Broad, Eli

2/20 d ravich new book Yale Broad-ies

DR says billionaires admit charters do not work, but persist? eg bloomberg

Goliath 50M$ 440M$ betsy has control

NH, MI, WI ~ refuse to meet w/ bety and v pence?!

reed hastings ~ school bd, just corps?!

ALEC walton koch devos;

joann weiss sp?

uniform nat stds common core boon to vendors

https://www.prwatch.org/news/2019/12/13513/eli-broad-pays-100m-move-his-ed-reform-producing-%E2%80%9Cbroad-center%E2%80%9D-la-yale

https://www.alternet.org/kicking-charter-money-out-unifying-party

The mood was festive at the annual Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Dinner in Los Angeles. About 600 Democrats gathered in a hotel ballroom on an October evening to begin wrapping up the year. Community activists and party worker-bees mingled with political luminaries to celebrate top volunteers. Anybody with a (D) after their name and $135 for a ticket was welcome at this event in blue, blue California.

Then Eli Broad crashed the party. He didn’t actually show up, but as usual in Los Angeles, his presence was felt. When his likeness appeared on a video screen displaying sponsors, the place erupted in boos. Then, as if they’d been caught on a hot mic, many attendees gasped at their collective slip of decorum.

By the time L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti spoke, the room was composed. In fact, Garcetti couldn’t have asked for a friendlier reception. But the hometown crowd turned hostile again when former L.A. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa was announced. He, too, was booed.

The common thread between Broad and Villaraigosa is charter schools.After he was elected mayor of L.A. in 2005, Villaraigosa, who’d run on a pro-labor platform, cut ties with the teachers union and adopted Broad’s agenda of school privatization. Los Angeles has long been a target of the privatizers. As the biggest school district in the country that elects its school board, it’s harder to control for the so-called education reformers, who seek to dismantle the public school system in order to create a marketplace of school choices, shifting billions of dollars in public moneys into private hands.

Villairagosa’s political calculation paid off—at least with the billionaire education reform crowd which has been pouring money into Villaraigosa’s gubernatorial bid.

The Roosevelt Dinner should have been a victory lap for Villairagosa and his allies. Just six months before, they’d successfully taken over the L.A. school board, an effort in which the former mayor had been personally involved. They had spent more money to win the seat held by board president Steve Zimmer than has ever been spent on a school board race in U.S. history.

Backlash builds

But the huge sums of money made people skeptical of the pure-sounding claims of “putting students first.” Signs of a backlash first appeared at the State Democratic Convention last spring. In convention speeches, references to the vast resources of the charter school lobby made it sound like an occupying force. Speakers pointed out that the staggering amount of money to buy charter school proponents control of L.A.’s school board was sounding less and less democratic. It went beyond school boards, too. Last year, the California Charter Schools Association (CCSA) was the biggest spender in state legislative races.

The awakening has been a long time coming. Five years have passed since the L.A. County Dems demanded that the deceptively named charter promoters, Democrats for Education Reform, cease and desist from calling themselves Democrats. Since then, Betsy DeVos has finished yanking the Democratic disguise off the charter agenda. On NPR affiliate KCRW in early December, stalwart conservative David Frum lumped charter schools in with “medical savings accounts and everything else in the Republican agenda” that Democrats oppose.

And now, spontaneous outbursts showed Democrats opposing the biggest names in corporate education reform. But the clash between charter schools and Democratic ideals still isn’t obvious to everyone.

Glowing conflict

Perhaps there is no stronger metaphor for Democrats’ conflict about charters than the swag at the state party convention. During caucus meetings and on the floor of the convention, candidates and delegates alike balked at the CCSA’s brazenness in buying electoral influence. But afterhours, many of them waved glowsticks featuring the CCSA logo at the parties throughout the weekend. Maybe they thought no one would notice who bought them.

But the power of charter money is noticeable. At a State in October about possible charter law reforms, Jackie Goldberg, a retired grand dame of progressive politics and public education in California, seemed to hammer the whole state Democratic caucus for its failure to provide oversight.

“You got two-thirds [majority] for the first time—I never had two-thirds when I was up there—in both houses! You actually can do something about this. And I’m saying to you, it is time to say, Ya basta! Enough is enough…”

If California Democrats are calibrating their relationship with big charter money, the 2018 elections could magnify the issue. Villaraigosa will be the likely recipient of the charter cash.

However, Gavin Newsom, the current lieutenant governor and unquestioned front runner, is doing his best to avoid the topic. Newsom was caught on video telling a friendly crowd that he had no intention of taking a position on the existential battle in public education.

“I'm not interested in a stale and raging debate around which side...you're on. ‘Are you with the charter people or are you anti-charter? Are you with the teachers or are you anti-teacher?’ I've been hearing that damned debate for ten damned years…whether Eli Broad was right or whether the CTA was wrong [sic]. I'm not interested in that debate.”

Previous news reports might help explain Newsom’s reticence to speak up against charters. Some of the original money to launch Newsom’s gubernatorial bid came from the same dark charter figures who schemed with Eli Broad to unsuccessfully defeat Proposition 30, Governor Jerry Brown’s initiative to fund public schools through a tax on millionaires. The schemers included one of Newsom’s early donors, John Scully, who sits with his wife on the board of Eva Moskowitz’s Success Academy, the politically powerful charter chain that was the recent subject of an exposé in the New Yorker. The union helped unmask Scully in its 2016 bombshell Hedge Clippers report revealing supporters of the anti-Prop 30 campaign, but it is now apparently unconcerned with Scully’s support for Newsom.

Big money, big opposition

Its anybody-but-Villaraigosa campaign resulted in the union endorsing Newsom, opening the organization to criticism that it isn’t going to help fight big charter power. Half the union delegates pushed for the candidate with a track record of working to pass common sense charter oversight legislation, current State Treasurer John Chiang. But some union delegates said leaders made sure endorsing Chiang was procedurally impossible.

Polls show 30% of the electorate is still undecided among the crowded field for the June, 2018 primary. So why isn’t CTA playing a more active role in shaping the debate about charter money during the course of the election?

The job of making charter money a campaign issue might fall to the teacher activists who led the insurgency for John Chiang at the union’s endorsement meeting. It could also fall to the Berniecrats, who now make up half the California Democratic Party and who strongly oppose the influence of big money. However, their repeated chants of “Single payer now!” at the convention and other public events leave one wondering if they have the capacity or the interest to take on the charter issue. Activist Lauren Steiner who ran the L.A. for Bernie campaign, pushes the issue among the Bernie constituency, though many of them are backing Delaine Eastin.

Given all the signs in the past year that Democrats are down on corporate charter money and Berniecrats’ natural opposition to big money in politics, this could be a unifying issue between the two factions of the party. The implications of that would reach far beyond California.

Karen Wolfe writes about public education

ref

http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-villaraigosa-labor-20170925-story.html

see charters (poor schools blk the most profitable target?!)

https://www.alternet.org/money-talked-leaks-show-input-wealthy-privatizers-clinton-education-policy

A rare peek into the evolution of Hillary Clinton’s education platform is afforded through an overlooked Wikileaks-published document. Entitled “Policy Book— FINAL,” the PDF file was attached to a 2014 email sent to John Podesta, Clinton’s future campaign chair. The education portion of the document runs 66 pages, mostly concentrated on K-12 policy, and captures specific input from billionaire donors looking to overhaul and privatize public education.

Today, Donald Trump seeks a rapid expansion of charter schools and private school vouchers, while his Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos, touts “school choice” and market competition for public school at every stop. But in private, Hillary Clinton’s donors, dubbed “experts," also sought rapid charter expansion and market-based options to replace public schools.

One of the most connected “thought leaders” discussed is Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple founder Steve Jobs, and the head of the Emerson Collective, a prominent education reform advocacy group. Powell Jobs who has been close with the Clintons since the late '90s, also sat with Betsy DeVos on the board of Jeb Bush’s Foundation for Excellence in Education. She set up billionaire “roundtables” with Clinton’s campaign advisors through 2015 while donating millions to Priorities USA, Clinton’s main PAC.

Fixing teachers

Notes taken by Clinton aide Ann O’Leary were made in interviews with Powell Jobs and Bruce Reed, CEO of The Broad Foundation (and former chief of staff to Joe Biden).According to the notes, the “experts” were calling for new federal controls, more for-profit companies and more technology in public schools — but first on the menu was a bold remake of the teaching “profession”:

“Elevating the Teaching Profession and Reforming Teacher Training. Every single person from across the spectrum wrote about and talked about the need to improve our schools of education, entry into the teaching profession and our professionalism once teachers make it in . . . there is consensus that you could offer a bold vision for reforming teacher training and professionalizing the teaching profession for those new to the profession.”

In previous, Clinton campaign manager John Podesta indicated that recruiting and grooming younger, more compliant teachers was the plan to overcome resistance to corporate education reform over the long term. But in the policy book, Bruce Reed also sets his sights on teaching colleges, claiming “they don’t deliver the goods.”

Powell Jobs suggests letting principals “pick their teams," making teachers individually negotiate salary (every teacher—really?), expanding online education offerings like Khan Academy and making teaching universities “truly selective like TFA and Finland.” This comment is perplexing because while Finland has demanding teacher vetting and training, Teach for America places inexperienced teachers in classrooms after a seven-week summer crash course.

A perfect storm

Representing billionaire Eli Broad, Bruce Reedcelebrated the paralysis in local governance in post-Katrina New Orleans as key to pulling off the rapid expansion of charter schools, exploiting disaster without oversight by any “central office”:

“New Orleans is an amazing story — when you make it possible to get political dysfunction and sick a bunch of talent on the problem — it’s the one place where grand bargain of charters has been kept the best.”

New Orleans' "amazing" story resulted in the firing of 7,500 mostly black school employees, wiping out a substantial part of the city’s black middle class. Meanwhile, the “miracle” claims of boosters like Reed have fallen apart. A recent editorial in New Orleans’ African American newspaper called out the false promises and lack of results from the charter experiment.

The new normal

But they did more than talk. On June 20, 2015, O'Leary sent Podesta an email revealing the campaign adopted two of Powell Jobs' suggestions, including "infusing best ideas from charter schools into our traditional public schools.” When Clinton announced this policy in a speech to teachers, however, it was the one line that drew boos.Tying campaign donations to a singular issue like expanding charter schools might in days past been seen as a prohibited quid-pro-quo. But in this cycle, Podesta, O’Leary and Tanden all busily raised campaign money from the same billionaire education reformers with whom they were also talking policy specifics.

“Donors want to hear where she stands” John Petry, a founder of both Democrats for Education Reform (DFER) and Success Academy, New York’s largest network of charter schools, told the New York Times. Petry was explicit, declaring that he and his billionaire associates would instead put money into congressional, state and local races, behind candidates who favored a “more businesslike approach” to education, and tying teacher tenure to standardized test scores.

Clinton’s advisors warned her that wealthy donors like Petry, Whitney Tilson, or Eli Broad could walk if she didn’t support charter schools. Broad would indeed threaten to withhold funding from Clinton when she criticized charter schools for excluding difficult students. John Podesta and Ann O’Leary would publicly correct Clinton, reaffirming her commitment to charters.

The revolving door was also in full swing, with top Clinton and Obama administration officials working for “non-profits” run by Powell Jobs and Tom Steyer. In the end, the influence of the various well-connected “experts” advising Clinton could be felt in an official education platform that endorsed a test-centric approach that was becoming unpopular with parents, students and educators.

Warnings ignored

Clinton was also advised to “Stand Up for the Common Core” despite the botched implementation that was then unfolding from coast to coast. By this time, states were already moving to junk the standards, while the Washington Post was asking whether Common Core could sink Jeb Bush’s presidential run. Yet her advisors were nudging her to echo the Bush talking point of “kindler, gentler” tests.

The feuds over testing resulted in Clinton largely avoiding the controversy. Her advisors describe New York as a messy example, where rushed implementation of President Obama’s Race to the Top’s test-based teacher evaluations “fueled opposition”:

“Governor Cuomo had a very heated political battle with the state’s teachers unions in 2013 over the new teacher evaluation system…[t]he use of test scores in teacher evaluation has caused a substantial backlash . . . This backlash caused the Governor (in the midst of his re-election cycle) to agree to a “moratorium” on using the tests for two years. In an effort to win over Common Core opponents, he ran ads saying he supported a delay in the “use [of] Common Core test scores for at least five years…”

In their efforts to steer Clinton towards pro-testing policies, her advisors relied on education reform talking points. Neera Tanden, head of the Clinton-aligned Center for American Progress wrote that “New York has shown positive gains resulting from the implementation of the new higher standards.” But New York’s repeated changes of proficiency thresholds nullified any statistical validity. Tanden was advising Clinton based on a test-centric philosophy that educators, psychometric experts and court rulings have rejected since 2011.

Teacher input?

Under the heading “[g]ood ideas from the AFT crowd” the 2014 document mentions Randi Weingarten’s call for more “full-service community schools.” Clinton would not promote this much on the campaign stump though, outside of a speech made right back to the AFT. To this day, the education section of Clinton’s 2016 website says only vaguely that states should “use federal education funding to implement social and emotional support interventions.”

Behind the scenes, however, O’Leary was pushing for holistic student supports, by March of 2016 suggesting that Clinton’s K-12 platform:

“…focus on the whole child — and acknowledge that toxic stress created by poverty does impact learning and that teachers cannot do this work alone. We need to support parents through two-generation approaches to learning. We need to provide schools the resources to hire guidance counselors and mental health providers, and make sure that children from low-income communities once again have music and art education and opportunities to participate in gymnastics and ballet. These activities cannot be reserved for only those who can pay for them.”

The Clinton campaign did not bring this message forward, falling silent, even when pressed for more specifics on education plans, as detailed in this CBS article. Meanwhile, emails showed that Clinton and campaign staff knew their donors were behind a lawsuit seeking to end teacher tenure, so her plan was to stay quiet about it.

School’s out

Not mentioning education would become important in the general election. This policy book shows a snapshot in time when wealthy donors were pushing Clinton’s and Jeb’s positions together, seeking more of the federal privatization begun under George W. Bush and continued by Obama.

Seeing this, Trump would tell ticked-off voters what they wanted to hear, vowing loudly to “terminate Common Core out of Washington.” He knew (or should have known) that it was already a state-based decision to use the standards by late 2015. After the election, Trump would completely drop the idea.

This was predicted by John Podesta, who just after the 2012 election about nullifying education policy differences between President Obama and Mitt Romney. Sitting next to Jeb Bush, Podesta proclaimed “ed reform” a bipartisan affair, telling donors “the Obama administration has made its key priorities clear. The Republicans are pretty much in the same place…this area is ripe for cooperation between the center-right and center-left”.

As the reformer money rolled in, Clinton avoided public stances, with articles by 2015 noting she was getting support from both sides yet still unclear on her vision, critical of testing and charters while still supporting them. From Politico:

Clinton will have to walk carefully between both sides of the education reform debate so as not to alienate either side, said a source close to the Walton Family Foundation: "She’ll be able to receive money from both sides of the education reform debate if she plays her cards carefully…”

Reading this, John Podesta wrote in a private email: “Complicated. She won’t back off criticism, but won’t object to taking contributions.”

Both sides now

These pre-campaign deliberations show the Clinton team was well aware of the controversies raging in education, courting wealthy reformers who claimed to support poor students’ “civil rights” while pushing top-down privatization, testing, cookie-cut standards and invasive data mining.

Ann O’Leary would later tell Podesta that Powell Jobs and other education reformers were “pleased with our work” but were “wary of a few issues” like test-based accountability, then being negotiated in the U.S. Senate:

“The reauthorization of the law – spearheaded by Senators Murray and Alexander in the Senate – provides flexibility to states to set their own accountability systems and their own goals for improvement. The civil rights groups and the ed reformers are very concerned that this lack of accountability will leave poor and minority students with no real systems for improving the poor education that they are receiving.

To date, HRC has stayed out of this debate: generally praising the Senate for moving forward with the reauthorization by keeping standards and testing in place and saying little about the accountability system. I do not believe that she should weigh in on this debate, but rather should continue to monitor it closely.”

In reality, wealthy and well-connected education reformers were likely more instrumental in calling for the “accountability” that kept federal testing mandates in place than were civil rights groups. A key player in this was Russlynn Ali, former Assistant Secretary of Civil Rights to US Education Secretary Arne Duncan. Ali would become an intimate advisor to Powell Jobs, and the head of the Emerson Collective, the charter school advocacy group that Powell Jobs founded.

What did we learn?

The same cadre of billionaires that tried to steer Clinton towards unpopular pro-testing policies and controversial school privatization schemes are hard at work today. Powell Jobs, for example, has sought greater influence, funding a lavish and high-profile effort to “rethink high school” and acquiring a majority stake in The Atlantic. In July, Powell Jobs was reportedly contacted by Ivanka Trump on behalf of the administration, seeking "advice on shaping funding approaches" for STEM education in public schools.

While Eli Broad may have stepped down from his foundation, his post-disaster playbook of taking advantage of local government paralysis remains alive and well. Efforts to replicate New Orleans’ “amazing story” appear to be thriving in Puerto Rico, where schools were devastated by Hurricane Maria.

The 2014 policy book reveals some essential lessons about how education policy is crafted: in secret, with the input and influence of billionaire donors seeking more school privatization and testing—regardless of what party is in power. Even as the backlash against testing and the Common Core grew, Clinton’s advisors pushed her to embrace them. Clinton vacillated, then fell silent on K-12 policy, and as a result, education issues were largely left out of the election debate. Today, under Trump, privatization marches on worse than ever.

http://www.latimes.com/local/education/la-me-eli-broad-opposes-devos-20170201-story.html

no link

i Broad, the prominent local philanthropist behind a massive effort to increase the number of charter schools in Los Angeles, is protesting the appointment of Betsy DeVos as secretary of Education.

Broad sent a letter to U.S. senators Wednesday, asking them to vote against President Trump’s nominee.

“I believe she is unprepared and unqualified for the position,” Broad wrote. “Indeed, with Betsy DeVos at the helm of the U.S. Department of Education, much of the good work that has been accomplished to improve public education for all of America’s children could be undone.”

Betsy DeVos is a billionaire Republican fundraiser based in Grand Rapids, Mich. Before Trump announced her nomination, she spent her dollars and connections promoting school choice, in the form of both vouchers and charter schools.

Confirmation of Betsy DeVos as secretary of Education in peril as two GOP senators defect

School vouchers use public money to fund private — often religious — schools, and charter schools are publicly funded, but can be privately run.

Broad has contributed heavily through a political action committee to local school board candidates who support charter schools, and his philanthropic group is backing an effort to increase their growth in Los Angeles, which already has more such schools than any other city in the U.S.

But despite their agreement on charter schools, Broad thinks DeVos’ views are too extreme. “We must have a Secretary of Education who believes in public education and the need to keep public schools public,” he wrote.

During a contentious confirmation hearing last month, DeVos drew ire for her apparent lack of basic understanding of some key education laws. Before the hearing, Broad wrote, he questioned her support for “unregulated charter schools and school vouchers.” Her performance reinforced his doubts.

On Tuesday, the Senate education committee voted along party lines to advance her candidacy.

But her confirmation might be in trouble. On Wednesday, two Republican senators on the education committee who voted for DeVos to get through committee said they would vote no on the Senate floor. One more Republican defection would mean DeVos doesn’t get the job.

DeVos’ nomination has put Democratic charter school supporters in a hard spot because she also supports school vouchers. Vouchers are a third rail in Democratic politics — they arouse fears not just about the draining of dollars from public schools but about erosion of the separation of church and state as well.

At a rally in January, local union leaders passed out signs connecting Broad and DeVos.

You can read the full letter here.

Editor’s note: Education Matters receives funding from a number of foundations, including one or more mentioned in this article.

Edvoice is a very powerful political action committee and advocacy group in education policy and was one of the top five campaign contributors in the 2010 general election according to the California Fair Political Practices Commission, which at the time was investigating Edvoice for their potential improper use of independent expenditures. Eli Broad is also on the board of Directors of Edvoice.

Eli Broad "is a renowned business leader who built two Fortune 500 companies from the ground up over a five-decade career in business. He is founder-chairman of both SunAmerica Inc. and KB Home (formerly Kaufman and Broad Home Corporation).

"Today, he is focused on philanthropy...

Avid supporters of contemporary art, Mr. Broad and his wife, Edythe, have created one of the world's finest collections. Since 1984, The Broad Art Foundation has operated an active "lending library" of its extensive collection to more than 400 museums and university galleries worldwide. ...

"In 1999, the Broads founded The Broad Education Foundation, whose mission is to dramatically improve urban public education through better governance, management, labor relations and competition. In its first five years, the Foundation committed over $500 million to support new ideas and innovative leadership in the nation's largest urban school systems. The Foundation also has launched three national flagship initiatives - The Broad Prize for Urban Education, The Broad Institute for School Boards, and The Broad Center for the Management of School Systems, which includes The Broad Superintendents Academy and The Broad Residency in Urban Education. Mr. Broad has said, "I can imagine no more important contribution to our country's future than a long-term commitment to improving urban K-12 public schools."

"In 2001, The Eli and Edythe L. Broad Foundation created the Broad Medical Research Program, which seeks to stimulate innovative research that will lead to progress in the prevention, therapy or understanding of inflammatory bowel disease.

"In June 2003, in an unprecedented partnership with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Harvard University and Whitehead Institute, the Broads announced the founding gift to create The Eli and Edythe Broad Institute for biomedical research. The Institute's aim is to realize the promise of the human genome to revolutionize clinical medicine and to make knowledge freely available to scientists around the world. ...

"In 1996, he and Mayor Richard Riordan took on the task of raising sufficient funds to build the Frank Gehry-designed Walt Disney Concert Hall, which opened to worldwide acclaim in October 2003.

"In 2004, Mr. Broad joined the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution by appointment of the U.S. Congress and the President.

"Strong believers in higher education, the Broad Foundations have made a major contribution to the School of Arts and Architecture at UCLA toward the construction of The Edythe L. and Eli Broad Art Center, designed by Richard Meier. Mr. Broad is a senior member of the board of trustees of Caltech, where the Broads created the Broad Fellows Program in Brain Circuitry and gave the cornerstone gift to create the Broad Center for the Biological Sciences, which was designed by James Freed. Most recently, the Keck School of Medicine at the University of Southern California announced the creation of the Broad Institute for Integrative Biology and Stem Cell Research. Mr. Broad also served as chairman of the board of trustees of Pitzer College and vice chairman of the board of trustees of the California State University system." [1]

He also serves on the advisory board of the Children's Scholarship Fund.

Life Trustee, California Institute of Technology ^[1]
Trustee, Museum of Modern Art ^[2]
Trustee, Center for the Study of the Presidency

Resources and articles

References

↑ Trustees, California Institute of Technology, accessed June 20, 2010.
↑ Trustees, Museum of Modern Art, accessed September 16, 2009.

Category: United States

The Eli and Edythe L. Broad (rhymes with "road) Foundation was established by entrepreneur and philanthropist Eli Broad. Its mission is to "transform K-12 urban public education through better governance, management, labor relations and competition." The Broad Foundations, which together include The Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation and the Broad Art Foundation, have assets of $2.1 billion.^[1]

Eli Broad made his fortune through the creation of KB Home (a homebuilding company) and SunAmerica, Inc., a financial company. He and his wife, Edythe, both attended Detroit Public Schools, and then he attended Michigan State University. Eli graduated with a degree in accounting and become the youngest Certified Public Accountant in Michigan history. After working as an accountant for two years, Eli Broad noticed that his homebuilding clients were making far more than he was, and he and Edythe’s cousin’s husband decided they could build houses, too. Eli Broad and Donald Kaufman together founded Kaufman and Broad with the idea that if they built houses without basements (since by then, the widespread use of gas heating rendered basements to store coal unnecessary), they could offer homes with mortgage payments lower than the rent for a two-bedroom apartment. The first weekend in 1956, they priced their houses at $13,740. They sold out that same weekend and that was the start of a successful business. In 1971, Kaufman and Broad acquired a small life insurance company for $65 million that they eventually turned into a retirement savings empire. In 1999, SunAmerica merged into AIG, which purchased the business for $18 billion, and Eli Broad stepped down as CEO and became a full-time philanthropist.^[2]

The Broads live in Los Angeles.^[3]

Contents[hide]

Criticism

A 2011 article in Dissent Magazine closely examined the state of educational philanthropy in the U.S. and said the Broad Foundation is one of the Big Three foundations that are pouring money into influencing educational systems throughout the U.S. The "Big Three" includes the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (Microsoft), the Walton Family Foundation (Wal-mart), and the Broad Foundation. The Broad's philanthropy, the article says, promotes market-based goals for overhauling public education, by emphasizing choice, competition, deregulation, accountability, and data-based decision-making. They vehicles they fund to achieve their goals are: charter schools, high-stakes standardized testing for students, merit pay for teachers whose students improve their test scores, firing teachers and closing schools when scores don’t rise adequately, and longitudinal data collection on the performance of every student and teacher. "The education reform movement’s success so far has depended on the size and clout of the Gates-Broad-Walton triumvirate," the Dissent article states.^[4]

Board of Governors (2010)

Accessed February 2011: ^[5]

Sourcewatch resources

External resources

References

↑ The Eli and Edyth L. Broad Foundation About the Broad Foundations, organizational web site, accessed February 4, 2011
↑ Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation About the Broads, organizational web site, accessed February 4, 2011
↑ Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation About the Broads, organizational web site, accessed February 4, 2011
↑ Joanne Barkan Got Dough? How Billionaires Rule Our Schools, Dissent Magazine, Winter, 2011
↑ 2009/10 Annual Report, Eli and Edythe L. Broad Foundation, accessed February 4, 2011.

Categories: Stubs | Philanthropy | Education

The Eli and Edythe L. Broad (rhymes with "road) Foundation was established by entrepreneur and philanthropist Eli Broad. Its mission is to "transform K-12 urban public education through better governance, management, labor relations and competition." The Broad Foundations, which together include The Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation and the Broad Art Foundation, have assets of $2.1 billion.[1]

The Broads live in Los Angeles.[3]

Contents

[hide]

1 Criticism

2 Board of Governors (2010)

3 Sourcewatch resources

4 External resources

5 References

Criticism

A 2011 article in Dissent Magazine closely examined the state of educational philanthropy in the U.S. and said the Broad Foundation is one of the Big Three foundations that are pouring money into influencing educational systems throughout the U.S. The "Big Three" includes the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (Microsoft), the Walton Family Foundation (Wal-mart), and the Broad Foundation. The Broad's philanthropy, the article says, promotes market-based goals for overhauling public education, by emphasizing choice, competition, deregulation, accountability, and data-based decision-making. They vehicles they fund to achieve their goals are: charter schools, high-stakes standardized testing for students, merit pay for teachers whose students improve their test scores, firing teachers and closing schools when scores don’t rise adequately, and longitudinal data collection on the performance of every student and teacher. "The education reform movement’s success so far has depended on the size and clout of the Gates-Broad-Walton triumvirate," the Dissent article states.[4]

Board of Governors (2010)

Accessed February 2011: [5]

Eli Broad

Edythe L. Broad

David Baltimore, Ph.D.

Henry G. Cisneros

Robert A. Day

Paul N. Frimmer

Jana W. Greer

Kent Kresa

Barry Munitz

Roderick R. Paige

Richard J. Riordan

Morton O. Schapiro, Ph.D.

Andrew Stern

Cindy S. Quane

Larry Summers

Sourcewatch resources

External resources

References

? The Eli and Edyth L. Broad Foundation About the Broad Foundations, organizational web site, accessed February 4, 2011

? Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation About the Broads, organizational web site, accessed February 4, 2011

? Joanne Barkan Got Dough? How Billionaires Rule Our Schools, Dissent Magazine, Winter, 2011

? 2009/10 Annual Report, Eli and Edythe L. Broad Foundation, accessed February 4, 2011.

Categories: Stubs | Philanthropy | Education

For the general-election campaign, Bush and Dukakis each receive $46.1 million in federal funding. But contrary to the spirit of campaign-finance reform, if not the letter of the law, both sides set out to raise another $50 million each from wealthy individuals and corporations in the form of unregulated soft-money contributions. Some 375 deep-pocketed donors give $100,000 or more apiece — a level of largess that exceeds even the excesses of the 1972 campaign, when Nixon contributors rushed to drop off suitcases full of cash before the restrictions of the Federal Election Campaign Act kicked in. The Democrats’ list of six-figure donors includes Hollywood moguls Barry Diller and Lew Wasserman, Lotus Software founder Mitch Kapor, and homebuilder Eli Broad. The GOP’s $100,000 men include shopping mall developer Edward J. DeBartolo, Jr., Wall Street financier Asher B. Edelman, and real-estate entrepreneur Donald Trump. In addition, the Republicans raise $100,000 or more from Occidental Petroleum, Paine Webber Group, RJR Nabisco, and other corporations.

On Election Day, Bush bests Dukakis, beating him 53.4 percent to 45.6 percent in the popular vote and crushing him in the Electoral College by 426 to 111.

Eli Broad sees it as a great way to save lives--and he is tapping his $6 billion fortune to help. Sidestepping the ban on federal funding of most stem-cell experiments imposed by President Bush five years ago, Broad, the founder of builder KB Home, gave $25 million in February to the University of Southern California to erect a stem-cell building.

Broad, Eli

Resources and articles

Related Sourcewatch articles

References

Criticism

Board of Governors (2010)

Sourcewatch resources

External resources

References