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Law Firm Pressures Brown University to Erase Research on Anti-Wind Groups

The firm, which represents opponents of offshore wind, said it would complain to Brown’s federal and private funding sources.

Lisa Friedman

By Lisa Friedman

Aug. 25, 2025

A law firm representing opponents of offshore wind farms is demanding that Brown University retract research that details links between the fossil fuel industry and anti-wind groups.

The firm, Marzulla Law L.L.C., which has close ties to the conservative legal movement, called the research “false and injurious” and said it would complain to Brown’s public and private funders, including the Energy Department, the National Science Foundation and the Mellon Foundation.

A spokesman for the university, Brian E. Clark, did not comment directly on the law firm’s demands but said the university intended to uphold its principles of academic freedom.

“Scholars shape their own research and course of instruction at Brown,” Mr. Clark said in a statement. “One principle that is core to research at Brown is the ability for scholars to discuss contested topics and themes and to have those topics openly debated.”

Roger J. Marzulla, a founding partner of the firm, did not respond to email and telephone requests for comment.

The demands come at a precarious time for the nation’s universities, which have become targets of a pressure campaign conducted by the Trump administration. Last month, Brown struck a deal with the government to restore lost federal research funding and end investigations into alleged discrimination.

The Trump administration is trying to stop the country’s nascent wind industry, a source of energy that President Trump has disparaged since he failed to stop an offshore wind farm from being built within view of one of his Scottish golf courses.

Marzulla Law L.L.C. is representing several groups that are fighting offshore wind, including Green Oceans, a nonprofit organization that is trying to overturn federal permits for Revolution Wind, a 65-turbine wind farm off the coast of Rhode Island.

That $6.2 billion project is nearly built, but on Friday the Trump administration ordered construction to stop, citing unspecified concerns.

In an Aug. 11 letter to Brown’s general counsel, Mr. Marzulla objected to research published by the Climate and Development Lab at Brown that found that Green Oceans had spread misinformation about climate change and operated as part of “a fossil-fuel-funded disinformation network.”

Mark Herr, a spokesman for Green Oceans, said in a statement that Green Oceans was a local and nonpartisan group, adding, “We have no association with the fossil fuel industry nor any conservative political groups.”

“These oft-repeated lies are designed to discredit the messenger while preventing the public from absorbing the substance of our valid and well-researched concerns,” he said.

J. Timmons Roberts, who leads the Climate and Development Lab, said in an interview that his students had found that groups fighting offshore wind “have chosen to get in bed with some of the most anti-environment and anti-climate actors.” He called the letter “strategic harassment to shut me up and waste my time and make me more cautious.”

Lauren Kurtz, the executive director of the Climate Science Legal Defense Fund, a nonprofit organization that provides legal aid to climate scientists, called the letter academic harassment.

“It definitely struck me that they were dangling the possibility of getting the Trump administration involved,” Ms. Kurtz said. “It seems to me like they’re trying to bully Brown and their researchers.”

The Climate and Development Lab, founded in 2010, is a student and faculty research organization. Nearly three years ago, students began looking into groups fighting offshore wind off the coast of Rhode Island.

Their research does not accuse Green Ocean of accepting money from fossil fuel companies, but it highlights the similarities between arguments made by Green Ocean and those advanced by fossil fuel groups that spread climate misinformation.

A new publication issued by the Climate Development Lab on Friday maps connections between groups that oppose offshore wind and the law firms that represent them, and uses Marzulla Law as a case study. It describes the firm as having “a history of advancing anti-environmental lawsuits and significant ties with the fossil fuel industry.”

Mr. Marzulla and his wife, Nancie, who together founded the firm in 1997, both previously worked at Mountain States Legal Foundation, a conservative public interest law firm based in Colorado.

Mr. Marzulla took over as head of the foundation in 1981, and later the couple founded the Defenders of Property Rights, which defended private property owners from what they viewed as cumbersome environmental regulations. Defenders of Property Rights joined the Cooler Heads Coalition, a group of organizations that rejected the scientific finding that the burning of fossil fuels was driving climate change.

Lisa Friedman is a Times reporter who writes about how governments are addressing climate change and the effects of those policies on communities.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 9 of the New York edition with the headline: Right-Wing Firm Presses Brown Over Wind Study.

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(Bloomberg) — Timmons Roberts is used to receiving legal complaints about his work examining groups who oppose offshore wind.

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What was surprising about the letter he received earlier this month wasn’t that one of those groups was asking Roberts and his employer, Brown University, to retract some of his research. It was that the group was represented by a Washington, DC law firm, that said it was preparing to send “coordinated reports” about his work to the US National Science Foundation and Energy Department.

The move parallels the recent targeting of universities over alleged antisemitism and for their diversity initiatives, suggesting climate and clean energy research could be another line of attack.

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Roberts’ research focuses on opposition to offshore wind and other forms of climate obstruction. In a 2023 report, he and his research team chronicled how arguments made by the group Green Oceans — based in Little Compton, Rhode Island — echoed claims made by fossil fuel-funded opposition groups.

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In response, Green Oceans enlisted a different law firm and asked him to take down the research, saying it was causing reputational harm. The group and Roberts met in May 2024, but there was no resolution. Roberts said his research was already in peer review at the time, and it was subsequently published in a journal later that year. (In its most recent letter, Green Oceans said Roberts “threatened to publish the same material in a peer-reviewed journal.”)

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The group sent the latest letter via Marzulla Law, dated Aug. 11, 2025. Green Oceans asked for “immediate corrective action by Brown University” to take down three publications from Roberts’ group and conduct a formal review into “publishing and oversight practices.”

In the letter, Green Oceans also said it sent a request to the journal to retract the study, which was denied, as was a request for a local environmental newsroom to retract a story on the findings.

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Green Oceans declined to comment, saying the letter laid out its position.

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“Everything in this letter, practically, they’ve said before” in previous letters, Roberts said. But the warning about escalating the matter to the administration was a shift. The letter notes that “Brown University has received significant federal funding,” and that Green Oceans was drafting reports chronicling “the pattern of misconduct and institutional risks of continued association with research units that engage in political targeting.”

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Roberts said his lab isn’t funded by the NSF or the Energy Department, nor is the Climate Social Science Network, an international constellation of researchers who study climate politics. Bloomberg has contacted the agencies for comment.

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The letter “sounds like going to the Trump administration to do what in fact the Trump administration has done with universities: That is, threaten them and their funding,” Roberts said. He added that he’s been in touch with the Union of Concerned Scientists and the Climate Science Legal Defense fund, nonprofits that defend academic freedom.

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In response to questions about how Brown was handling the new communication from Green Oceans, a university spokesperson said, “scholars shape their own research and course of instruction at Brown. One principle that is core to research at Brown is the ability for scholars to discuss contested topics and themes, and to have those topics openly debated.”

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The letter was sent by Marzulla Law, a boutique property-rights firm run by husband and wife duo Roger and Nancie Marzulla. Both worked for the US Department of Justice under former President Ronald Reagan, and Roger Marzulla served as assistant attorney general in charge of the Environment and Natural Resources division. The firm has argued a number of anti-offshore wind cases, including one brought by Green Oceans challenging the Revolution Wind Project off the Rhode Island coast. Roberts published new research on Aug. 22 that includes exploring Marzulla Law’s connections with the offshore wind opponents.

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The firm didn’t respond to a request for comment.

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The request to take down research and the proposed escalation of the complaint to the administration is “extraordinary,” said Veena Dubal, a law professor at the University of California at Irvine and general counsel of the American Association of University Professors.

The Trump administration has assailed universities for a host of issues, including allegations of failing to confront antisemitism and promoting diversity programs. Columbia and Brown universities reached deals with the White House to unfreeze hundreds of millions of dollars in US funding. The University of Pennsylvania was the first to settle for allowing a transgender swimmer on the women’s team.

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The NSF has cut more than 100 climate research grants since Trump took office and has said it “will not support research with the goal of combating ‘misinformation,’ ‘disinformation,’ and ‘malinformation.’”

Researchers whose work doesn’t align with administration policy are finding “their jobs, their funding, their futures” at risk, Dubal said.

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The Trump administration has also taken actions to cut support for renewables, particularly offshore wind. Since taking office in January, President Donald Trump has put forward a barrage of policies designed to stop offshore wind development. Those include halting the sale of new offshore wind leases and removing millions of acres of ocean that had been set aside for future wind projects.

The Interior Department on Aug. 22 halted the mostly built Revolution Wind project off the Rhode Island coast, citing the need for further review. Green Oceans opposes the project.

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In April, the administration temporarily stopped work on the $5 billion Empire Wind project off the coast of New York, sending a shudder through the industry. (It allowed construction to resume in May.) Trump has repeatedly attacked wind farms, saying they have ruined the views of some of his golf properties.

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Offshore wind has also been the subject of numerous attacks and lawsuits by local coastal residents. Those efforts have been successful in some cases; one notable example is Cape Wind, which was canceled in the face of opposition from wealthy homeowners on Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket who included the Kennedy family and industrialist William Koch.

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Kit Kennedy, a managing director for power, climate and energy at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said there’s broad bipartisan support for wind — including from a majority of Republicans, according to a June poll commissioned by pro-offshore wind group Turn Forward — and that building more projects may help assuage any concerns. She said the Brown research has been “very, very valuable” to understanding anti-wind influence groups.

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But according to Parrish Bergquist, an energy policy researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, the administration’s push against offshore wind may mean “we’re going to start to see deeper polarization on this, in a way that mirrors attitudes about climate change more generally.”

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Green Oceans Files Federal Lawsuit

Jan 20

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

GREEN OCEANS LEADS 35 CO-PLAINTIFFS IN LAWSUIT ALLEGING U.S. AGENCIES

ILLEGALLY APPROVED OFFSHORE WIND PROJECTS

LITTLE COMPTON, R.I. – Rhode Island-based Green Oceans, a non-partisan, grassroots, not-for-profit organization dedicated to protecting the ocean and the ecosystems it sustains, filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, alleging four federal agencies shortcut statutory and regulatory procedures and violated environmental protection laws by approving the South Fork and Revolution Wind projects. An additional 35 co-plaintiffs joined the litigation. The suit alleges that the U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Ocean Energy

Management (BOEM), National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS), the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, and their respective administrative leaders issued permits for the two projects on the critical marine habitat known as Coxes Ledge despite the acknowledgment of serious irreversible harm, and without adequate environmental impact studies. The lawsuit asks the court to invalidate the approvals for both projects until the government complies with all relevant statutes and regulations.

“In a rush to meet state mandates, we cannot short-circuit our country’s most important environmental and natural resource policies. This suit will ensure the federal government follows its own rules and regulations,” said Green Ocean’s Co-founder and President Dr. Elizabeth Quattrocki Knight.

Filed under the Administrative Procedure Act, the suit intends to prove that the federal agencies violated eight statutes, including the National Environmental Policy Act, Endangered Species Act, Marine Mammal Protection Act, Migratory Bird Treaty Act, Coastal Zone Management Act, National Historic Preservation Act, Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act, Clean Water Act, and their associated regulatory programs.

The suit highlights the alarming scale of proposed offshore wind plans – up to 1,000 turbines, each towering over 870 feet high. The closest turbines will reside just 12.9 nautical miles from the Rhode Island coast. Collectively, the nine projects planned for the waters off the coast of Rhode Island represent the largest offshore development anywhere in the world. The Green Oceans suit alleges that BOEM did not adequately consider the cumulative impact of the entire lease area, a legal requirement. No geographic boundaries exist between the nine different projects planned for the 1,400 square miles of coastal waters between Massachusetts and Rhode Island.

“Marine mammals will not appreciate whether any given turbine belongs to one project or another. Legally, BOEM must evaluate the collective impact, not just each project in isolation,” Dr. Quattrocki Knight emphasized. The projects threaten to permanently alter the environmentally sensitive Coxes Ledge, one of the last remaining spawning grounds for Southern New England cod and an important habitat for the North Atlantic right whale and four other endangered whale species.

Barbara Chapman, a Green Oceans trustee, added, “Even people who support the concept of wind power understand the threat to sea life. On the official NOAA site, they have granted the developer of Revolution Wind, just one project of many, permission to harm and harass over 13,000 marine animals, including 568 whales, during the course of a single year. We do not consider 13,000 a small number.”

“BOEM admits the projects will have adverse impacts on the health of our fisheries, navigation safety, historic resources, the North Atlantic right whale, and environmental justice populations, while having no effect on climate change. Why accept this irreversible environmental damage for no overall gain?” questions Green Ocean’s Co-founder and Vice President, Bill Thompson.

Co-plaintiffs to the suit include the Responsible Offshore Development Alliance, Save Right Whales Coalition, New England Fishermen’s Stewardship Association, Bat World Sanctuary, three former Rhode Island Fisherman’s Advisory Board members, along with local and regional recreational fishermen, sailors, boaters, pilots, conservationists, residents, and leading members of the business community.

Green Oceans is a nonprofit, non-partisan group of community members dedicated to combating climate change without jeopardizing biodiversity or the health of the ocean. For more information or to get involved, visit: https://green-oceans.org/.


WAMP

Chairwoman Cheryl Andrews Maltais’s Declaration — Green Oceans


This article is a part of 12-piece series for The Times’ 2025 “Year in Review.

One of the biggest stories for the Island this year — and many years to come — is offshore wind. From the very beginning of this year, it has felt like the industry itself is twisting in the wind. On Jan. 20, President Donald Trump issued an executive memorandum that directed federal agencies to suspend all new leases for wind projects before a large assessment of the approval process. That same day, the then–acting secretary of the interior issued a written order that suspended for 60 days (a period that’s long passed) the authority for federal agencies to issue wind approvals. An eddy of stop-work orders and lawsuits from the federal administration, stemming from Trump’s initial memorandum, have marred the industry that promises alternative energy in an age of increasing electricity demand.

But a few weeks ago, a federal judge overturned that action by the acting secretary, and ruled in favor of a lawsuit by Massachusetts and several other states that challenged the current administration. The ruling doesn’t guarantee the authorization of new projects but says the agencies have to go through the approval process, affirming the rights of states and developers and potentially creating a path for new wind projects to move forward.

Though the nine wind farms currently planned for off the coast of the Vineyard — all of which are in different stages, from finished to under construction to not fully permitted, and some even wrapped up in legal turmoil from the federal government — are in federal waters, impacts on the viewshed, fisheries, and electricity bills are points of contention for some Islanders.

[

](https://www.mvtimes.com/mvt/uploads/2025/08/Wind_1.jpg?x40139)A close-up of a Vineyard Wind turbine blade. —Jennette Barnes CAI

The Island’s only community benefits agreement with any offshore wind farm was made public this summer, a decade after it was signed. The publication of the agreement, which exchanges on-Island benefits for support of the project, was called into question for having a conflict of interest as well as not affording the Island many protections. And so on the Island, there’s also been some activity in the offshore wind realm, albeit not as much as on Nantucket, where the town settled with manufacturer GE Vernova and received a $10.5 million payout after a blade broke at the Vineyard Wind I offshore wind farm, and also created a new agreement with the developers of that wind farm in demand of better accountability and communication. In light of Nantucket’s firm hand and publication of the agreement, town officials on the Vineyard are now contemplating whether or not they want their own agreements, which could include a framework for more accountability from developers of the wind farm. They have plans to sit down with Vineyard Wind officials in the new year, but another curveball was thrown Dec. 22 when federal officials announced a pause of all offshore wind leases, effective immediately.

Other headlines:

A journey to see the spin

Island’s benefits agreement with Vineyard Wind made public

Chilmark eyes wind agreement

Winds of history

Court decision blows in favor of offshore wind

The Island’s six towns may pursue new agreements with Vineyard Wind

Trump administration halts all offshore wind projects


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bs LI

founding partner of Marzulla Law, which is based in Washington, D.C. My practice concentrates on litigation in the fields of water rights, takings, and environmental claims against the federal government in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. I also have extensive experience in handling cases involving property, water, and environmental law, Indian tribal claims, agriculture, development and land use, and natural resources in trial courts, courts of appeal, the Supreme Court, and in international tribunals. I also defend clients in enforcement or permitting disputes with federal regulatory agencies. 

I served as an Attorney/Advisor, and subsequently as a trial lawyer in the Employment Section of the Civil Rights Division at the U.S. Department of Justice. In 1988, I joined the law firm of Verner, Liipfert (now DLA Piper), where I litigated complex airline and other civil matters. In 1991, I founded Defenders of Property Rights, where I litigated high profile property claims representing small business and land owners in the Supreme Court, federal courts of appeal, and trial courts.

Prior to coming to Washington, I worked at the International Labor Organization in Geneva, Switzerland doing comparative legal research.

I have also drafted legislation and testified in Congress, before regulatory agencies, and in State legislatures on a variety of property, water, and environmental matters. I have also authored numerous articles on property and environmental issues, and have made numerous radio and television appearances discussing her cases and related legal issues. And I have lectured on many occasions on all aspects of property, environmental, and water law. I coauthored Property Rights: Understanding Government Takings and Environmental Regulation.



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Nancie G. Marzulla's Summary

I am the founding partner of Marzulla Law, which is based in Washington, D.C. My practice concentrates on litigation in the fields of water rights, takings, and environmental claims against the federal government in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. I also have extensive experience in handling cases involving property, water, and environmental law, Indian tribal claims, agriculture, development and land use, and natural resources in trial courts, courts of appeal, the Supreme Court, and in international tribunals. I also defend clients in enforcement or permitting disputes with federal regulatory agencies. 

I served as an Attorney/Advisor, and subsequently as a trial lawyer in the Employment Section of the Civil Rights Division at the U.S. Department of Justice. In 1988, I joined the law firm of Verner, Liipfert (now DLA Piper), where I litigated complex airline and other civil matters. In 1991, I founded Defenders of Property Rights, where I litigated high profile property claims representing small business and land owners in the Supreme Court, federal courts of appeal, and trial courts.

Prior to coming to Washington, I worked at the International Labor Organization in Geneva, Switzerland doing comparative legal research.

I have also drafted legislation and testified in Congress, before regulatory agencies, and in State legislatures on a variety of property, water, and environmental matters. I have also authored numerous articles on property and environmental issues, and have made numerous radio and television appearances discussing her cases and related legal issues. And I have lectured on many occasions on all aspects of property, environmental, and water law. I coauthored Property Rights: Understanding Government Takings and Environmental Regulation.

Specialties

My practice concentrates on litigation in the fields of water rights, takings, and environmental claims against the federal government in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.

Nancie G. Marzulla's Experience

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Marzulla Law

Privately Held; 11-50 employees; Law Practice industry

1997 – Present (16 years) Washington, DC

Nancie G. Marzulla is a founding partner of Marzulla Law, based in Washington, D.C. Nancie's practice concentrates on litigation in the fields of water rights, takings, and environmental claims against the federal government in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. She also has extensive experience in handling cases involving property, water, and environmental law, Indian tribal claims, agriculture, development and land use, and natural resources in trial courts, courts of appeal, the Supreme Court, and in international tribunals. Nancie also represents clients in enforcement or permitting disputes with federal regulatory agencies.

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INBLF

2010 – 2012 (2 years)

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Washington Performing Arts Society

Nonprofit; 11-50 employees; Performing Arts industry

2009 – 2011 (2 years)

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U.S. Department of Justice

Government Agency; 10,001+ employees; Law Practice industry

1985 – 1989 (4 years)


co-author w/

Peter J. Ferrara

Credentials

Source: [1]

Background

Peter Ferrara is a senior fellow for entitlement and budget policy, a senior fellow at the Social Security Institute, and the general counsel of the American Civil Rights Union at the Heartland Institute.

Ferrara heads the Social Security Project of the Free Enterprise Fund, which supports the Bush administration's effort to privatize Social Security. [2]

He served in the White House Office of Policy Development under President Reagan, and as Associate Deputy Attorney General of the United States under President George H.W. Bush. [3]

Stance on Climate Change

"Any speaker, any authority, any journalist or bureaucrat asserting the catastrophic danger of supposed man-caused global warming needs to be asked for their response to Climate Change Reconsidered. If they have none, then they are not qualified to address the subject." [4]

Key Quotes

"While I am not a scientist, and write primarily on economics, tax policy and budget issues, I have been fascinated over the years by Heartland’s work on climate change." [4]

Key Deeds

May 21 - 23, 2012

Ferrera was a speaker at the Heartland Institute's Seventh (and last) International Conference on Climate Change (ICCC7).

DeSmogBlogresearched the co-sponsors behind Heartland's ICCC7 and found that they had collectively received over $67 million from ExxonMobil, the Koch Brothersand the conservative Scaife family foundations.

2005

Ferrera Admitted that he took money from lobbyist Jack Abramoffto write Op-Ed pieces boosting the lobbyist's clients.

"I do that all the time," Ferrara says. "I've done that in the past, and I'll do it in the future."

Ferrara said "he doesn't see a conflict of interest in taking undisclosed money to write Op-Ed pieces because his columns never violated his ideological principles." [5]

Affiliations

Publications

According to a press release announcing his appointment at the Heartland Institute, Ferrara has written studies and reports for the Cato Institute, The Heritage Foundation, National Center for Policy Analysis, Family Research Council, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and a wide range of other institutions and publications.[7]

He has also written in The Wall Street Journal, Barron’s, Forbes, The American Spectator, National Review, Human Events, The Weekly Standard, Policy Review, and elsewhere.

Books

Sourcewatch lists some of Ferrara's publications:

Resources

  1. "Appointments, January 21, 1984," Ronald Reagon Presidential Library. Archived March 21, 2005.
  2. Jeffrey H. Birnbaum. "Private-Account Concept Grew From Obscure Roots," The Washington Post, February 22, 2005.
  3. "Peter Ferrara," Profile at Forbes.
  4. Peter Ferrara. "Fakegate: The Obnoxious Fabrication of Global Warming," (Op-Ed), Forbes, March 1, 2012.
  5. Eamon Javers. "Op-Eds for Sale," Businessweek, December 16, 2005. Archived May 5, 2012, with WebCite.
  6. "Heartland Experts: Peter Ferrara," The Heartland Institute. Accessed May 5, 2012.
  7. "Peter Ferrara Named Senior Fellow by The Heartland Institute,"PRWeb, April 27, 2011.
  8. "Peter J. Ferrara," Profile at the Cato Institute. Accessed May 5, 2012.
  9. "Pension Liberation for Texas" (PDF), Heartland.org.
  10. Peter Ferrara. "The Tax-Cut Critics," National Review, May 20, 2003.
  11. "CHAPTER PRESIDENT'S WELCOME," Virginai Club for Growth. Archived October 8, 2003.
  12. "Peter Ferrara," Profile at ipi.org. Accessed May 5, 2012.
  13. "Leadership and Staff," The American Civil Rights Union. Accessed May 5, 2012.
  14. "Policy Board, Leadership & Staff," The Carleson Center for Public Policy. Accessed May 5, 2012.
  15. "THE NEW PROGRESSIVISM: PERSONAL SOCIAL SECURITY ACCOUNTS FOR WORKING PEOPLE," (PDF), U.S. Social Security Administration, September 6, 2001.
  16. "BOARD OF SCHOLARS," Virginia Institute for Public Policy. Archived February 18, 2007.
  17. "Peter J. Ferrara," SourceWatch.
  18. "Peter Ferrara," Wikipedia.