing factionalism. &nbsp;Eschewing the establishment of an in-house litigation center early on, the Society also decided not turn itself into a conservative clone of the American Bar Association despite earlier feelings that perhaps it should and despite its persistent criticisms of the ABA. &nbsp;These strategic choices (there were others at critical moments) were made by a stable, self-perpetuating cadre of long-serving leaders, including Eugene Meyer, who were present at the Society’s founding and are aligned with foundation executives and senior figures from the legal community.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Teles neither constructs a theory of the rise of the conservative legal movement nor tests one. &nbsp;Conceptual references are employed at various times but largely to locate the study within the existing literature. &nbsp;This by no means diminishes Teles’ accomplishment. &nbsp;Each of his multiple interlocking stories of the pas de trois between different conservative entrepreneurs, their patrons and financiers, and the institutions they either created or tried to change took place over several years and demanded clear precise detailing, which they duly received. &nbsp;Teles’ book is an important reference and the chief departure point for anybody seriously wanting to understand one of the most important transformations in contemporary legal history and politics.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">REFERENCES:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bolick, Clint. 2007. DAVID’S HAMMER: THE CASE FOR AN ACTIVIST JUDICIARY. Washington, D.C.: Cato Institute.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Posner, Richard. 1973. ECONOMICS OF LAW. &nbsp;Boston: Little Brown and Company.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CASE REFERENCE:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">KELO v. CITY OF NEW LONDON, 545 U.S. 469 (2005)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">*********************</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Roy B. Flemming.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.bsos.umd.edu/gvpt/lpbr/subpages/reviews/teles0708.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">An influential anti-regulation lobby group which The Washington Monthly called ??the best-organized, best-funded, and most effective legal network operating in this country” and added, “what gets less attention, however, is that the Society is accomplishing in the courts what Republicans can’t achieve politically” (Jerry Landay: The Federalist Society: The Conservative Cabal That’s Transforming American Law, March 2000).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies has received $105,000 from ExxonMobil since 1998 (see ExxonSecrets: http://tinyurl.com/yu2aj6).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Abstract</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Only twenty-five years after its founding, the Federalist Society today boasts a nationwide</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">membership including renowned attorneys, politicians, policy-makers and jurists. Although the</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Society maintains that it is not a political organization, liberal political activists claim the Society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">has long pursued an ambitious – and extremely conservative – political agenda. In this article we</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ask: Do members of the Federalist Society decide cases in a more conservative manner than</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">other non-member jurists? Using data on decisionmaking in the U.S. Courts of Appeals, we find</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society members are significantly more conservative than non-members and examine</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">the long-term implications of our study.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY’S INFLUENCE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ON THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nancy Scherer (corresponding author)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wellesley College</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Political Science</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wellesley, MA 02481</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">nscherer@wellesley.edu</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">781-283-2209 (tel)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">781-283-3644 (fax)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">and</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Banks Miller</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Ohio State University</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Political Science</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">miller.3676@osu.edu</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=michael%20hartz%20gop%20attorney%20chicago%20federalist%20koch&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&sqi=2&ved=0CDEQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.wellesley.edu%2FPolisci%2FScherer%2Ffedsoc.pdf&ei=JPfVUKu9GoKQ2AW3loHIBg&usg=AFQjCNGbj_qvp8rn7asc-S91pIGhcc28_Q</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">www.wellesley.edu/Polisci/Scherer/fedsoc.pdf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/feddieSoc.txt</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">See Also: The Federalist Society: Hijacking Justice,&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by George Curry & Trevor Coleman, Emerge, October 1999</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The following is mirrored from its source at:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.pfaw.org/pfaw/general/default.aspx?oid=652</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">----------------------------------------------------------------------------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society: From Obscurity to Power</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration's</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A Report by the People For the American Way Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">August 2001</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">====</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">oddly sparse bio:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene B. Meyer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President, The Federalist Society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene B. Meyer is President of the Federalist Society and has served as Executive Director and CEO of the organization for more than 25 years. He is responsible for shepherding the organization from a small group of law students to a community of 42,000 lawyers, law students, academics, judges and others interested in the rule of law....Gene earned his B.A. in history at Yale in 1975 and his M.A. in political science from the London School of Economics in 1976. Gene has served as a Board Member for the U.S. Chess Center and is currently on the Board of the Holman Foundation. He holds the title of International Chess Master and has served as a Philadelphia Society Trustee. Gene lives in McLean, Virginia, with his wife Lori and their son.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"random" donor who lists herself diff&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">OTIS, LEE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FALLS CHURCH, VA 22044</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY/ATTORNEY</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.newsmeat.com/fec/bystate_detail.php?st=VA&last=OTIS&first=LEE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lee Liberman Otis</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Senior Vice President and Faculty Division Director, The Federalist Society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After graduating from Yale College and the University of Chicago Law School, where she served on the Law Review, Ms. Otis clerked for Judge Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Court of Appeals, served as a Special Assistant at the Department of Justice under Attorneys General William French Smith and Edwin Meese, and returned to clerk for Justice Scalia after his appointment to the Supreme Court.?? She then joined George Mason University School of Law as an Assistant Professor, where she taught Constitutional Law, Federal Courts, Appellate Advocacy and Legislation. &nbsp;She went on to serve as Associate Counsel to President George H.W. Bush, to practice appellate litigation at the Washington office of Jones, Day, Reavis and Pogue, and to serve as Chief Counsel to the Immigration Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee, General Counsel of the Department of Energy, and most recently as Associate Deputy Attorney General at the Department of Justice.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ms. Otis has been an important member of the Federalist Society team since the organization’s beginnings 25 years ago. &nbsp;Together with David McIntosh, she led the effort to start what became the Chicago chapter of the Society. &nbsp;She also helped organize the Society’s first conference at Yale, its second conference at Chicago, and its first Lawyers Division chapter in Washington DC, as well as the effort to incorporate the Society, recruit its permanent staff, and obtain its early funding. &nbsp;She was a Founding Director of the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Together with Federalist Society Chairman and Northwestern University School of Law George C. Dix Professor of Constitutional Law Steven G. Calabresi and Federalist Society Director and former Congressman David McIntosh, on April 26, Ms. Otis was awarded the Heritage Foundation’s Henry Salvatori prize for citizenship for her work in connection with the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">romney hosted breakfast</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,312005,00.html</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">guiliani</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another way the wealthiest Americans have rigged the rules so more of the national income flows upward may be just as consequential, but less well understood. A 30-year campaign to push America's courts sharply to the right has borne abundant fruit for those in the top 1 percent.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We see it reflected in today's Supreme Court, which, having unleashed a flood of super-PAC cash into our political campaigns in a decision that was one of the most brazen examples of judicial activism in the court's history, now stands poised to overturn not only the Democrats' healthcare bill, but much of the jurisprudence that supported the welfare state developed since the New Deal.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A study by the Constitutional Accountability Center found that the Chamber of Commerce had won 65 percent of its cases heard by the court under Chief Justice John Roberts, compared to 56 percent under former Chief Justice William Rehnquist (1986-2005) and just 43 percent of the cases that came during the Burger court (1969-1986).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But that's only the beginning. “The Roberts Court,” wrote Slate's Dahlia Lithwick, is “slowly but surely... giving corporate America a handbook on how to engage in misconduct. In case after case, it seems big companies are being given the playbook on how to win even bigger the next time.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many of the court's rulings have overturned long-standing precedents. While conservatives constantly rail against judges "legislating from the bench," it is far more common for right-leaning jurists to engage in “judicial activism?? than those of a liberal bent. That's what several studies have concluded. Media Matters offered a run-down of a couple of prominent ones:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A 2005 study by Yale University law professor Paul Gewirtz and Yale Law School graduate Chad Golder showed that among Supreme Court justices at that time, those most frequently labeled "conservative" were among the most frequent practitioners of at least one brand of judicial activism -- the tendency to strike down statutes passed by Congress. Those most frequently labeled "liberal" were the least likely to strike down statutes passed by Congress.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A 2007 study published by University of Chicago law professor Thomas J. Miles and Cass R. Sunstein... used a different measurement of judicial activism: the tendency of judges to strike down decisions by federal regulatory agencies. Sunstein and Miles found that by this definition, the Supreme Court's "conservative" justices were the most likely to engage in "judicial activism" while the "liberal" justices were most likely to exercise "judicial restraint."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a recent opinion, two federal appeals court judges suggested that all efforts to protect workers, consumers or the environment were unconstitutional, including regulatory efforts by the states. It's a radical view, but one that has gotten increasing traction in conservative legal circles. It is also the culmination of years of institutional investments by the corporate Right to advance what's come to be known as the “law and economics” movement, which analyzes legal rulings “costs” – essentially applying neoliberal economic logic to the field. Its advocates eschew the notion that human rights or economic fairness are inherently valuable factors for the law to consider.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The model has gained increasing influence in American courts, and that's no accident. In his book, The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement: The Battle for Control of the Law, Johns Hopkins scholar Steven Teles writes that conservatives, reacting to what they viewed as liberal hegemony in the legal community of the 1960s, fought hard to shift the legal terrain rightward.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spurred by their overlapping grievances, informed by an increasingly sophisticated of how to produce legal change, and coordinated by strategically shrewd group of patrons, conservatives began investing in a broad range activities designed to reverse their … organizational weaknesses. While similar kinds of organizational development were happening in other domains … in no other area was the process of strategic investment as prolonged, ambitious, complicated and successful as in the law.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1998, the Washington Post reported that “Federal judges are attending expenses-paid, five-day seminars on property rights and the environment at resorts in Montana, sessions underwritten by conservative foundations that are also funding a wave of litigation on those issues in the federal courts.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Funding for the seminars, run by a group called the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment (FREE), also comes from foundations run by companies with a significant interest in property rights and environmental law issues.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One of the group's funders was the John M. Olin Foundation, which invested millions of dollars in the law and economic movement – endowing university chairs, funding think-tanks and providing early support for the Federalist Society, which was founded in 1982 by former attorney general Ed Meese, controversial Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork and Ted Olsen—who years later would win the infamous Bush v. Gore case before the Supreme Court in 2000 and then go on to serve as Bush’s solicitor general. The foundation said in a 2003 report to its trustees, “All in all, the Federalist Society has been one of the best investments the foundation ever made.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 2005, the Olin Foundation actually declared “mission accomplished” and closed up shop. The New York Times reported that after “three decades financing the intellectual rise of the right,” the foundation’s services were no longer needed. The Times added that the loss of Olin wasn’t terribly troubling for the movement, because whereas “a generation ago just three or four major foundations operated on the Right, today’s conservatism has no shortage of institutions, donors or brio.”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If the economics and law movement were to become the standard in our legal culture, it would represent a massive upward redistribution of wealth. Not only would “transfer payments” – unemployment benefits, assistance for needy families and the like – be deemed unconstitutional, but so would minimum wages, job training programs, subsidized student loans and most of our already threadbare social safety net. And that environment will have been purchased for a princely sum by those who have profited so handsomely from America's spiraling income inequality.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joshua Holland is an editor and senior writer at AlterNet. He is the author of The 15 Biggest Lies About the Economy: And Everything else the Right Doesn't Want You to Know About Taxes, Jobs and Corporate America.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">RW activism: http://downwithtyranny.blogspot.com/search/label/right-wing%20judicial%20activism</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John M. Swomley "The Network of Righteousness - the Federalist Society". Humanist. FindArticles.com. 12 May, 2012.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Right-wing politics in the United States is not monopolized by Vatican loyalists and Protestant followers of such leaders as James Dobson, Pat Robertson, and Jerry Falwell. Add to the mix the Federalist Society, with its membership of 25,000--composed of lawyers, law professors, law students, judges, and many highly placed government officials.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For example, its roster includes Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia; Federal Appellate Judge Frank Easterbrook; Edwin Meese, former U.S. Attorney General under Ronald Reagan; former Solicitor General Charles Fried; Civil Rights Commissioner Linda Chavez; and, from Michigan, U.S. Senator Spencer Abraham, Governor John Engler, and five state supreme court justices. Other important Federalist Society litigators include James Bopp, counsel to the National Right to Life Committee and the Christian Coalition, and Michael Klausner of the Individual Rights Foundation, who defended the California anti-affirmative action law.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Probably the most influential member is Mormon Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah. As chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee he has successfully blocked confirmation of President Clinton's judicial nominations so that, despite eight years under Clinton, there are still more sitting Republican-appointed federal judges than those appointed by Democrats. Hatch is also cochair with Robert Bork of the Federalist Society's board of trustees.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">An article by Professor Jerry M. Landay in the March 2000 Washington Monthly describes the Federalist Society as "the best organized, best funded, and most effective legal network operating in this country" and credits it as "accomplishing in the country what Republicans can't achieve politically." For example, in their book Hunting the President, Joe Conason and Gene Lyons describe the behind-the-scenes meetings of Federalist Society members that led to Kenneth Starr's prosecution of Bill Clinton. And the society succeeded not only in moving such people as Robert Bork, Ralph Winter, and Richard Posner into positions in federal court judgeships but helped place Scalia, Sandra Day O'Connor, and Anthony Kennedy on the Supreme Court. This, in turn, has brought student graduates who are ideologically right wing into influential Supreme Court clerkships.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Two of the society's key activities are providing speakers to law schools and funding visiting professorships. There are now lawyers' chapters of the Federalist Society in at least sixty cities across the United States and student chapters in 140 of the 182 accredited law schools. Many of the activities of the student chapters and societies are funded by such right-wing foundations as the Olin, Scaife, and Bradley foundations; the Lilly Endowment; and huge corporations (Microsoft gave the Federalist Society $75,000 in 1999).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Beyond the society, offshoot groups, led by such key members as C. Boyden Gray (former White House counsel under George Bush and the current chair of Citizens for a Sound Economy), receive millions of dollars from corporations such as Exxon, to oppose the campaign to reduce global warming, and Philip Morris, to oppose higher cigarette taxes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clearly then, beyond its mere listing of an influential membership, the Federalist Society is a major player in the right-wing politics impacting American democracy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In another political-religious collaboration, Missouri Senator John Ashcroft (Assembly of God); North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms (Southern Baptist), chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations; and New Hampshire Senator Robert C. Smith (Roman Catholic) have jointly introduced a proposed constitutional amendment (S.J. Res. 49, 105th Congress, 2d Session) to make U.S. citizenship begin in a fertilized egg.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Fourteenth Amendment reads: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States ... are citizens of the United States and the state wherein they reside." The senators' proposed amendment states: "The word person applies ... to unborn offspring at every stage of their biological development, including fertilization." Thus, their proposal would define personhood and, hence, citizenship as the ovum at the moment of fertilization.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On the surface, this appears to be another anti-abortion effort. However, it goes beyond that to prohibit any contraceptive that functions after unprotected sex to prevent implantation of the fertilized egg in the uterus. It would therefore prohibit victims of rape from using emergency contraception and force such victims to bear their rapists' children.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If adopted, the amendment would also pose other dilemmas. Would the census have to count early pregnancies even if they later became miscarriages? Would states provide conception certificates instead of birth certificates? Would a miscarriage require a death certificate?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">These extreme right-wing senators are so intent on implementing their antiabortion convictions that they haven't foreseen the many implications of their proposals. What is clear is their total disregard for a woman's health or life, because their proposed amendment also specifically states that special legislation would be required to justify saving a woman's life. Thus, under this amendment a woman who prevented an early pregnancy or who had a self-inflicted abortion would be guilty of murdering a person and in death-penalty states could be executed.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The bar has been raised again in the hurdles a woman must jump to secure the right to control her life and health. And the collective efforts of all right-wing extremists to seize political and legislative control in the United States bode ill for democracy and the health of our nation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John M. Swomley has a Ph.D. in political science and international affairs from the University of Colorado and is professor emeritus of social ethics at St. Paul School of Theology in Kansas City, Missouri.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">====</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Saturday, November 06, 2010</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If the Roberts Court isn't scared of public outcry, why does it do so much of its dirty work so secretively</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The incredible Chief Justice John Roberts": Slate's Barry Friedman and Dahlia Lithwick take aim at a master illusionist.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by Ken</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Last night I directed readers to a must-read Slate piece by Barry Friedman and Dahlia Lithwick, "Watch as We Make This Law Disappear," whose subtitle perhaps makes clearer its thrust: "How the Roberts Court disguises its conservatism."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">How to explain the justices shoving the law rightward, while everyone thinks it is dead center or too far left? The answer is that [Chief Justice John Roberts is a brilliant magician. He and his four fellow conservative justices have worked some classic illusionist tricks to distract us from seeing the truth. Roberts is likely the first chief justice to understand that the message matters as much as the outcome. He has played his role with consummate skill, allowing the law to shape-shift before our very eyes, even as he and his fellow conservatives claim that nothing is happening.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The authors identify five categories of tricks practiced by the "magician" Roberts:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1. Stacking the Deck -- "by picking cases with facts so extreme that only one outcome seems possible. Then it uses those same reasonable-seeming decisions to push the law in conservative directions."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The authors underline the obvious but often overlooked fact that these decisions become the law of the land, governing cases that are likely to be nowhere near as provocative or clear-cut as the ones litigated, and since the media and public focus almot exclusively on the circuslike cases, hardly anybody knows how the legal ground has shifted.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And the Supreme Court, remember, has total discretion over which cases it accepts out of the huge number presented to it. The extremist bloc, the authors note, has become increasingly adept at shopping among those cases for those it can use to further its legal agenda -- and hardly anybody notices. The prime example they cite is the Court's steady but relentless erosion of the landmark Miranda ruling.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The conservative justices hate Miranda v. Arizona, a case familiar to any American who has ever watched a cop show on TV ("You have the right to remain silent," etc.). The justices' problem is they can't quite overrule the decision. Why not? Because polls show about 80 percent of the country approves of the rule. Even Roberts' predecessor—the very conservative William Rehnquist, a confirmed lifelong Miranda loather—choked in 2003 when he had the chance to get rid of it. Miranda, he wrote, "has become embedded in routine police practice to the point where the warnings have become part of our national culture."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What to do? They have found cases seemingly so outrageous that they require any sensible judge to stretch the rules, and after they've done it often enough, Miranda comes to mean practically nothing. Mission accomplished. Same deal with Roe v. Wade. Women's reproductive rights have been effectively wiped off the books. And as my legal-eagle colleagues are pointing out, the next big area of attack is access to the courts, which Roberts & Co. are working like the dickens to cut off to all but the wealthy whose interests they serve so devotedly.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trick 2: Misdirection. The extremist justices, say the authors, know full well which cases will draw public scrutiny. They go through the motions of attaching great weight to them, but their real work is done in barely noticed, often highly technical cases.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So while the world thought it saw the extremist bloc stepping back from its presumed intention to dismantle the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in the 2009 NAMUNDO case, it in fact served notice on one and all (including Congress) "that the Voting Rights Act stands on shaky ground" while pushing back individual rights on a host of fronts in cases that attracted hardly any notice. Continuing the "magician" metaphor, the authors warn us: "Like the illusionist's hands, it's the cases you don't see that you should be watching."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trick 3: Restoration. This is the trick of the Court making drastic changes in existing precedent while pretending to leave the precedent untouched -- a Roberts specialty.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Roberts Court strives hard to make the new seem old. Why? Because if everything is just as it was before, it can't be accused of changing the law. In a sense, this is the way of the judge: Prior precedents are offered up to justify every decision. Nothing is ever entirely novel. The difference today is that the justices aren't really following the old rules; they just create the illusion that they are.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The authors cite the chief justice's legerdemain in overturning precedent that allowed affirmative action by claiming, in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, that he was actually restoring the Court's own mandate -- incredibly enough, using Brown v. Board of Education to block public efforts to reverse segregation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trick 4: The Escape. And of course, if you're good -- and again, in matters of deceptive appearance, the chief justice isn't just good, he's a master -- you can go ahead and undo those nasty old precedents and just pretend you didn't.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Perhaps the best example of The Escape came in a 2007 campaign-finance case. Americans have heard a lot about campaign-finance law this past year, as a result of the court's dramatic decision last January in Citizens United. That decision overruled prior precedents allowing Congress to restrict corporate money in elections and earned a national shout of disapproval. But what you probably don't know is that the court had already accomplished virtually the same feat, by the same 5-4 margin, in the 2007 case Federal Election Commission v. Wisconsin Right to Life. Unlike the Citizens United case this year, however, in which the justices announced the change out loud, in Wisconsin Roberts claimed to be following precedent when he was shredding it.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The authors point out that "this trick has been used so frequently that conservatives and liberals alike came up with a name for it: 'stealth overruling.'" And they point out that Justice Antonin Scalia has actually chided the escapers for "faux judicial restraint."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trick 5: Sawing the Lady in Half. In line with the magician's trick of sawing the lady in half, the authors point out with reference to a number of cases including the big-deal gun-rights pushbacks, where the extremist justices were able to pick up support from hard-core individual-rights champions, or a Miranda-whittling case like Florida v. Powell, which garnered support from Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg (whom Roberts of course had write the majority opinion), Roberts & Co. have learned to foster the illusion that the lady was never sawed in half at all -- just look at her! But of course that isn't really the lady who was there originally.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The chief justice isn't really an illusionist, though, and the Supreme Court is not theater. It's real life. Today, because of the Roberts Court's decisions, state and local governments face greater obstacles to integrating their schools and getting guns off their streets. Second-term abortions are harder to get and often more expensive. Injured plaintiffs are tossed out of court without any sort of hearing. Criminal defendants? Forget about 'em (the court has).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Legally, of course, the Supreme Court justices can do any damned thing they want, and short of impeachment, nothing can stop them. And the authors point out:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The justices are entitled—indeed, obliged—to decide cases as they see fit. In that sense they really are umpires, and judicial independence is an important part of the American system.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The problem, they insist, is transparency. Again, the chief justice seems acutely aware that there's a court of public opinion he can't offend too frontally. He also understands, though, that the court of public opinion is a lazy and inattentive one.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In fairness, it's not just the illusionist who is to blame. Magic works because the audience so desperately wants to be fooled. The American public seems to want to believe in the myth of a nonideological Supreme Court, all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding Then there's the media: Looking really closely at just five cases each year—the girl in the cocktail dress—is easier than seeking out the nuanced sleight of hand.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Court has an obligation, the authors insist, and we have an obligation to hold them to it, to being open about what they're doing.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tricks and illusions are fine, great even, as popular entertainment. But when it comes to "equal justice under law" -- the words etched on the front of the Supreme Court -- "now you see it" is vastly preferable to "now you don't."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://downwithtyranny.blogspot.com/search/label/right-wing%20judicial%20activism</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Labels: John Roberts, right-wing judicial activism, Supreme Court</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=======</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society and another right-wing group, the American Enterprise Institute, have launched the website NGOWatch.org/NGOwatch.org to expose the funding, operations and agendas of international NGOs, and particularly their alleged efforts to constrain US freedom of action in international affairs and influence the behavior of corporations abroad. [5]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">huffpo amanda terkel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society: Where Are They Now?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">First Posted: 11/18/10 08:43 AM ET Updated: 05/25/11 07:15 PM ET</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">WASHINGTON -- The Federalist Society is one of the most powerful and unique organizations in the conservative orbit, describing itself as "a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order." But that simple description doesn't do justice to the influential network the group has built up, in addition to fundamentally changing the way that conservative ideas on the law are discussed and received in mainstream legal circles.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society gained widespread attention in 2007 for the power of its members within the Bush administration Justice Department. Since then, there has been less attention on the group, but according to legal experts, the group is quietly continuing to thrive in an environment where lawmakers and activists are increasingly touting constitutional law as the talk of the day.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A NEW ENVIRONMENT</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society kicks off its annual conference in Washington, D.C. on Thursday, featuring high-profile officials like Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia (who, as a professor, was one of the earliest supporters of the society and helped connect and fundraise for chapters) and Sen.-elect Mike Lee (R-Utah), in addition to legal luminaries like Richard Epstein and John Yoo.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Throughout its history, the group, founded in 1982 at Yale Law School, has prided itself on not explicitly taking policy positions on issues but rather creating the conditions in which conservative legal ideas can be debated and thrive. This year, the conference takes place in an environment that is perhaps more amenable to these ideas than at any time in recent years.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During the midterm elections, Republicans -- particularly those identifying with the Tea Party movement -- chastised Democrats for ignoring the Constitution, arguing that health care reform was unconstitutional under the 10th Amendment and debating whether part -- or all -- of the 14th, 16th and 17th Amendments should be dropped. Republicans have also promised to make sure every piece of legislation cites specific constitutional authority.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Indeed, this week's conference has sessions on hot-button issues like the 10th Amendment, the constitutionality of health care reform and Arizona's immigration law.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven Teles, an associate professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University and author of The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement, said conservatives have always had a more "constitutional vision of public policy," while liberals have had a "policy, analytic way of looking at the world." During the '80s, '90s and the second Bush administration, however, conservatives became more like policy analysts.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"What is interesting about the Tea Party and the recovery of constitutional discourse is that it's in some ways a repudiation of that move that conservatives had made," added Teles.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Meyer has served as the Federalist Society's executive director and CEO for more than 25 years. "It does seem to me as though there was a type of interest it was generating is not likely to go away very quickly," he said, noting the enthusiasm some of the incoming members of Congress have in this issue. Specifically, he pointed to Lee, Utah's new senator, who was president of his law school's Federalist Society chapter.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"More so than perhaps in the past, I think members of Congress will try to have one eye on the Constitution as they go about legislating," he said.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">POST-BUSH OPERATIONS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many people who have heard of the Federalist Society probably first became familiar with the group during the Bush administration, when officials in the Justice Department came under fire for giving special consideration to candidates identified with the conservative legal group -- part of the investigations into whether appointees politicized what were supposed to be apolitical programs within the federal government.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Beyond the implications with the Bush administration, the controversy highlighted the Federalist Society's importance in the conservative legal community and the role it plays in identifying future superstars. The organization has a budget of about $10 million and approximately 40,000 people involved, according to Meyer. Its most important work is done at the chapter level, on the campuses of colleges and universities, outside of the glare of the national media.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The most important thing it does for students is it allows them to bring speakers onto campus, who break the monolithic views they get from their professors, and it allows them to network with each other, so they can somewhat support each other," said Randy Barnett, a Georgetown University law professor who is a member of the Federalist Society and speaker at the annual conference. "It's kind of a support network for people who are sort of dissidents within their own academic environment -- and I was one, before there was a Federalist Society, so I know how lonely it can be to be alone -- and you're not actually alone because there are people who might actually agree with you and respect what you're saying, but you don't know who they are because they're keeping their mouth shut."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This infrastructure still exists, even without Republican administrations, as Ian Millhiser, a legal policy analyst at the progressive Center for American Progress, noted. The movement simply continues to build up new talent in the off-years.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"There were a lot of very young, very smart lawyers -- you know, Rachel Brand and Viet Dinh and people like that -- who were objectively quite qualified for the jobs in the Department of Justice," said Millhiser. "They got very senior jobs at a very young age, and they got that because they had this movement backing them up. And that movement doesn't go away just because there aren't Justice Department jobs or White House counsel jobs or judgeships to be passed out."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Millhiser explained that moving up in the legal world is a process of resume building -- prestigious clerkships, top-tier law firms and so forth. What the Federalist Society does, through its chapters and networking, is help bright young conservatives check off these boxes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"What the Federalist Society does really well, is it identifies that really really right-wing kid at Harvard Law School who is legitimately talented and who will do horrible things to the law but will do it very competently because they're a very talented lawyer," added Millhiser. "And they identify those people, and from the beginning of their career, give them opportunities, help them find those clerkships, help them network."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So did all the press during the Bush years -- much of which was negative but undoubtedly had the effect of magnifying the mystique of the group -- have any ramifications? Meyer replied that it certainly made more people aware of the organization and attracted more people who were genuinely interested in being involved in the discussions they were having.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Probably 75 to 80 percent of what we do is not covered in the national press articles," said Meyer. "I think the coverage was probably a net positive, but not a huge deal one way or the other."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">THE PROGRESSIVES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Part of the Federalist Society's mission in its earlier years was combating the American Bar Association, which it perceived to be ideologically biased toward liberals. But in a sign of the Federalist Society's success in shifting legal discourse, in 2001, the liberal American Constitution Society (ACS) formed to combat the growing "activist conservative legal movement."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I have to give credit to the Federalist Society for having been very successful in helping to pack our courts with right-wing zealots and changing constitutional interpretation to restrict the rights that most Americans consider so vital," said Caroline Fredrickson, who took over as ACS's executive director last year, "and our mission is obviously to push back on that and work toward a more just society."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Millhiser argued that much of the Federalist Society's success has been in the willingness of high-powered government officials or judges -- who may have started out in a chapter of the group during law school -- to embrace the group and said progressives need to create a similar network.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"This does go to the lopsided way the Federalist Society works hand-in-hand with the electeds, and the electeds on the Democratic side just haven't done that with movement progressives," said Millhiser. "When Bush was in office, he nominated a very successful round of hardcore movement conservatives, some of whom received resistance...but many of them didn't receive any resistance at all. ... They got Bush behind them, they got the Republican senators behind them, and the Democratic senators pretty much rolled over, because they didn't view this as an important enough issue."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Now, however, added Millhiser, Obama has nominated Goodwin Liu -- who is "one of the most well-regarded legal academics in the country" and clerked for a Supreme Court justice -- but he's being blocked.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"When Goodwin Liu gets nominated, all of the elected conservatives line up to block him in a way that the progressive movement's allies in Congress just did not line up to block the Federalist Society stalwarts," he said. "There's always that relationship there. When there's a conservative president, the Federalist Society can give a list of names to that conservative president that they want to see nominated. And when there's a progressive president, then the Federalist Society can work with their allies in the Senate to make sure that the movement progressives -- or unfortunately, in this administration, really any judges -- don't get confirmed. Then they hold their slots open. If that seat on the 9th circuit or any other seat isn't filled before Obama leaves office, and we're looking a conservative president in six or 10 or however many years, it's probably going to go to someone the Federalist Society wants to get it."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fredrickson said that the group has seen its membership grow since President Obama's election but argued the movement will need time to catch up with the decades of work by the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Their wisdom was in their recognition that having an impact takes long-term planning," she said. "They began their efforts around the courts so long ago, and they're really bearing fruit now. I think the lesson for us is not that progressives don't care or can't do anything about it, but in fact, it's a long-term process and we need to be patient and stay engaged, just like the right was, to make sure these constitutional values we embrace are fully shared by our judiciary."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/11/18/federalist-society-post-bush_n_785049.html?view=print&comm_ref=false</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">-------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">overview: http://neweranews.org/blog/the-federalist-society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Started on the Yale campus by a group of law students in 1982 - during the venerated reign of President Reagan - the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies came to be a collection of right of center conservatives and libertarians who are, “committed to the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be.???</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When it comes to the reading of the Constitution, they follow the theory of Originalism – the belief that the US Constitution should be interpreted in the way the authors originally intended it. It is ironic that the dominant conservative theory of constitutional interpretation was actually invented by Justice Hugo Black ??? a liberal New Dealer – for the purpose of constraining the rights to protect corporations.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">They are opposed to “big government” and favor states rights, disagree with government regulation that infringes on individual liberty or market efficiencies, and contest the idea of the “living constitution” that seemed to be the view of the more liberal Warren Court era.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Now encompassing student, lawyer and professor divisions, the society claims more than 40,000 members who have created a well-organized, well-funded, and effective network of legal thinkers dedicated to advancing the conservative agenda.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I started attending Federalist Society presentations in large part because prior to attending law school, I pictured the conservative group like some secret cult taken from the pages of the Da Vinci Code. In 2007 the Federalist Society had gained widespread media attention for its strong presence in the Bush Administration and the alleged involvement in the forced resignation of nine US Attorneys and four other high-ranking officials in the Justice Department. The press coverage of the conservative group had left me with mental pictures of a secret society that was quietly conspiring move the nation???s branches of government to the far right.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">..</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That refrain from overt action in the political realm may be the very strength behind the society’s success. Instead of becoming a political body, the organization has populated the presidential administrations of Reagan, and both George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush. Federalist Society members have authored the USA Patriot Act, the Torture Memos, argued Supreme Court cases, pushed conservative legislation, and investigated the personal life of President Clinton. The ultraconservative Judge Robert Bork, John Ashcroft, Spencer Abraham, Gale Norton, Eugene Scalia (Justice Scalia’s son and former Solicitor of Labor), John Yoo, Kenneth Starr are just a few of Federalist Society members who have held high-level government positions. The majority of current Republican members of Senate Judiciary Committee (the committee that is tasked with considering the President’s nominees for federal judgeships, including the Supreme Court justices) are Federalist members – in fact Senator Orrin Hatch is not only a member but is co-chairman of the visiting board.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society??s close ties with the Senate Judiciary Committee represents its awareness of the key role federal court judges and the Supreme Court justices play in shaping the law. There are more than 19 federal court justices who are members. Of the nine Supreme Court Justices, five are Federalist members or have strong ties to the society. Justice Scalia was a faculty advisor to the Federalists when he was at the University of Chicago, Justice Alito and Justice Thomas are members who lend their time to speak at society events, Justice Kennedy favors clerk applicants with membership on the resume, and although Chief Justice Roberts claims to never have been a member, documents that surfaced during his confirmation hearings indicated that at one time he served on its steering committee.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Through their deft organizational skills, efforts to increase their funding (now with an annual budget $10 million), a national network, the ability to work in conjunction with the Evangelical movement of the past twenty years or the newly prominent Tea Party, commitment to breading new Federalists at law schools, vigorous dedication to its conservative agenda, and access to the highest legal positions the Federalists . . . are winning.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Supreme Court in recent years, with the push from the conservative justices, has harkened back to the conservative court of the 1920’s. The Court has overruled 70 years of precedent on the Second Amendment and Federal gun control laws, reversed precedent on the Sixth Amendment right to counsel, increased the burden of proof required for older workers to prove age discrimination, overturned a 1911 decision to allow manufacturers to set minimum prices for their products, overruled 2 cases from the 1960’s on time limits for filing criminal appeals, overturned prior rulings on regulation of issue ads relating to political campaigns, decided a presidential election, rolled back EPA standards covering smog and soot, and held that political spending by corporations and unions to support or denounce candidates is a form of protected speech under the First Amendment.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">--------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">DAVID BROCK: If you go back to the Thomas situation, and you look at the issue of the principal advisors to Clarence Thomas during the confirmation strategy, some of them, I later learned, did know some damaging information about him. During the hearing they kept the press away, and they successfully dodged it all. But my view is that if you look at Bush v. Gore, that that decision is tainted by Thomas' ties to the conservative movement in a way that even Scalia and Rehnquist are not, because, of course, they were confirmed with large majorities. But Thomas directly owes his position on the Court to the Federalist Society and to the conservative movement more broadly. And so I think that he really can't be an independent actor. And I think that's why his vote is always so predictable. And in this case, Bush v. Gore, I don't think anyone expected anything other than the way Thomas did come down. And so the implication there is that this is a continual pattern of payback, essentially, by Thomas.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BUZZFLASH: You described the beginning of the full-out assault on the Democrats. You say on page 45 of your book, "more than any single figure for the right, Bork's nomination represented the culmination of a strategy put in place at the beginning of the Reagan administration to force a right-wing economic and social agenda on the country by judicial fiat. Judicial conservatism, the respectful idea of a limited role for the judiciary in a democracy, was abandoned by these right-wing judicial extremists who belonged to a secretive legal network called the Federalist Society, which was devoted to restricting privacy rights and reproductive freedoms, rolling back civil rights gains, and thwarting the authority of government to regulate industry in the public interest."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Then you go on to note that, in the Reagan administration, Federalist lawyers included our old friends Ted Olson and Kenneth Starr, and Clarence Thomas at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">DAVID BROCK: And Judge Silberman, and Bork.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BUZZFLASH: What do you think about the Bush administration making such a key issue of the appointment of their Federalist judges, and Trent Lott threatening to hold up the work of the Senate?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">DAVID BROCK: I think one of the most important things in this whole story is the founding of the Federalist Society, and the influence that it has exerted over the years. It started on a couple of college campuses by a couple of law students, one of whom is now the Secretary of Energy, Spencer Abraham, as simply a conservative student organization. If you look at the composition of this administration, the membership in the Federalist Society or affiliation with the Federalist Society is one of the strongest common elements or themes that you can draw, not only for the Executive Branch appointments, but I think, more importantly, for the courts. It is a way for the right-wing to recognize many of their own. And it's essentially a litmus test, without having to impose the actual test, of membership in the Federalist Society. I think one of the ways that you see the influence of the conservative movement most strongly is in this area of the judiciary. And it doesn't necessarily get a lot of press attention. But it is one of the principal ways, if not the principal way, of paying back the conservative movement.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Federalist_Society_for_Law_and_Public_Policy_Studies</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">From SourceWatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies[1], founded in 1982, is a "conservative legal fellowship" attempting to mold legislation and judicial practice in the United States.[2]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contents</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[hide]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1 Tactics</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2 News</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3 Background</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">4 Publications (with internal links)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">5 Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">6 Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7 Business Advisory Council</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">8 Memorable Members</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">9 Contact</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">10 SourceWatch Resources</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">11 External links</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tactics</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization describes on their web site the intent and the methods used to effect changes in the law:*</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Society is about ideas. We do not lobby for legislation, take policy positions, or sponsor or endorse nominees and candidates for public service. While overall the Society believes in limited government, its members are diverse and often hold conflicting views on a broad range of issues such as tort reform, privacy rights, and criminal justice."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies is a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order. It is founded on the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Society seeks both to promote an awareness of these principles and to further their application through its activities. This entails reordering priorities within the legal system to place a premium on individual liberty, traditional values, and the rule of law. It also requires restoring the recognition of the importance of these norms among lawyers, judges, and law professors.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"In working to achieve these goals, the Society has created a conservative and libertarian intellectual network that extends to all levels of the legal community."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">News</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In July 2005, shortly after being nominated by President Bush to be an associate justice on the U.S. Supreme Court, John G. Roberts Jr. was noted as being a member of the group. The White House has sought to have the major media organizations run corrections stating that Roberts was not a member of the group, but the Washington Post obtained a copy of the Federalist Society Lawyers' Division Leadership Directory, 1997-1998. It lists Roberts as a member of the steering committee of the organization's Washington chapter and includes his firm's address and telephone number. [3]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In November 2004, The Hill reported on "a sophisticated, multipronged plan," being developed by Senate Republicans, "to confirm President Bush's expected nomination to replace ailing Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist." The Federalist Society was given a distinct role in the plan, to "provide substantive arguments for use in Senate and media debates." Much of the communications plan was geared to "deflect liberal efforts to define the nominee." [4]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society and another right-wing group, the American Enterprise Institute, have launched the website NGOWatch.org/NGOwatch.org to expose the funding, operations and agendas of international NGOs, and particularly their alleged efforts to constrain US freedom of action in international affairs and influence the behavior of corporations abroad. [5]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Background</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Society is "committed to the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be. The Society seeks to promote awareness of these principles and to further their application through its activities."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Society provides a "forum for legal experts of opposing views to interact with members of the legal profession, the judiciary, law students, academics, and the architects of public policy,... [and] has redefined the terms of legal debate.... Overall, the Society's efforts are improving our present and future leaders' understanding of the principles underlying American law."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Society is a membership organization that features a Student Division, a Lawyers Division, and a newly-established Faculty Division. The Student Division includes more than 5,000 law students at approximately 145 ABA-accredited law schools, including all of the top twenty law schools. The national office provides speakers and other assistance to the chapters in organizing their lectures, debates, and educational activities.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Lawyers Division is comprised of over 20,000 legal professionals and others interested in current intellectual and practical developments in the law. It has active chapters in sixty cities, including Washington, D.C., New York, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, San Francisco, Denver, Atlanta, Houston, Pittsburgh, Seattle, and Indianapolis. Activities include the annual National Lawyers Convention, a Speakers Bureau for organizing lectures and debates, and 15 Practice Groups.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The Federalist Society established its Faculty Division in early 1999 with a conference that was attended by many of the rising stars in the legal academy. The objective of the Faculty Division is to provide events and other tools to help encourage constructive academic discourse. This encouragement will help foster the growth and development of rigorous traditional legal scholarship.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Finally, the Federalist Society provides opportunities for effective participation in the public policy process. The Society's ongoing programs encourage our members to involve themselves more actively in local, state-wide, and national affairs and to contribute more productively to their communities."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Publications (with internal links)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FAQs</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ABA Watch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bar Watch Bulletin</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Class Action Watch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Conservative/Libertarian Bibliography</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Engage: The Journal of the Federalist Society's Practice Groups</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hail to the Chief Presidential Survey</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Journalist's Guide to Legal Experts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pro-Bono activity at the AMLaw 100</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pre-law reading list</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Transcripts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">White Papers</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Steven G. Calabresi, National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. David M. McIntosh, National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Gary Lawson, Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene B. Meyer, Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. T. Kenneth Cribb, Jr., Counselor</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brent O. Hatch, Treasurer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Robert H. Bork, Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Orrin G. Hatch, Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. C. Boyden Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Andrew J. Redleaf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Lois Haight Herrington</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Donald Paul Hodel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald Walpin</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Edwin Meese III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Professor Lillian BeVier</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Harvey Koch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. William Bradford Reynolds</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert A. Levy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Frank Keating, II</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. C. Boyden Gray, Chairman, Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Stewart Bryan, III, Chairman, President/C.E.O. Media General Cable</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph Cannon, C.E.O./Chairman, Geneva Steel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Crosby Kemper, III, President, United Missouri Bank</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John G. Medlin, Jr., Chairman, Wachovia Corporation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nicholas John Stathis, Vice President, Orpheon, Inc.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul S. Stevens, General Counsel, Investment Company Institute</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert L. Strickland, Chairman, Lowe's Companies, Inc.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Memorable Members</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kenneth Starr</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John G. Roberts, Jr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contact</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1015 18th St., NW</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Suite 425</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Washington, DC 20036</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Group's website: www.fed-soc.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">SourceWatch Resources</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">American Enterprise Institute</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NGOWatch.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Supreme Court</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Creative Response Concepts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">External links</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jerry Landay, The Federalist Society. The Conservative Cabal That's Transforming American Law, Washington Monthly Online, March 2000.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Alexander Bolton, "Getting Ready for Court Fight," The Hill, December 1, 2004.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Debra England, "Top 10 charitable gift ideas for this holiday season," TownHall.com, December 16, 2006.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Dave Zweifel, "Swift Boat firm aiding Zeigler campaign," The Capital Times (Madison, WI), February 23, 2007.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C Boyden Gray, Meese, &nbsp;Bork,&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">-------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Richard W. Porter?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moody?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">-------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/01/politics/politicsspecial1/01federalist.html?pagewanted=all</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Justice Roberts?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As he argued that the society's influence flowed from its intellectual work - "I sound a little like a broken record, but what I'm excited about are the ideas"- Mr. Meyer also said he had benefited from news media training by Creative Response Concepts. That is the public relations firm that represented Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, the group whose advertisements in last year's presidential campaign attacked the war record of Senator John Kerry, the Democratic nominee.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society hired the firm, Mr. Meyer said, to train members and place them on television shows during the confirmation process. He said the goal was to educate the public on the role of judges and courts. "Given the general philosophical outlook, the chances are very good that they'll support the nominee," Mr. Meyer said. "But that's not the purpose."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the early days of the Bush presidency, administration officials said about a quarter of their judicial nominees were recommended by the Washington headquarters of the society. Mr. Meyer said the advice came from staff members speaking in their private capacities, not as official representatives.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">With an annual budget of $5.5 million, the society has benefited from decades of support from prominent conservative organizations, including the John M. Olin, Sarah Scaife, and Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundations.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the 1990's, three Federalist Society lawyers, Jerome M. Marcus, Richard W. Porter and George T. Conway, played important but covert roles in helping Paula Corbin Jones sue President Clinton for sexual harassment. They also worked behind the scenes to disclose Mr. Clinton's affair with a White House intern, Monica Lewinsky.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kenneth W. Starr, the independent counsel whose report led to Mr. Clinton's impeachment, is a prominent member of the society, as is Theodore B. Olson, who successfully argued Bush v. Gore, the case that stopped the Florida recount in 2000 and ensured Mr. Bush's election.&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to the Senate Judiciary Committee, 15 of the 41 appeals court judges confirmed under Mr. Bush have identified themselves as members of the group. Complaining that the society serves as "the secret handshake" of Mr. Bush's judicial nominees, Senator Richard J. Durbin, an Illinois Democrat on the committee, has repeatedly questioned them about the group's mission statement. Their answers, he said, have "ranged from the amusing to the preposterous."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">------</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">supported paula jones effort/ wa post&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">connected to landmark? &nbsp;see also Hunt pres&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2 at wa post &nbsp;http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/clinton/stories/scaifemain050299.htm &nbsp;cf pr.txt</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The society was begun by a group including Edwin Meese, Robert Bork, Theodore Olson, David M. McIntosh, and Steven Calabresi, and its members have included Supreme Court justices Antonin Scalia, John G. Roberts and Samuel Alito.[6]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Remarkable in its growth and reach, the society was founded in 1982 by law students unhappy with what they saw as liberal dominance in law school faculties and the courts. It now claims 35,000 participants (some paying dues and some not) and has chapters in virtually every law school and in 60 cities. Part of the society's influence stems from its sponsorship of public debates, which hone and promote conservative points of view.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But much of the influence, and most of the intrigue, flows from an informal social network, which members use to advance one another's causes and careers. Openly and behind the scenes, members have played prominent roles in the most pitched political battles in recent years, including the impeachment of President Bill Clinton and the Florida recount fracas in 2000 that led to the election of Mr. Bush.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The society takes few official positions. But to some liberal critics, the activism of its members conjures all they fear about the legal right, from the defense of states' rights and business interests to attacks on affirmative action, gay rights and abortion. One liberal blog, democrats.com, called the group "the conservative cabal that is attacking America from within."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/01/politics/politicsspecial1/01federalist.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===================</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And Jonathan Broder writing in SALON writes:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Last week Liesl Noll, a spokeswoman for the New York law firm of Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, confirmed to Salon that a process server had tried to deliver a subpoena to one of its lawyers, George Conway III, but was unsuccessful because Conway was away. Conway's secretary told Salon that he was on vacation and unreachable. Conway did not return several messages left by Salon on his voice mail, and his whereabouts remain a mystery.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Noll confirmed that Conway, a 34-year-old conservative activist, had recently informed the firm's stunned partners that he had worked for free and without their knowledge on the Jones case, writing the crucial Supreme Court brief that successfully argued Jones' suit should proceed despite the fact that Clinton was still in office.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">... For example, the White House strongly suspects that Conway delivered portions of Linda Tripp's tapes to Newsweek and put Tripp in touch with her current lawyer, James Moody, another conservative activist."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We also suspect that Starr, and Jones' lawyers - perhaps in concert with Conway - may have schemed together to jump Lewinsky at a suburban shopping mall hotel on the 16th of January in order to scare the bejeezus out of her and admit she did have an affair with the President and that he counseled her to lie under oath.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We wonder if Conway has accepted Bennett's subpoena as yet. At least he was in his office today.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But by far the most damaging story on George Conway was by Joe Conason of the newly chic New York Observer. Conason is a terrific reporter and has a way with words. He reports that Conway is a secret adviser to Paula Jones and evaded the Bennett subpoena by suddenly "disappearing" on the 26th of January.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.americanpolitics.com/021198ConwayIII.html</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">======================</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">From the New York Times, Jan. 24, 1999</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES, JAN. 24, 1999]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Quietly, Team of Lawyers Who Disliked Clinton Kept Jones Case Alive</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">(BY DON VAN NATTA JR. AND JILL ABRAMSON)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Washington: This time last year, Hillary Rodham Clinton described, in a now-famous appearance on the NBC News program 'Today,' how a 'vast right-wing conspiracy' was trying to destroy her husband's Presidency.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As it turns out, some of the most serious damage to Bill Clinton's Presidency came not from his high-profile political enemies but from a small secret clique of lawyers in their 30's who share a deep antipathy toward the President, according to nearly two dozen interviews and recently filed court documents.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While cloaking their roles, the lawyers were deeply involved--to an extent not previously known--for nearly five years in the Paula Jones sexual misconduct lawsuit. They then helped push the case into the criminal arena and into the office of the independent counsel, Kenneth W. Starr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The group's leader was Jerome M. Marcus, a 39-year-old associate at the Philadelphia law firm of Berger & Montague, whose partners are major contributors to the Democratic Party.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Although Ms. Jones never met him or knew he had worked on her behalf, Marcus drafted legal documents and was involved in many of the important strategic decisions in her lawsuit, according to billing records and interviews with other lawyers who worked on the case. As much as any of Ms. Jones's attorneys of record, Marcus helped keep Ms. Jones's case alive in the courts.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Marcus recruited others to assist his efforts, including several friends from the University of Chicago Law School. One of those who was approached, Paul Rosenzweig, briefly considered doing work for Ms. Jones in 1994, according to billing records and interviews, but decided not to. In November 1997, Rosenzweig joined Starr's office, where he and Marcus had several telephone conversations about the Jones case.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was Rosenzweig who fielded a 'heads-up' phone call from Marcus on Jan. 8, 1998, that first tipped off Starr's office about Monica S. Lewinsky and Linda R. Tripp. The tip was not mentioned in the 445-page Starr report, even though the information revived a moribund Whitewater investigation that would not have produced, it now seems, an impeachment referral to Congress.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Marcus did make his views known publicly last month when he wrote an impassioned commentary in The Washington Times urging the impeachment of Clinton. 'The cancer is deadly,' Marcus wrote. 'It, and its cause, must be removed.' He identified himself in the newspaper simply as 'a lawyer in Philadelphia.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his long efforts to promote Ms. Jones's lawsuit, and helping Mrs. Tripp find her way to Starr, Marcus found other allies, including another Chicago law classmate, Richard W. Porter. Porter had worked as an aide to former Vice President Dan Quayle and was a partner of Starr's at the law firm of Kirkland & Ellis, based in Chicago.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">George T. Conway 3d, a New York lawyer educated at Yale, shared Marcus's low view of President Clinton. When the Jones case led to Ms. Lewinsky, Marcus and Conway searched for a new lawyer for Mrs. Tripp. Marcus and Porter helped arrange for Mrs. Tripp to take her explosive allegations to Starr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Their effort are only now coming into focus, as a few of their associates have begun to discuss their activities and their names appear repeatedly in the final legal bills submitted by the original Jones legal team. Messrs. Marcus, Porter and Conway did not respond to numerous requests for comment.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In their arguments before the Senate this week, the President's lawyers said that there was collusion between Starr's office, Mrs. Tripp and the lawyers for Ms. Jones in the weeks leading up to the President's deposition last January. If witnesses are called in the Senate impeachment trial, the President's lawyers may explore the issue further, several Clinton legal advisers said.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles G. Bakaly 3d, the spokesman for Starr, denied there was collusion between the independent counsel's office and the Jones team, including Marcus. 'There was absolutely no conspiracy between the Jones lawyers and our office,' Bakaly said. 'Judge Starr has testified to the circumstances as to</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">how this matter came to our attention, and the actions that we took thereafter.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clinton said in his grand jury testimony in August that his political enemies 'just thought they would take a wrecking bail to me and see if they could do some damage.' That wrecking ball was wielded by Marcus and his colleagues, who managed to drive Paula Corbin Jones's allegation of sexual misconduct into the courtroom and beyond.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">THREE CLASSMATES AT CHICAGO LAW SCHOOL</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Marcus, Porter and Rosenzweig were classmates at the University of Chicago Law School, graduating in 1986. Conway met the others through the Jones case. Some of the lawyers were also involved with the Federalist Society, a legal group that includes conservative and libertarian luminaries like Starr, Robert H. Bork and Richard Epstein, a University of Chicago law professor.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Porter was the most overtly political member of the group, having worked on the staff of Vice President Quayle and on the Bush-Quayle campaign, where he did opposition research.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Porter was also an assoc</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">iate of Peter W. Smith, 62, a Chicago financier who was once the chairman of College Young Republicans and a major donor to Gopac, a conservative political group affiliated with former Speaker Newt Gingrich. Beginning in 1992, Smith spent more than $80,000 to finance anti-Clinton research in an effort to persuade the mainstream press to cover Clinton's sex life. Among others, his efforts involved David Brock, the journalist who first mentioned the name 'Paula' in an article on Clinton.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Smith declined an interview request.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1993, Brock said, Smith helped introduce him to the Arkansas state troopers who accused Clinton of using them to procure women when he was Governor of Arkansas. Brock wrote an article based on the troopers' account of Clinton's sexual escapades that was published in the January 1994 issue of The American Spectator, a conservative magazine. According to Brock, Smith wanted to establish a fund for the troopers, in case they suffered retribution. Brock said he opposed payments because they would undermine the troopers' credibility.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">To allay his concerns, Brock said, Smith urged him to speak to Porter, who was then working at Kirkland & Ellis, the Chicago law firm that employed Starr in its Washington office. Brock said he had hoped his talk with Porter would put an end to any planned payments to the troopers, but Smith did pay them and their lawyers $22,600.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1992, Smith also paid Brock $5,000 to research another bit of Arkansas sex lore regarding Clinton, a rumor that has since proved to be baseless.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brock did not pursue an article.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brock's trooper article in The American Spectator mentioned a woman identified as 'Paula,' and in May 1994, Ms. Jones filed her lawsuit against President Clinton. Ms. Jones's lawyers of record were from the Washington area, Gilbert K. Davis and Joseph Cammarata, whom Marcus had helped recruit.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LAWYERS OF RECORD HAD HELP FROM START</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Davis and Cammarata billing records show that from their earliest involvement in the case, they were consulting with Marcus and Porter. Conway also helped draft briefs, Cammarata said.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">'Marcus was involved,' Cammarata said, 'but he insisted that he not be identified. But that was fine with me. We were just two guys involved in the middle of a world war. We welcomed his help.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">No one was more important to the Jones case than Marcus. Besides helping to write several important briefs, Marcus spoke numerous times at the most critical moments in the case with Cammarata and Davis, offering legal advice that Cammarata said was 'vital.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to the billing records, Porter also offered 'legal strategy' and once wrote a memo on 'investigative leads' that might embarrass the President.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">'Porter was a cheerleader,' Cammarata said. 'He used to call up and say, 'Maybe we can find you some money.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One of President Clinton's legal advisers said he noticed a marked difference in quality between the routine legal pleadings filed by the Cammarata and Davis team, and the polished, scholarly briefs written by the shadow legal team headed by Marcus and Conway.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Marcus, meanwhile, was so successful at keeping the extent of his role a secret that even Cammarata only found out recently that Marcus had trouble finding lawyers to agree to represent Ms. Jones. 'No one wanted to touch this case,' Cammarata said. 'No one wanted to take on the President of the United States.'</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another friend of Marcus also briefly considered assisting the Jones lawyers.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In June 1994, Rosenzweig, a lawyer at a small law firm in Washington, with experience working in the Justice Department, expressed interest in doing legal work on behalf of Ms. Jones, but he did none, lawyers involved in the case said.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LAW FIRM INCLUDED INFLUENTIAL DEMOCRATS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Conway wanted his role kept hidden as well, because his New York law firm, Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, included influential Democrats like Bernard W. Nussbaum, a former White House counsel. Conway's name does not appear on any billing records.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Although the billing records show communication between Porter and the Jones lawyers from 1994 to 1997, he denied in a written statement last fall doing legal work for Ms. Jones.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Because Porter is a partner at the firm where Starr worked until he took a leave of absence last August, any role played by Porter in the Jones case could have posed a conflict of interest for Starr once he became independent counsel. Starr has said he did not discuss the Jones case with Porter.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Starr has acknowledged contacts with Davis, specifically six telephone discussions the two had in 1994, before Starr became independent counsel. In fact, Starr has been criticized for not disclosing the phone conversations to Attorney General Janet Reno when he was seeking to expand his investigation to the Lewinsky matter. Starr has said it did not occur to him to mention the conversations because he did not do work on the Jones case and simply offered his publicly stated position on a point of constitutional law that Presidents are not immune from civil lawsuits.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Before the Jones lawyers argued before the Supreme Court in May 1996, paving the way to the fateful 9-0 decision that the President was not immune from civil lawsuits, Conway went to Washington for a practice argument. He joined Davis, Cammarata, Judge Robert Bork and Theodore Olson, a Washington lawyer and friend of Starr, at the Army-Navy Club here.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When Cammarata and Davis quit as Ms. Jone's lawyers after she failed to reach a settlement with President Clinton's lawyers in 1997, Marcus and his colleagues established ties to her new lawyers at the Dallas law firm of Rader, Campbell, Fisher & Pyke and the Rutherford Institute of Charlottesville, Va., which helped pay her legal expenses.]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In November 1997, Rosenzweig went to work as a prosecutor in Starr's office. And from November to January, Rosenzweig spoke several times by telephone with Marcus and discussed the Jones case, a lawyer with knowledge of the conversations said. But Bakaly, a spokesman for Starr, said that Rosenzweig did not tell any of his colleagues about what he learned about developments in the Jones case.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By this time, Mrs. Tripp was cooperating with the Jones lawyers. She was also taping her conversations with Ms. Lewinsky, which her friend, Lucianne Goldberg, a Manhattan literary agent, had incorrectly assured her was legal. In December, Mrs. Tripp became frantic that she might be prosecuted because such taping is illegal in Maryland, where Mrs. Tripp lives. Mrs. Tripp and Ms. Goldberg thought of a possible solution: perhaps she could receive immunity from prosecution from Starr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ms. Goldberg called Smith, the Chicago financier, and Porter for advice on how Mrs. Tripp might approach Starr. In a teleconference during the first week of January 1998, Ms. Goldberg talked to Porter and Marcus. Meanwhile, Marcus sought new lawyers for Mrs. Tripp. Conway suggested an old friend, James Moody, a Washington lawyer and fellow Federalist Society member, whom Mrs. Tripp retained.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Because he was Starr's former law partner, Porter did not want to be the first one to call the independent counsel's office on behalf of Mrs. Tripp. So Marcus made the call to Rosenzweig.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/02/12/senate.statements/harkin.html</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">----</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">S P E C I A L &nbsp; &nbsp;R E P O R T</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">H I J A C K I N G &nbsp; &nbsp;J U S T I C E&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society, a Right-wing network of lawyers, judges and supporters,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">is undoing civil rights and other gains made through the courts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By George E. Curry & Trevor W. Coleman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Emerge, October 1999</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">WHEN BROWN VS. BOARD OF EDUCATION WAS BEING ARGUED, a clerk to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson suggested that the court should rule against the plaintiffs in the landmark school desegregation case. While making the case for maintaining segregated schools, the clerk sent a memo to his boss saying, "It is about time the Court faced the fact that white people in the South don't like the colored people." That clerk was William Rehnquist, now chief justice of the United States Supreme Court. Seeking to put his own ultraconservatives on the Supreme Court with Rehnquist, President Ronald Reagan -- who had appointed more than half of the sitting federal judges by the time he left office -- considered nominating Lino A. Graglia, a controversial University of Texas law professor, as a federal appeals court judge for the 5th Circuit. But the nomination, which had been backed by Attorney General Edwin Meese III, was jettisoned after Graglia acknowledged that he had referred to African-Americans as "pickaninnies." The American Bar Association found the law professor "not qualified" to serve on the federal bench.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Reagan did nominate Robert H. Bork, a former Yale law professor, who was on the U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington, D.C. Bork had opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, calling it "an unwanted intrusion on the right of individuals to choose with whom to associate." After bitter debate, the Senate rejected his nomination in 1987 by a vote of 58 to 42.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Far from fading into the background, Bork, Meese, and to a lesser extent, Graglia, are key players in the Federalist Society, a powerful Right-wing network intent on restricting the power of courts, often at the expense of African-Americans and other people of color, the poor, women and the disadvantaged.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization actively seeks to limit "judicial activism" and reverse Supreme Court landmark rulings since the New Deal, especially those issued in the 1960s and '70s. Special targets include the 1966 Miranda decision that provides certain rights for suspected criminals, the 1973 Roe vs. Wade ruling legalizing abortion and recent civil rights legislation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded in 1982 by three law students, the Federalist Society has grown into one of the most influential institutions in America. Four of the nine members of the U.S. Supreme Court -- Clarence Thomas, William H. Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia and Anthony M. Kennedy -- are close affiliates of the Federalist Society. So are Donald P. Hodel, former president of the Christina Coalition, and special prosecutor Kenneth Starr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society's board of trustees is co-chaired by Bork and U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch -- one of the most conservative members on Capitol Hill. Other trustees include former Attorney General Meese, William Bradford Reynolds, who was assistant attorney general for civil rights in the Reagan Administration, sought to have court-ordered affirmative action programs overturned, and C. Boyden Gray, former President Bush's chief White House attorney, who opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1991.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a world being reshaped by the Federalist Society, conservative law students have formed chapters on campuses across the nation. After graduation, they clerk for conservative judges and then go on to become high-ranking government officials, partners in major law firms, prosecutors, law school professors and judges at the local, state and federal level. In short, the Federalist Society is on the verge of hijacking the judicial system.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"This is more than an attack on affirmative action being spear-headed by the Federalist Society lawyers," observes Francis A. Boyle, a law professor at the University of Illinois. "They want to go beyond getting rid of affirmative action. They want to go back to Brown vs. Board of Education.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We have Justice Antonin Scalia (who advised the Federalist Society at its inception and later hired two of its three founders as his law clerks), who two years ago gave a public lecture at Columbia Law School where he stated if Brown vs. Board of Education was to be presented to him today, he would rule against the plaintiff. In other words, this was a threat that if Brown vs. Board of Education was voted on before the Supreme Court, he would overturn it."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That type of thinking disturbs Lawrence E. Walsh. Before becoming president of the American Bar Association in 1975, Walsh chaired an ABA panel that approved President Nixon's choices of federal appeals judges, Clement Haynesworth and G. Harold Carswell, to serve on the Supreme Court. In 1969, the Senate rejected Haynesworth because of conflict-of-interest fears. The following year, Carswell was rejected by the Senate after it was disclosed that he had given a speech as a lawyer expressing his "vigorous belief in the principles of White supremacy."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"My concern is there is going to be a cleavage in the courts between the Federalist Society members and nonmembers," says Walsh, a former federal judge. "Anything that perpetuates that kind of ideological cleavage is not good for the unity of the court system. Ideally, it seems to me that judges should avoid memberships [in politically and substantively motivated organizations] but, of course, they don't do that."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In fact, the ABA, in one of its publications on judicial independence, concludes: "A judge's impartiality and ability to interpret and apply the laws fairly are integral to the administration of justice."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But a judge's membership in an organization -- whether it's the American Civil Liberties Union on the Left or the Federalist Society on the Right -- can influence whether a judge is perceived as being unbiased, a critical element in a judicial system that prides itself on being fair.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Harold D. Pope, president of the National Bar Association, says: "People who are opposing the expansion of rights and opportunities for all people in this society we feel are working against America's best interest. We would hope that all jurists, no matter what their prior political persuasion, would deal objectively with the facts of law as they come before them, as they were sworn to do so when they first sat on the bench."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The expansion of the Federalist Society, which has adopted a silhouette of James Madison as its symbol, comes at a time when the legal community is worried about a loss of public confidence. An ABA special committee on judicial independence issued a report in August titled "Protecting the Bulwark of the Republic: Ensuring Public Support of the Judicial Process." The report states, "According to the ABA survey, only about half of the respondents believed that our justice system treats men and women equally. Even fewer believed that courts treat members of different ethnic groups or wealthy and poor people the same."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><br /></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The report continues, "As [former] ABA President [Philip S.] Anderson recently stated: We must work on this problem for as long as it takes to make our profession equally open and our system of justice equally responsive to all members of our society, regardless of color. This is the ultimate challenge to the integrity of the rule of law in America.'"</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But the Federalist Society is interested in a challenge of a different kind. To its credit, the organization operates with an open and very public agenda. On its web page, for example, it lays out its conservative agenda. "The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies is a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order. It is founded on the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be. The Society seeks both to promote an awareness of these principles and to further their application through its activities."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Even conservative writer Michael Lind would call this 19th-century view "the Confederate theory of the Constitution."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Speakers at one national Federalist Society-sponsored lawyers convention proposed far-reaching judicial reforms that included the abolition of judicial review, limiting the powers of federal courts and stripping the Supreme Court of jurisdiction over certain matters.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mary Frances Berry, chair of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, is worried about more than theory. "What is scary about the Federalist Society is that it is antiquated and atavistic," she says. "Their views on natural law, libertarianism and the limited power of government to respond when people are being discriminated against is scary -- for African-Americans, especially. The more people you have who espouse those views on the court, the more dangerous it becomes for every one of our lives."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In this book, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover Up, Walsh writes: "In calling for the narrow construction of constitutional grants of governmental power, the Federalist Society seemed to speak for right-wing Republicans. I was especially troubled that one of White House Counsel Boyden Gray's assistants had openly declared that no one who was not a member of the Federalist Society had received a judicial appointment from President Bush."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brian W. Jones, a San Francisco lawyer and member of the Federalist Society, believes that his group is being maligned.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I reject out of hand that Federalists are hostile to civil rights," says Jones, an African-American who was deputy legal affairs secretary to California Gov. Pete Wilson and former counsel to Hatch's Senate Judiciary Committee. "Most members of the Federalist Society would agree that the government has no business making racial distinctions of any kind among its citizens. I would argue that is a very credible view of civil rights.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"On civil rights and civil liberty issues, Federalist Society judges tend to have a more limited view of the federal government's authority to respond to a whole range of questions. For conservatives, the first question with any inquiry into responding to social problems is: Where does the authority lie, with the federal government or state and local governments?"</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another African-American, Gerald Reynolds, is vice chairman of membership for the Federalist Society. "There are some people who embrace this principle of racial neutrality," says the Kansas City, Mo., lawyer. "This debate flows from principles and not from animosity toward Blacks."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The national office of the Federalist Society in Washington, D.C., refused to provide the names of judges on its membership list. However, some of the organization's records were obtained by Emerge from other sources.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">An examination of Federalist Society documents for 1997 and 1998, the most current information available at press time, reveals the extent that the group has penetrated the courts. When looking at the board of directors of local chapters, officers, their advisory panels and membership lists, it is clear that when one goes to court seeking justice, he or she is increasingly likely to have a judge affiliated with the Federalist Society handling the case. During the period studied, that was true whether one was entering a courtroom in New York, Michigan or Alabama. (The titles of persons listed hereafter reflect the positions they held at the time the records were compiled by the Federalist Society; some of the judges have since been elevated to a higher court.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In New York state, judges serving as officers, directors or advisers to the local chapters included Thomas P. Griesa, chief judge of the U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York, as well as District Judges Shirley Wohl Kram, Lawrence M. McKenna and John E. Sprizzo. A U.S. Appeals Court Judge for the Second Circuit, Dennis G. Jacobs, was also among that group. The Long Island advisory board included U.S. District Judge Michael Fiechter, U.S. Court of International Trade Judge Gregory W. Carman and State Supreme Court Judges Jack Dunne and Ute Lally.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In Michigan, judges aligned with the Federalist Society included James L. Ryan and Richard F. Suhreinrich of the U.S. Court of Appeals; Federal District Judges Paul V. Gadola, David W. McKeague, Gerald E. Rosen and Lawrence P. Zatkoff; and U.S. Magistrate Judge Virginia M. Morgan. State Supreme Court Justices Clifford W. Taylor and Elizabeth A. Weaver were listed as advisers to the Detroit chapter. So were Maura D. Corrigan, chief judge of the Michigan Court of Appeals, along with fellow judges Stephen J. Markman, Henry W. Saad, and Robert Young Jr. (an African-American who has since been elevated to the Michigan Supreme Court). The chief judge of the Washtenaw County Circuit Court in Grand Rapids, Kurtis T. Wilder (another African-Americana who is now on the Michigan Court of Appeals), and Wayne County Circuit Judges Sean Cox, Michael J. Talbot and Brian Zahra helped complete the list.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Local chapters in Alabama were advised by Perry O. Hooper Sr., chief justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama, along with Associate Justices J. Gorman Houston, Harold See and A. Hugh Maddox. U.S. Sen. Jefferson B. Sessions III also supported the organization. (Sessions was nominated to become a federal judge in 1986 but was blocked when it was disclosed that he had called the NAACP and the American Civil Liberties Union "un-American" and "communist-inspired," and said they "force civil rights down the throats of people." Referring to the Ku Klux Klan, he reportedly said, "I used to think they're OK," until he learned that some Klansmen were "pot smokers." Sessions contended the remarks were either made in jest or had been misinterpreted.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Additional supporters listed included Randall T. Shepard, chief justice of the Indiana Supreme Court; Craig Enoch, chief justice of the Texas Supreme Court; South Carolina Attorney General Charles Molony Condon; Alabama Attorney General William Pryor (who has links on his web page to the Federalist Society and the conservative Washington Legal Foundation), Pennsylvania Attorney General D. Michael Fisher; Indianapolis Mayor Stephen Goldsmith and Clarence Thomas' wife, Virginia, a former aide to House majority leader Richard Armey, and who now works for the Heritage Foundation.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As the presiding officials in courts, judges wield broad power. For example, U.S. District Judge Neal B. Biggers Jr., who sits on the advisory board of the Mississippi chapter of the Federalist Society, presided over the Ayers desegregation case. In 1975, Jake Ayers Sr., a Mississippi sharecropper, sued the state on behalf of his son, charging that the state's higher education system discriminated against African-Americans and historically Black colleges.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1987, Biggers upheld the state College Board's contention that Mississippi's higher education system was no longer racially discriminatory. The Supreme Court reversed Biggers in 1991 and ordered him to remove any vestiges of past discrimination.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The power of the Federalist Society is not limited to the judiciary, which would be concern enough. Its tentacles extend deep into corporate America. Listed members of its business advisory council included John Stewart Bryan, III, chairman, president and C.E.O. of Media General Cable; John G. Medlin Jr., board chair of Wachovia Corp., an interstate bank holding company; Geneva Steel C.E.O. Joseph Cannon and Robert L. Strickland, chairman of Lowe's Companies. Also affiliated with the Federalist Society are Brian J. Brille and David Panton of Morgan Stanley financial services in New York; William Haraf of Bank of America in San Francisco; Chris Ekren of Sony Corp. in San Jose, Calif.; Frank Blake of General Electric in Schenechtedy, N.Y.; Philip R. Lochner Jr., senior vice president, Time Warner Inc. in New York; William Kemp of General Motors in Warren, Mich.; Edward Whelan of GTE Corp.'s Washington office; David Askin of Exxon Co. in Baytown, Texas; Marsha Rabiteau of Dow Chemical in Midland, Mich.; F. James Tennies, chief administrative officer at Legg Mason for asset management in Baltimore; Jodi Balsam, counsel for operations and litigation for the National Football League and Tom Donahue of Metropolitan Life.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Even federal employees in the Clinton administration were included in Federalist Society documents: Paul-Noel Chretien of the Justice Department; Theodore Cooperstein of the FBI; Carol Crawford of the International Trade Commission; Kevin Martin of the Federal Communications Commission and Christopher Holleman of the U.S. Small Business Administration. William Saunders of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights also backs the Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many of the nation's blue-chip law firms have attorneys associated with the Federalist Society. Those listed included lawyers in the Washington, D.C. law firms of Arnold and Porter; Covington & Burling; Steptoe & Johnson; Hogan & Hartson; Patton, Boaggs & Blow; and Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering. New York law firms with lawyers associated with the Federalist Society include: Cravath, Swaine & Moore; White & Case and Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison. In Boston, one law firm -- Hale and Door -- has at least 10 attorneys affiliated with the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The list of law professors associated with the society included Ronald A. Cass, dean of Boston University's law school; Michael Young of Columbia University; John Yoo of the University of California at Berkeley; Eugene Volokh of UCLA; Northwestern University professors Gary Lawson, Daniel D. Polsby and Stephen B. Presser; Robert P. George of Princeton; Gerard Bradley of Notre Dame; Gordon B. Baldwin of the University of Wisconsin, Olan B. Lowry of Temple; Johathan Macey and Richard Painter of Cornell; Ronald D. Rotunda of the University of Illinois; Gerald T. Dunn of St. Louis University and Thomas Morgan of George Washington University.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The University of Virginia, one of the best law schools in the nation, has quite a few Federalist Society professors or sympathizers on its faculty, including John Norton Moore, Robert Turner, Erika Worth Harris and Lillian BeVier.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"People have to understand, whether they like lawyers or not, law schools have an enormous amount of power, whether it's power for good or evil. Unfortunately, what we are seeing under the Federalist Society is law schools and legal education being used to promote racism, bigotry and Right-wing politics. These people believe in the Bell Curve," says Prof. Boyle of the University of Illinois, referring to a controversial theory by Charles Murray and Richard J. Herrnstein about the supposed low intelligence level of some non-Whites. "You have to understand that. Just as the Federalist Society did to the federal judiciary, they are now trying to do to law schools."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Boyle and others say this is done by establishing well-endowed law professorships and speaking tours for the true believers. "Where they once were scholars with Right-wing foundations like the Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute and the Cato Institute, they are now getting credentialed as law professors," he notes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">No comparable movement exists among progressives, which may explain why civil rights groups and liberals are doing such a feeble job defending affirmative action.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We've got to realize that while we have been dillydallying in law schools with critical race theories and penetrating the Law Review, all this is chump change to [Federalists]," observes Berry, of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. "It's like we were out playing whiffle ball while they were exercising power."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society was founded 17 years ago by Yale Law School student Steven G. Calabresi and two counterparts at the University of Chicago School of Law, Lee Liberman and David McIntosh. All three were undergraduates together at Yale. Upset with what they perceived as liberal bias, the three decided to form an organization for conservative law students. Yale professors Robert H. Bork and Ralph K. Winter, both of whom would be appointed to the federal bench by Ronald Reagan, served as advisers to the Yale chapter. In Chicago, future U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia served in a similar capacity.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The contacts the three made as students have proven to be invaluable. Calabresi, in addition to clerking for Bork and Winter, clerked for Scalia at the Supreme Court. He is now a law professor at Northwestern University. Liberman gave up a post in the Justice Department also to clerk for Scalia. She is now Lee Liberman Otis and is chief counsel for Sen. Spencer Abraham (R-Mich.), who founded a Federalist Society chapter at Harvard. McIntosh was a special assistant to Ed Meese when he was Reagan's attorney general; he is a three-term Republican Congressman who's considering running for governor of Indiana. In addition to a board of trustees, the society has a board of directors, co-chaired by Calabresi and McIntosh.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist pipeline is a well-oiled old boy -- and sometimes girl -- network. For example, Brent O. Hatch, the son of Sen. Orrin Hatch, clerked for Robert Bork when he was a federal judge in Washington, D.C. After working in the Justice Department, young Hatch was appointed general counsel of the National Endowment for the Humanities at the age of 28. He is treasurer of the Federalist Society's board of directors.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization has been funded by wealthy conservatives, such as Richard Mellon Scaife, who is vice chair of the Heritage Foundation's board, and another board member, Holland Coors, a member of the conservative Coors family. Many contributions are made through foundations that give to Right-wing causes, including the John M. Olin Foundation in New York, the Sarah Scaife Foundation in Pittsburgh, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation of Milwaukee and the Deer Creek Foundation in St. Louis.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalists have direct ties to Right-wing think tanks seeking to dismantle affirmative action at the local, state and federal levels. The Center for Individual Rights, which successfully argued the Hopwood case that banned affirmative action at the University of Texas, represents plaintiffs in a lawsuit pending against the University of Michigan and were lawyers for supporters of Proposition 209, the anti-affirmative action measure in California. The Washington Legal Foundation sued the University of Maryland, forcing it to drop its Benjamin Banneker scholarships for African-American scholars; the Southeastern Legal Foundation is leading an all-out assault on affirmative action in Atlanta, and the Institute for Justice led the attack on Lani Guinier, then a University of Pennsylvania law professor, who was President Clinton's first choice to be assistant U.S. attorney general for civil rights. Clint Bolick, the group's vice president, dismissed Guinier as a "quota queen," and the eventual nominee, Deval L. Patrick, as a "quota king." He also led the opposition to the appointment of Bill Lann Lee, who was later named acting assistant attorney general for civil rights.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton said that there was a "vast Right-wing conspiracy" afoot that had been hounding her husband since he first announced for president, some Right-wingers almost laughingly dismissed her charges. Special Prosecutor Ken Starr called the comments "nonsense." And Boston Herald columnist Joe Fitzgerald said the first lady had "wandered into paranoia."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But information developed by the Institute for Democracy Studies, a nonprofit research and education organization in New York, confirms that the first lady was on the mark.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the executive summary of its report, "The Assault on Affirmative Action: An Organized Challenge to Racial and Gender Justice," the organization notes, "Once a month at the Heritage Foundation, representatives of the nation's leading conservative law groups get together for a `luncheon.' This so-called Public Interest Legal Group meeting is just one of several monthly gatherings that right-wing law groups hold."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The report continues: "These meetings serve the purpose of avoiding duplication of effort, airing future plans, and providing guidance for an appropriate organizational division of labor."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In an interview with Emerge, Todd G. Young, director of research and communications for the Atlanta-based Southeastern Legal Foundation, confirms that Right-wing groups collaborate.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We read each other's briefs (as they are filed) and when there are updates published by other groups," he says. "Although we are separate entities, we share some common understandings about the Constitutions and our (mission) statements are really almost identical for the organizations."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Of its recent lawsuit against Atlanta's affirmative action program, Young notes: "We're refining the definition of what it means to enjoy equal protection under the law and the first step is to end any government-sanctioned discrimination, such as affirmative action programs or racial preference programs. It's philosophically inconsistent to say it was bad then [in the 1950s and 1960s] but it's OK now."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Atlanta Mayor Bill Campbell says it's not OK to discard programs devised to address discrimination against African-Americans.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Conservative legal interest groups, such as the Center for Individual Rights and the Southeastern Legal Foundation, are striking at the very heart of the civil rights gains of the '50s and '60s," explains Campbell. "These groups are, in essence, a homogenized version of the Klan. They may have traded in their sheets for suits and use different language, but it's the same old racism -- just old wine in new bottles."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federalist Society takes its name from The Federalist papers, 85 articles originally published in New York newspapers between 1787 and 1788. The authors -- Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison -- were attempting to gain popular support for the adoption of a new Constitution.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Is The Federalist the key to what the Constitution's framers and adopters intended it to mean and how they expected it to function?" asked R. B. Bernstein, a constitutional historian who wrote the foreword to The Federalist, a recent reissue of the papers. "This subset of the original-intent controversy tends to pit many historians, who remain dubious about original-intent arguments, against many legal scholars, who seek a way to limit judicial discretion by anchoring constitutional interpretation in the Constitution's origins."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bernstein argued that the public should not look at the essays, all written under one pen name, as the definitive word on how the Constitution should be interpreted.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Jay was not a delegate to the Federal Convention, which framed the Constitution . . . [Hamilton] left the Convention in July, not returning until two weeks before its close in September. And Madison . . . found himself outvoted on a host of major issues," Bernstein noted.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moreover, as The Federalist papers became the classic commentary on the Constitution, the three men publicly identified themselves as the authors. Even that was not without controversy. Before his ill-fated duel with Aaron Burr, Hamilton tried to take credit for writing papers 18-20, 49-58 and 62-63. Madison made an identical claim of authorship, which was verified through a computer analysis in 1964.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The most damning fact about today's Federalists is that they advocate a limited role for the federal government, while the early founders were interested in establishing a strong central government.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Some civil rights leaders, including Theodore M. Shaw, associate director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc., view the rhetoric of the modern-day Federalists as smokescreen for an assault on civil rights.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"It's ideologically out of the mainstream and a part of the radically conservative agenda and the radically conservative agenda has never served the interest of African-Americans," Shaw says.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hilary O. Shelton, Washington bureau chief of the NAACP, is less charitable: "They are not conservative. They are very consistent with the Council of Conservative Citizens," a White supremacy group that has featured Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and Rep. Bob Barr (R-Ga.) as speakers.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Surprisingly, some of the harshest criticism of Federalist Society members has come from Republicans. For example, former Attorney General Meese, a main player in the Federalist movement, has been criticized by some of his colleagues in the Reagan administration.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to The Washington Post, James A. Baker III and Michael K. Deaver referred to Meese as the "Big Bigot," and conservatives referred to his top assistant, T. Kenneth Cribb Jr., as the "Baby Bigot." Cribb sits on the board of directors of the Federalist Society and is a trustee of the Scaife Foundation, a major contributor to the Federalist Society and other Right-wing causes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Graglia, who has taught at the University of Texas since 1966, touched off a controversy two years ago, when he said, "Blacks and Mexican Americans are not academically competitive with Whites in selective institutions." According to Graglia, "It is the result primarily of cultural effects. Failure is not looked upon with disgrace."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He maintains his membership in the Federalist Society.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"They certainly are unenthusiastic about civil rights laws," he says of his organization. "Richard Epstein [a law professor at the University of Chicago] thinks we will be better off if civil rights laws were all repealed. These people do believe, as I believe, that so-called civil rights have gone too far and are not civil rights at all."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Because so many of the Federalist Society members are seen as opposing civil rights, some people are not quick to accept their professed interest in color-blind justice.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">U.S. Appeals Court Judge Stephen Reinhardt of the 9th Circuit observes, "We had the Civil War over states' rights. There is no question we are going back to the pre-Civil War view of governments."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Former federal Judge Lawrence Walsh puts it more bluntly.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The impression I have is they are trying to return to the 18th century and undo the work of the Supreme Court since the New Deal," Walsh says. "And I think it is wrong to put someone on the court who has a pre-commitment with a political dogma, whether it's the Ku Klux Klan or the Federalist Society."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">-- Additional reporting by Lottie L. Joiner</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BUZZFLASH</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In fact, as this is being written on November 15th, the Federalist Society is holding its annual conference in D.C.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">You might take a look at their speaker's list. It starts with George W. Bush as the keynote at their grand black tie gala in the main hall of Union Station. Of Course, David Sentelle is on a panel; he wouldn't disappoint his homies.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">More tellingly, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts will deliver the "Seventh Annual Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture" -- and you can be sure Ted Olson, husband of the late right-wing shock pundit, will be there. (Olson played a key role in the theft of the election of 2000 for Bush, and was a leader of the "Arkansas Project" formed in the early '90s to find grounds to impeach Clinton.)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But it doesn't stop there. Guess who else is coming to rally the troops? How about, among others, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, Robert Bork and Edwin Meese?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Phyllis Schlafly and John "Torture" Yoo are also listed as speakers.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">sample :</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Engage Volume 11, Issue 2, September 2010</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Journal of the Federalist Society's Practice Groups</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">September 10, 2010</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Online-Only Issue</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CIVIL RIGHTS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Catch or Release? The Employment Non-Discrimination Act's Exemption for Religious Organizations by Steven H. Aden & Stanley W. Carlson-Thies</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CORPORATIONS, SECURITIES & ANTITRUST</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">How the Proposed Amendments to the Organizational Sentencing Guidelines Will Affect Corporate Compliance and Ethics Programs by Michael H. Huneke</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NOL Pill Reloaded: Selectica, Inc. v. Versata Enterprises, Inc. by Robert T. Miller</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CRIMINAL LAW & PROCEDURE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Inadequate Jurisprudence of Adequate State Grounds by Kent Scheidegger & Tom Gede</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Swinging a Sledge: The Right to Effective Assistance of Counsel, the Law of Deportations, and Padilla v. Kentucky by Joseph M. Ditkoff</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ENVIRONMENTAL LAW & PROPERTY RIGHTS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Modern Remedies for Antiquated Laws: Challenging National Monument Designations Under the 1906 Antiquities Act by Mark C. Rutzick</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FEDERALISM & SEPARATION OF POWERS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Legal and Logistical Ramifications of the National Popular Vote Plan by Tara Ross</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FINANCIAL SERVICES & E-COMMERCE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The "Volcker Rule": Barring Banking Organizations from Proprietary Trading, Fund Investment, and Sponsorship by Julius L. Loeser</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FREE SPEECH & ELECTION LAW</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Recent Developments in Election Law by Kathryn Biber & John Hilton</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Potential Impact on Campaign Finance Regulation of SpeechNow.org v. FEC by Douglas Chalmers, Jr. & Michael Jablonski</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Impediments to Innovation: Implications of National Health Care Legislation for the Intellectual Property Community by David Applegate & Arthur Gollwitzer III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Trademark, Copyright, and the Internet: Time to Return Balance to Civil Litigation by Ronald D. Coleman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wyeth v. Kappos: The United States Patent Office Is Forced to Change Course by John C. Freeman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">INTERNATIONAL & NATIONAL SECURITY LAW</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Obama's War Law by Robert J. Delahunty</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LABOR & EMPLOYMENT LAW</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Does the First Amendment Allow States to Compel Recipients of Government Monies to Support State-Designated Representatives? by William L. Messenger</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LITIGATION</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Amending the Federal Rules (Again): Finding the Best Path to an Effective Duty to Preserve by Thomas Y. Allman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Vermont Attorney General Uses State Consumer Fraud Statute to Implement Consumer Product Penalties by Hal Stratton</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">State "Anti-SLAPP" Statutes Codify First Amendment Doctrine Protecting a Corporation's Right to Petition by Raymond J. Tittmann</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Shady Grove v. Allstate: A Case Study in Formalism Versus Pragmatism by Aaron D. Van Oort & Eileen M. Hunter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY & LEGAL EDUCATION</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;Should the Public Be Able to Buy Stock in Law Firms? by Thomas D. Morgan&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">RELIGIOUS LIBERTIES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Montana Supreme Court Legalizes Assisted Suicide by William L. Saunders</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">TELECOMMUNICATIONS & ELECTRONIC MEDIA</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Broadband Plan by Howard Waltzman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Book Reviews</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Voting Rights—and Wrongs: The Elusive Quest for Racially Fair Elections by Abigail Thernstrom Reviewed by Roger Clegg</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We're Not Dead Yet. Book Review: The Vanishing American Lawyer by Thomas D. Morgan by Allison R. Hayward</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;Engage Volume 11, Issue 2, September 2010&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">also class action watch, aba watch AG tracker etc etc!</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">12th Annual Faculty Conference</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Faculty Division</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 12th Annual Federalist Society Faculty Conference was held January 8, 2010, in New Orleans at the Wyndham Riverfront New Orleans, located blocks away from the site for the 2010 AALS convention. Our conference was held during the convention. The purpose of our Annual Faculty Conference is to provide an opportunity for those interested in the Society to share ideas and scholarship with each other.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FRIDAY, JANUARY 8, 2010</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">9:00 a.m. - 10:45 a.m.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Location: Bacchus Room</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Panel 1: Bankruptcy or Bailout? audio &nbsp;video</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Barry Adler, New York University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Timothy Canova, Chapman University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Garett Jones, Mercatus Center, George Mason University</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Michael E. Levine, New York University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator: Prof. Larry Ribstein, University of Illinois College of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">12 noon - 1:30 p.m.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Location: Rex B</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Luncheon Debate: Constitutional Interpretation versus Constitutional Construction audio &nbsp;video</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Randy Barnett, Georgetown University Law Center</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Michael Rappaport, University of San Diego School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator: Prof. Lee Strang, University of Toledo College of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1:30 p.m. - 3:15 p.m.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Location: Bacchus Room</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Panel 2: &nbsp;Civil Pleading Standards After Iqbal audio &nbsp;video</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Suzanna Sherry, Vanderbilt Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Suja Thomas, University of Illinois College of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Stephen Burbank, University of Pennsylvania Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Adam Steinman, University of Cincinnati College of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator: Prof. Robin Effron, Brooklyn Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3:30 p.m. - 5:00 p.m.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Location: Bacchus Room</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Panel 3: Constitutional and Prudential Limits on the Treaty Power: Federalism, Delegation, or Some Other Principle? audio &nbsp;video</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Duncan Hollis, Temple University Beasley School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. John McGinnis, Northwestern University Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. David Sloss, Santa Clara University Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator: Prof. Julian Ku, Hofstra University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">5:00 p.m. - 6:45 p.m.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Location: Bacchus Room</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Young Legal Scholars Paper Presentations audio &nbsp;video</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Miriam Baer, Brooklyn Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Cooperation???s Cost”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mr. Theodore Frank, Center for Class Action Fairness & Marie Gryphon, Manhattan Institute Center for Legal Policy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Negotiating in the Shadow of ??Bad Faith’ Refusal to Settle: A Game Theory Model of Medical Malpractice Pre-Trial Settlements and Insurance Limits”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Jason Mazzone, Brooklyn Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“When the Supreme Court is not Supreme”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Jonathan Mitchell, George Mason University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Reconsidering Murdock: The Supreme Court’s Power to Reverse a State Supreme Court Solely on State-Law Grounds”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prof. Neomi Rao, George Mason University School of Law</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Three Concepts of Dignity”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Commenter: Prof. Richard Epstein, University of Chicago Law School/ New York University Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moderator: Prof. Nita Farahany, Vanderbilt University Law School</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wyndham Riverfront New Orleans</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">New Orleans, LA</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">expert list&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">many from&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Louis D. Brandeis School of Law is the law school of the University of Louisville</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">univ of (not CA) San Diego&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For several years, Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia has judged the final round of intramural moot court competitions on campus. Along with this, he has been a guest lecturer of Constitutional Law classes as well as classes on Oral Advocacy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph Ghougassian ??80 (J.D.), Chairman, Persian Gulf Consultants, Former Deputy Senior Advisor for the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, Former US Ambassador to Qatar</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/docLib/20070326_JournalistGuide.pdf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Whitley, Joe D.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Greenberg Traurig, LLP</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">404-881-7657</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">whitleyj@gtlaw.com</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spencer Abraham</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Samuel Alito</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">B</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Stephen Bainbridge</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Randy Barnett</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert Bork</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven Calabresi</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven G. Calabresi</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edith Brown Clement</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Holly Coors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Maura D. Corrigan</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ann Coulter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">E</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Troy Eid</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">E cont.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Richard Epstein</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">F</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles Fried</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">G</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">K</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charlie Korsmo</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Alex Kozinski</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Michael I. Krauss</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">M</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David M. McIntosh</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edwin Meese</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">O</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Theodore Olson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Priscilla Owen</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">P</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nilda Pedrosa</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Roger Pilon</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">P cont.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William H. Pryor, Jr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rudolph T. Randa</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Roberts</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">S</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Antonin Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David Schizer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Sitilides</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ken Starr</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Diane S. Sykes</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hugo Teufel III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clarence Thomas</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Federalist_Society_members"</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">??</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Categories: Conservatism in the United States</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">----</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">GP</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1015 18th Street NW Suite 425 Washington, DC 20036</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Phone: (202) 822-8138 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;?? (202) 822-8138 &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;end_of_the_skype_highlighting</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded in 1982, the influential Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies calls itself a "group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1983, there were 17 Federalist chapters strictly on law school campuses. Today, there are professional chapters made up of practicing attornies in approximately 60 cities, and student chapters on 140 out of 182 accredited law school campuses (Washington Monthly, March 2000). The Washington Monthly called The Federalist Society "the best-organized, best-funded, and most effective legal network operating in this country" and added, "what gets less attention, however, is that the Society is accomplishing in the courts what Republicans can't achieve politically" (Jerry Landay, The Federalist Society: The Conservative Cabal That's Transforming American Law, March 2000).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;The Society has a large influence on the Republican Party and the Bush Administration. In 2001 The Washington Post reported that in addition to three cabinet level positions, "Federalists also hold top legal positions throughout the administration, including solicitor general and at least three slots in the White House counsel's office" (T. B. Edsall, "Federalist Society Becomes a Force in Washington," The Washington Post, 18 April. 2001). Six of Bush's first 11 nominees to the influential federal courts of appeals have been Society members and more than 20 Bush appointees are Society members. The Federalist Society's leaders include some of the most influential figures on the right, among them former Attorney General Edwin Meese III, former federal judge and Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork, and former president of the Christian Coalition Donald Paul Hodel (R. G. Nea, The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power. People for the American Way, 2001). In June 2003, the American Enterprise Institute and Federalist Society launched NGO Watch to track the growing power of non-governmental organizations. According to the Federalist Society 10% of the group's funding comes from individuals and foundations; the other 10% comes from corporations ( http://www.fed-soc.org/Press/FAQs.htm ). The Federalist Society received $9,683,000 in grants from conservative foundations between 1985-2002, according to Media Transparency.org.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">KEY QUOTES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I must inform you, however, that the science is not settled (as claimed by Vice President Gore), that it is not 'compelling' (as claimed by President Clinton), and that there is certainly no scientific consensus favoring global warming. If anything, the largest number of scientists, some 17,000, signed a petition against the Kyoto Protocol in 1998. And in July 1997, the US Senate passed a Resolution opposing a Kyoto-like treaty by a vote of 95 to zero."&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Global warming is nothing more than an educated guess by many of the same scientists who are still arguing about what happened to the dinosaurs. Perhaps we should think carefully before putting blind faith in people who cannot explain the simple disappearance of tens of millions of creatures, many of which were the size of locomotives."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FUNDING</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies has received $150,090 from ExxonMobil since 1998.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2000</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">general support</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2001</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2001 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2002</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2002 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2003</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2003 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2004</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2004 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2005</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2005 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2006</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2006 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2007</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,090 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2007 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: EXXON FOUNDATION AND CORPORATE GIVING 2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2009</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">KEY PEOPLE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Ashcroft</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spencer Abraham</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gale Norton</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Antonin Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">S. Fred Singer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contributing Writer, Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Becky Norton Dunlop</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Advisory Board, Richmond Chapter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">PEOPLE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Meyer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President and Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Leonard A. Leo</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Executive Vice President</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven G. Calabresi</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David M. McIntosh</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gary Lawson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T. Kenneth Cribb</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Counselor and Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brent O. Hatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Treasurer, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert H. Bork</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairman, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Orrin Hatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairman, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Donald Paul Hodel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lillian BeVier</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Wm. Bradford Reynolds</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lois Haight Herrington</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Frank Keating II</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Harvey Koch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert A. Levy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edwin Meese III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Andrew J. Redleaf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald Walpin</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Stewart Bryan III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph A.??Cannon</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Crosby Kemper III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John G. Medlin Jr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nicholas John Stathis</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul S. Stevens</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert L. Strickland</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steve Eagle</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Advisor, State Courts Project</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jonathan H. Adler</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Liason, NGO Activity</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Christopher Byrnes</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairmen, Wetlands & Endangered Species Subcommittee</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Russell C. Brooks</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairmen, Land Use Subcommittee</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Larry Thompson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ted Olson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Viet Dinh</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Thomas L. Sansonetti</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul Clement</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Ted Cruz</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sarah V. Hart</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kenneth Starr</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Linda Chavez</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles Murray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Murray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">SOURCES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2001 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4388</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2002 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4386</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4390</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Heritage Foundation website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.heritage.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.pfaw.org/pfaw/general/default.aspx?oid=3149</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/Publications/practicegroupnewsletters/environmentallaw/environewsletters.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2003 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4389</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2004 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2004 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4380</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2005 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4387</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2006 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research downloaded from Exxon website</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4381</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2007 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=download&d=4586</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">EXXON FOUNDATION AND CORPORATE GIVING 2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.exxonmobil.com/Corporate/community_contributions_report.aspx</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Exxon Mobil Corporation 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.exxonmobil.com/Corporate/files/gcr_contributions_pub-policy09.pdf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Two of the society's key activities are providing speakers to law schools and funding visiting professorships. There are now lawyers' chapters of the Federalist Society in at least sixty cities across the United States and student chapters in 140 of the 182 accredited law schools. Many of the activities of the student chapters and societies are funded by such right-wing foundations as the Olin, Scaife, and Bradley foundations; the Lilly Endowment; and huge corporations (Microsoft gave the Federalist Society $75,000 in 1999).</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Beyond the society, offshoot groups, led by such key members as C. Boyden Gray (former White House counsel under George Bush and the current chair of Citizens for a Sound Economy), receive millions of dollars from corporations such as Exxon, to oppose the campaign to reduce global warming, and Philip Morris, to oppose higher cigarette taxes.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clearly then, beyond its mere listing of an influential membership, the Federalist Society is a major player in the right-wing politics impacting American democracy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In another political-religious collaboration, Missouri Senator John Ashcroft (Assembly of God); North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms (Southern Baptist), chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations; and New Hampshire Senator Robert C. Smith (Roman Catholic) have jointly introduced a proposed constitutional amendment (S.J. Res. 49, 105th Congress, 2d Session) to make U.S. citizenship begin in a fertilized egg.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John M. Swomley "The Network of Righteousness - the Federalist Society". Humanist. FindArticles.com. 22 Dec, 2010. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1374/is_6_60/ai_78889723/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Conservative Influence of the Federalist Society on the Harvard Law School Student Body</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.chicagomag.com/Chicago-Magazine/November-2005/Man-on-the-Right/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">calbresi cofdr, 35K members?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">demo undrgd hmmn</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre"> </span></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Senator Durbin finally brought something to light in his speech this evening on the Senate floor opposing Priscilla Owens. What was it?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Senator Durbin shed light on a secret, something that NO ONE has been openly talking about. What was it?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was this: nearly all of the administrations judicial nominees are members of a legal group knows as "The Federalist Society," a group that, when asked about what the group was, Priscilla Owen ducked the question and refused to talk about the organization, it's purpose, goals, and her involvement with it.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So what is it? Is it some sort of secret society or something? The administration has been nominating Federalist Society judges for 4 years now, why hasn't anyone talked about this before?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">I don't know the answers to these questions. What I have known since 2003 is that the administration has been using the Federalist Society as the "farm" for his judges since he took office. I don't know if Senator Durbin actually wasn't aware of this or if he just chose this moment in history to make this information public.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There are a few things I do know. The Federalist Society has a website - fed-soc.org. Here's what they claim their purpose to be:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">" * Law schools and the legal profession are currently strongly dominated by a form of orthodox liberal ideology which advocates a centralized and uniform society. While some members of the academic community have dissented from these views, by and large they are taught simultaneously with (and indeed as if they were) the law.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">* The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies is a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order. It is founded on the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">* The Society seeks both to promote an awareness of these principles and to further their application through its activities. This entails reordering priorities within the legal system to place a premium on individual liberty, traditional values, and the rule of law. It also requires restoring the recognition of the importance of these norms among lawyers, judges, and law professors.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">* In working to achieve these goals, the Society has created a conservative and libertarian intellectual network that extends to all levels of the legal community."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For more information, you can visit their website.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In March of 2000, an article was written up in the Washington Monthly about the Federalist Society titled: "The Federalist Society</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Conservative Cabal That's Transforming American Law"</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/2000/0003.lan...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Here are some excerpts from the artic</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On friendly turf now, Starr may also be projecting feelings of gratitude. For as Joe Conason and Gene Lyons demonstrate in The Hunting of the President (see excerpts on pages 17-18), Starr and the OIC benefited enormously from the efforts of a network of well-placed lawyers who, like Starr and other Republican luminaries, are members of, or linked to, the Federalist Society. Most of the self-styled "elves" who helped Linda Tripp¹s tapes find their way into Kenneth Starr¹s hands had links to the Society. And without the elves?? handiwork plus the leaks, coaching, and sheer brainpower contributed by the extended Federalist network, Starr¹s investigation might never have gotten out of the blocks.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Society¹s mission is to advance a conservative agenda by moving the country¹s legal establishment to the right, and they are succeeding. Despite eight years of a Democratic administration, the impact of the Reagan Revolution continues to reverberate in the nation??s courts. (See "The Gipper¹s Constitution," December 1999.) And now one of the legal theories the Federalists are pushing could make regulation by federal agencies unconstitutional in some cases and--if carried to its logical extreme--be the Federalists¹ crowning achievement in their unspoken campaign to change the face of law and politics in America.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Who are they?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">With 25,000 members plus scores of close affiliates nationwide--including Supreme Court Justices Thomas and Antonin Scalia, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, and University of Chicago brain-boxes Richard Epstein and Frank Easterbrook (also a federal appellate judge)--the Federalist Society is quite simply the best-organized, best-funded, and most effective legal network operating in this country. Its rank-and-file include conservative lawyers, law students, law professors, bureaucrats, activists, and judges. They meet at law schools and function rooms across the country to discuss and debate the finer points of legal theory and substance on panels that often include liberals--providing friction, stimulus, and the illusion of balance. What gets less attention, however, is that the Society is accomplishing in the courts what Republicans can¹t achieve politically. There is nothing like the Federalist Society on the left.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">They operated on two tracks--designed to insure that the Reagan Revolution would well outlast the Reagan Presidency. The first, to reclaim the Federal courts from liberals, swept an array of conservative scholars and judges from law schools and state courts onto the Federal bench: the likes of Robert Bork, Ralph Winter, Antonin Scalia, Richard Posner, Sandra Day O¹Connor, and Anthony Kennedy.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The second track was even more forward looking and involved the apprenticing of a new generation of conservative lawyer-intellectuals-under-30 to the Reagan apparat. This second track required fresh meat, which is where the Federalist Society came in. The founding chapters of the Society were established at Yale, where Bork taught before Reagan nominated him to the bench, and at the University of Chicago, where Scalia was faculty advisor and from whose ranks he would later recruit former student-Federalists to prestigious Supreme Court clerkships.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A major factor in the Society¹s success has been the composition of the federal bench. (There are still more sitting Republican than Democrat-appointed federal judges.) One reason is that the gatekeeper to the federal judiciary is Republican Sen. Orrin Hatch--who happens to co-chair the Federalist Board of Trustees (with Robert Bork) at the same time as he chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">... one need only review changes that litigators linked to the Federalists have wrought upon the law. They have weakened or rolled back statutes on civil rights and affirmative action; voting rights; women¹s rights and abortion rights; workers¹ rights; prisoners¹ rights; and the rights of consumers, the handicapped, and the elderly. Add to that the consequences of non-delegation if further extended. Regulatory oversight by federal agencies would then be kicked back to Congress and the states--like the power to preserve open pipelines in telecommunications, to regulate transportation, the drugs we take, the food we eat. Would we really want elected officials directly responsible for regulating industries that are also major sources of their campaign funds? That is very much a political question--one to which the Federalist Society¹s answer is unfortunately all too clear.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Read the entire article</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/2000/0003.lan...</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/2000/0003.landay.html</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">From Powerbase</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jump to: navigation, search</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded in 1982, the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies calls itself a group of conservatives and libertarians dedicated to reforming the current legal order[1]. To that end it has set out to build up a network of attorneys to “exercise leadership in shaping national, state, and local policy”.[2]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But its critics, such as People for the American Way, argue that the Society has taken federalism ???to an extreme by seeking to block the ability of the federal government to enact and enforce laws protecting the environment, civil rights, workplace health and safety, and other areas??.[3]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contents</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[hide]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1 Funding</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2 Connections to the Bush Administration</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.1 Department of Justice</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.2 Office of White House Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.3 Department of Energy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.4 Department of the Interior</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.5 Department of Agriculture</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.6 Department of Education</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.7 Department of Labour</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.8 Department of Defense</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.9 Department of Health and Human Services</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.10 State Department</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2.11 General Services Administration</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3 Principals</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3.1 Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3.2 Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3.3 Business Advisory Council</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">4 NGOwatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">5 Climate</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">6 Contact</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7 References</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Funding</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to the Federalist Society “90% of the funding comes from individuals and foundations; the other 10% comes from corporations[4].</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Between 1985 and 2002, the Federalist Society received $8,918,000 in 122 grants from the following conservative organisations[5]:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Castle Rock Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Earhart Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">JM Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John M. Olin Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles G. Koch Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Claude R. Lambe Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Philip M McKenna Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sarah Scaife Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Carthage Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Connections to the Bush Administration</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Society has long connections to the Republican Administration. Its members “influenced judicial nomination decisions in the Reagan and the elder Bush’s administrations.”[6]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to the American Press: “the society has been transformed into an unofficial placement office for the Bush administration. Nowhere are its members more prominent than at Energy.[7]”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 2001 the Washington Post reported how: “Three Cabinet secretaries are active supporters of the Federalist Society -- John D. Ashcroft at Justice, Gale A. Norton at Interior and Spencer Abraham at Energy. Federalists also hold top legal positions throughout the administration, including solicitor general and at least three slots in the White House counsel's office. Only a few months into the Bush presidency, these and other Federalist Society members are making their influence felt in a number of controversial subjects[8].”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Progressive organisations have watched the growing influence of the Federalist Society with alarm, especially its close ties to the Bush Administration. The Institute for Democracy Studies notes[9]:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“The Federalist Society's leaders include some of the most influential figures on the right, among them former Attorney General Edwin Meese III, former federal judge and Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork, and former president of the Christian Coalition Donald Paul Hodel. Another key leader of the organization, former President Bush's White House counsel C. Boyden Gray, was cited by The Washington Post as a "possible attorney general in a George W. Bush administration."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Several sitting Supreme Court justices have spoken under the auspices of the Society, and several leading judges on the federal bench serve in an advisory capacity to the Society's local chapters. Backed by several million dollars from right-wing foundations that have played a leading role in building the conservative movement, they are successfully shaping the direction of the challenge to a democratic jurisprudence.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">People for the American Way adds: Early predictions of moderation proved wrong largely because observers failed to take into account a very important factor: President Bush’s reliance for policy and staffing decisions on members of key right-wing organizations, notably the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Washington Post noted that: “Bush, in announcing his plans to break a campaign pledge to regulate carbon dioxide, said he based his decision on "important new information" contained in a controversial and disputed Department of Energy report. That report had been requested by one of the founding members of the Federalist Society, David M. McIntosh, a former GOP representative from Indiana who lost a gubernatorial bid last year”[10].</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">People for the American Way have noted that “When right-wing leaders attacked the potential nomination of conservative Montana Governor Marc Racicot to be attorney general, it was a leading Federalist Society activist who wrote the memorandum that proved critical in torpedoing Racicot’s hopes. In the end, the post went instead to former Senator John Ashcroft, an extreme conservative and Society member. Today, many Society members are working in the White House counsel’s office, at the top levels of the Department of Justice and in other high administration posts.”.[11]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Six of Bush’s first 11 nominees to the influential federal courts of appeals have been Society members and the following Bush appointments are Society members:[12]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Justice</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Ashcroft - Attorney General;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Larry Thompson - Deputy Attorney General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ted Olson - Solicitor General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Viet Dinh Assistant Attorney General for Legal Policy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Thomas L. Sansonetti - Assistant Attorney General for Environment and Natural Resources</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul Clement - Principal Deputy Solicitor General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Ted Cruz - Associate Deputy Attorney General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sarah V. Hart - Director, National Institute of Justice</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Office of White House Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Timothy Flanigan - Deputy Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brett Kavanaugh - Associate Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bradford Berenson - Associate Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Noel Francisco - Assistant Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Energy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spencer Abraham - Secretary</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lee Liberman Otis - General Counsel and a co-founder of one of the Society’s oldest law school chapters</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of the Interior</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gale Norton - Secretary</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Agriculture</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">James R. Moseley - Deputy Secretary</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">William H. Lash III - Assistant Secretary for Market Access and Compliance</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Education</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brian Jones - General Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald Reynolds - Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Labour</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Scalia - Solicitor of Labor</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Defense</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph E. Schmitz - Inspector General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Department of Health and Human Services</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Alex Azar III - General Counsel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">State Department</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John R. Bolton - Undersecretary for Arms Control and International Security Affairs</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">General Services Administration</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Daniel Levinson - Inspector General</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Principals</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene B. Meyer - President</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Leonard A. Leo - Executive Vice President</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven G. Calabresi - National co-chairman: ultra-conservative who served as a special assistant to Reagan Attorney General Edwin Meese III and as a speechwriter for Vice President Dan Quayle.”.[13]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David M. McIntosh - National Co-Chairman: McIntosh was also a special assistant to Meese and special assistant and deputy legal counsel to Quayle. Frequent ally of Newt Gingrich after his 1994 election to the U.S. House of Representatives. His voting record was said to be “extremely conservative, exemplified by his July 28, 1995 vote to prohibit the Environmental Protection Agency from enforcing some sections of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act.[14]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gary Lawson - Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene B. Meyer - Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T. Kenneth Cribb, Jr. - Counsellor</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brent O. Hatch - Treasurer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">(formerly Board of Trustees)</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Virtually all of the board members are said to be “well-known, right-wing legal and political leaders or otherwise public supporters of radically conservative views.”.[15]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert H. Bork Co-Chairman - In 1963, he “wrote a New Republic article opposing passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act in which he took the position that outlawing racial discrimination in public accommodations would infringe business owners’ rights.”.[16] He is a Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.[17]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Orrin Hatch - Co-Chairman - the Republican United States Senator from Utah, currently serving his fifth term in office.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lillian BeVier</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wm. Bradford Reynolds - President Reagan’s controversial assistant attorney general for civil rights[18].</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray - In 1997 The New Republic magazine said of Gray “So many different money trails lead to, by and through Gray it is bewildering”. According to the Centre for Public Integrity: “There is Gray the lobbyist, Gray the lawyer, Gray the former White House counsel, Gray the chairman of Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), Gray the head of the Alliance for Reasonable Regulation, Gray the co-chair of the Air Quality Standards Coalition, Gray the board member of Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies, Gray the major soft money contributor to the Republican Party, Gray the friend of judges and justices (many of whom owe their jobs to him), to name but a few[19].”[20]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lois Haight Herrington</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Donald Paul Hodel - former Christian Coalition leader</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Frank Keating, II</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Harvey Koch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert A. Levy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edwin Meese, III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Andrew J. Redleaf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald Walpin</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray - Chairman, Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Stewart Bryan, III - Chairman, President and C.E.O. Media General Cable</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph Cannon - C.E.O. and Chairman of the Board Geneva Steel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Crosby Kemper, III - President, United Missouri Bank,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John G. Medlin, Jr – Chairman of the Board, Wachovia Corporation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nicholas John Stathis - Vice President, Orpheon, Inc.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul S. Stevens - General Counsel, Investment Company Institute</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert L. Strickland - Chairman, Lowe's Companies, Inc[21].</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NGOwatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In June 2003, the American Enterprise Institute and Federalist Society launched NGOwatch to track the growing power of NGOs. This is not an isolated event. With its drive against the power of federal government, it is hardly surprising that the Society also worries about the power on international institutions, treaties and NGOs. Christopher Horner from the CEI has written an anti-Kyoto pamphlet for the Federalist Society in which he argues that “The Kyoto Protocol, and its predecessor the Rio Treaty, offer an excellent joint example of the distorted modern application of the Treaty Power[22].”</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Climate</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Speaking at the Federalist Society National Lawyers Convention in November 2003, Under Secretary for Global Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Paula Dobriansky also attacked the "flawed" Kyoto Protocol:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"There are many flaws to Kyoto, but one of the more troubling is that parties that have no real obligations under the treaty would be allowed to participate in the enforcement mechanism. This is quite unusual for a treaty and clearly has troubling ramifications as a precedent for future agreements, even in other areas. The Protocol would also have taken a severe economic toll on America, and its timelines and emission caps are arbitrary, not based on science”[23]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contact</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Address: 1015 18th Street, NW, Suite 425, Washington, D.C. 20036</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Web address: http://www.fed-soc.org/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">References</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/ourbackground.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration??s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p26</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p17</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/Press/FAQs.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.mediatransparency.org/search_results/info_on_any_recipient.php?112</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p23</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">J. Barnett (2001) “Federalist Society Ideology Fuels Energy Department”, Newhouse News Service, 19 April,</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T. B. Edsall (2001) “Federalist Society Becomes a Force in Washington - Conservative Group's Members Take Key Roles in Bush White House and Help Shape Policy and Judicial Appointments”, Washington Post, 18 April. http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A30099-2001Apr17?language=printer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Institute for Democracy Studies (2001) The Federalist Society And The Challenge To A Democratic Jurisprudence, New York; January</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T. B. Edsall (2001) ??Federalist Society Becomes a Force in Washington - Conservative Group's Members Take Key Roles in Bush White House and Help Shape Policy and Judicial Appointments”, Washington Post, 18 April; http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A30099-2001Apr17?language=printer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p1</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p15, 30-31</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p4</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p4-5</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p4</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p9</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.aei.org/scholars/scholarID.6,filter./scholar.asp</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. G. Neas (2001) The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power - The Right-Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping The Bush Administration’s Decisions On Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations, People for the American Way, p5</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.mediatransparency.org/people/c_boyden_gray.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.disinfopedia.org/wiki.phtml?title=C._Boyden_Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/businessadvisorycouncil.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. C. Horner & T. Dunman (2002) Modern Developments in the Treaty Process: Recent Developments Regarding Advice and Consent, Withdrawal, and the Growing Role of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Agreements With Particular Examination of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies, p51</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">P. Dobriansky (2003) Address to the 2003 National Lawyers Convention, 15 November</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.powerbase.info/index.php/Federalist_Society_for_Law_and_Public_Policy_Studies</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">EXXON SECRETS</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John??Ashcroft</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spencer Abraham</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gale Norton</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Antonin Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">S. Fred Singer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contributing Writer, Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Becky Norton Dunlop</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Advisory Board, Richmond Chapter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">all</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1015 18th Street NW Suite 425 Washington, DC 20036</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Phone: (202) 822-8138</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded in 1982, the influential Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies calls itself a "group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1983, there were 17 Federalist chapters strictly on law school campuses. Today, there are professional chapters made up of practicing attornies in approximately 60 cities, and student chapters on 140 out of 182 accredited law school campuses (Washington Monthly, March 2000). The Washington Monthly called The Federalist Society "the best-organized, best-funded, and most effective legal network operating in this country" and added, "what gets less attention, however, is that the Society is accomplishing in the courts what Republicans can't achieve politically" (Jerry Landay, The Federalist Society: The Conservative Cabal That's Transforming American Law, March 2000). The Society has a large influence on the Republican Party and the Bush Administration. In 2001 The Washington Post reported that in addition to three cabinet level positions, "Federalists also hold top legal positions throughout the administration, including solicitor general and at least three slots in the White House counsel's office" (T. B. Edsall, "Federalist Society Becomes a Force in Washington," The Washington Post, 18 April. 2001). Six of Bush's first 11 nominees to the influential federal courts of appeals have been Society members and more than 20 Bush appointees are Society members. The Federalist Society's leaders include some of the most influential figures on the right, among them former Attorney General Edwin Meese III, former federal judge and Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork, and former president of the Christian Coalition Donald Paul Hodel (R. G. Nea, The Federalist Society From Obscurity to Power. People for the American Way, 2001). In June 2003, the American Enterprise Institute and Federalist Society launched NGO Watch to track the growing power of non-governmental organizations. According to the Federalist Society 10% of the group's funding comes from individuals and foundations; the other 10% comes from corporations ( http://www.fed-soc.org/Press/FAQs.htm ). The Federalist Society received $9,683,000 in grants from conservative foundations between 1985-2002, according to Media Transparency.org.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">KEY QUOTES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I must inform you, however, that the science is not settled (as claimed by Vice President Gore), that it is not 'compelling' (as claimed by President Clinton), and that there is certainly no scientific consensus favoring global warming. If anything, the largest number of scientists, some 17,000, signed a petition against the Kyoto Protocol in 1998. And in July 1997, the US Senate passed a Resolution opposing a Kyoto-like treaty by a vote of 95 to zero."&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Global warming is nothing more than an educated guess by many of the same scientists who are still arguing about what happened to the dinosaurs. Perhaps we should think carefully before putting blind faith in people who cannot explain the simple disappearance of tens of millions of creatures, many of which were the size of locomotives."</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FUNDING</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies has received $165,090 from ExxonMobil since 1998.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2000</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">general support</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2001</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2001 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2002</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2002 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2003</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2003 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2004</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2004 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2005</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2005 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2006</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2006 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2007</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,090 ExxonMobil Foundation</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2007 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: EXXON FOUNDATION AND CORPORATE GIVING 2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2009</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2010</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$15,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: ExxonMobil 2010 Worldwide Giving Report&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">KEY PEOPLE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">C. Boyden Gray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Ashcroft</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Spencer Abraham</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gale Norton</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Antonin Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">S. Fred Singer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contributing Writer, Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Becky Norton Dunlop</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Advisory Board, Richmond Chapter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">PEOPLE</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Meyer</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President and Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Leonard A. Leo</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Executive Vice President</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steven G. Calabresi</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David M. McIntosh</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Co-Chairman</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gary Lawson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">T. Kenneth Cribb</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Counselor and Director</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brent O. Hatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Treasurer, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert H. Bork</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairman, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Orrin Hatch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairman, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Donald Paul Hodel</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lillian BeVier</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hon. Wm. Bradford Reynolds</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Directors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lois Haight Herrington</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Frank Keating II</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Harvey Koch</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert A. Levy</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edwin Meese III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Andrew J. Redleaf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald Walpin</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member, Board of Visitors</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John Stewart Bryan III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Joseph A. Cannon</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Crosby Kemper III</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">John G. Medlin Jr.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nicholas John Stathis</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul S. Stevens</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Robert L. Strickland</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Business Advisory Council Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Steve Eagle</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Advisor, State Courts Project</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jonathan H. Adler</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Liason, NGO Activity</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Christopher Byrnes</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairmen, Wetlands & Endangered Species Subcommittee</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Russell C. Brooks</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Co-Chairmen, Land Use Subcommittee</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Eugene Scalia</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Larry Thompson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ted Olson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Viet Dinh</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Thomas L. Sansonetti</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul Clement</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">R. Ted Cruz</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sarah V. Hart</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Kenneth Starr</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Linda Chavez</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles Murray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Murray</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">SOURCES</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2001 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4388</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2002 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4386</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil Foundation 2000 IRS 990</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4390</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Heritage Foundation website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.heritage.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society website 4/04</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">People for the American Way, Federalist Society profile</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.pfaw.org/pfaw/general/default.aspx?oid=3149</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Newsletter</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.fed-soc.org/Publications/practicegroupnewsletters/environmentallaw/environewsletters.htm</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2003 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4389</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2004 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2004 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4380</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2005 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4387</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2006 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Information and Policy Research downloaded from Exxon website</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=view&d=4381</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2007 Worldwide Giving Report</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://research.greenpeaceusa.org/?a=download&d=4586</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">EXXON FOUNDATION AND CORPORATE GIVING 2008</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.exxonmobil.com/Corporate/community_contributions_report.aspx</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Exxon Mobil Corporation 2009 Worldwide Contributions and Community Investments</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.exxonmobil.com/Corporate/files/gcr_contributions_pub-policy09.pdf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ExxonMobil 2010 Worldwide Giving Report&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://exxonmobil.com/Corporate/Files/gcr_contributions_pubpolicy-2010.pdf</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Republican National Lawyers Association (RNLA) was founded in 1985 and is the national organization of Republican lawyers in the United States. The RNLA has over 2,500 lawyer and law student members located in over 40 states.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[edit] Speakers at Past RNLA Events</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">House Speaker John Boehner</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">RNC Chair Michael Steele</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Former Vice President Dick Cheney</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">George F. Will, Pulitzer Prize Winning Political Commentator</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Former U.S. Solicitor General Theodore Olson</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Numerous former Attorneys General, including John Ashcroft and Ed Meese</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Others Include: All Republican White House Counsels for the last three Republican Presidents {Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and George W. Bush}, political commentators such as Karl Rove and Kate O'Beirne, senators including Jon Kyl, Jim DeMint, John Cornyn and Scott Brown, governors such as Tim Pawlenty, and leading Republicans such as Mayor Rudy Giuliani, Dean Ken Starr, and many more.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[edit] RNLA in the News</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Peter Roff, ACORN Scandal Could Embarrass Obama, U.S. News & World Report, Oct. 6, 2009.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Zachary Roth, GOP Lawyers Slam Ruling On ACORN Funding, TPM, Dec. 14, 2009.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Reid Wilson, As SEIU Bulks Up In MA, GOP Pays Attention, National Journal, Jan. 14, 2010.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Michael Gaynor, Though Bankrupt, ACORN Is Succeeding in Its Subversive Mission, The Reality Check, Mar. 20, 2010.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Dino Teppara, Don't Underestimate Scott Brown, The Daily Caller, April 19, 2010.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bob Unruh, Alito: Supremes endorse 'viewpoint discrimination', WorldNetDaily, June 28, 2010.</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[edit] External links</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Official website</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Republican Lawyer Blog</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Facebook Page</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Twitter Page</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">blog post</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Republican National Lawyers Association did a study of voter fraud across the country. For the time period 1999-2009 they have listed on their website that there were 12 instances of what they call “voter fraud?? in Pennsylvania. http://www.rnla.org/votefraud.asp#pa It’s interesting that a Republican group could only come up with 12 instances over a 10-year period.[4 were same guy?]</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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