Bio-fuels algae BS

see also ethanol

see greenwash

ventner uber1: https://webbrain.com/brainpage/brain/6950F840-FB80-FCB0-D505-8AB1FA685F08#-3401

-=-=

gmail 10 26 heated amy

if you read, watched, or listened to any news in 2018 and 2019, you almost certainly came across Exxon’s ads for algae biofuel.

They were everywhere: in TV commercials, in print ads and digital banners, and in a *New York Times* paid post about “The Future of Energy.” They all promoted the idea that Exxon was helping to solve climate change by turning green algae into a renewable, sustainable fuel source that could one day replace petroleum.

Between 2017 and 2019, the company spent $60 million airing just three algae commercials, including during the World Series and NBA championships. So we can only imagine how much they spent on all the algae ads cumulatively across platforms.

These ads have already faced a ton of scrutiny and accusations of greenwashing. And by 2023, Exxon had pulled its funding for algae research entirely, acknowledging that they could not hit the targets they had promised.

But now, newly reported testimony shows that Exxon always knew its algae biofuel ads were complete bullshit—at least, well before they aired most of these ads.

HEATED is a reader-supported publication.

The testimony comes from documents disclosed in Massachusetts’ ongoing climate deception lawsuit against Exxon, which Inside Climate News reporter Nicholas Kusnetz examined for a story published last week.

During a deposition, attorneys for Massachusetts asked an Exxon scientist who worked on the algae biofuels program about the company’s claim that it could produce 10,000 barrels of algae biofuel a day by 2025. The attorneys asked: Was that claim misleading?

”Yes,” the scientist said, pointing to a 2018 press release that advertised the claim. “All the clauses in there are patently false. And I told them so, of course.”

Attorneys also asked the Exxon scientist if he had any concerns about the company publicly advertising that it could produce 10,000 barrels of algae biofuel a day.

The scientist replied: “I thought it was something that was irresponsible to say.”

“Because you didn’t think it was possible?” the attorneys asked.

“Right,” the scientist replied. He added that the target “was completely impossible to achieve.”

Excerpts from an Exxon scientist’s deposition in Massachusetts’ climate-deception lawsuit. Asked about the company’s algae biofuel claims, he called them “patently false,” adding: “And I told them so, of course.”

And this new deposition is just the latest piece of evidence that Exxon knew it was promising more than its algae research could deliver. In March, *The Wall Street Journal* reported that Exxon kept promoting algae to investors after its scientists warned senior leadership in 2020 that the program was falling far short of its goals.

The reason this testimony is so important is that it shows how Exxon used advertising as a tool to mislead consumers about the risks of its business model. As we’ve covered before in HEATED, convincing people you’re already solving climate change is a powerful way to undermine public support for regulation. Indeed, the IPCC has identified corporate PR as a major obstacle to climate action.

But this testimony also offers a glimpse of what climate lawsuits can uncover if they are allowed to proceed. Indeed, it is exactly the kind of evidence that Exxon and other Big Oil companies are trying desperately to make sure never comes to light.

Last week, Exxon and Suncor asked the Supreme Court to block Boulder, Colorado’s climate lawsuit, seeking a ruling that could stop other climate damages cases across the country.

Meanwhile, the industry is pushing Congress and state legislatures to grant it legal immunity, while attacking the climate science and judicial education efforts that help inform these cases. It’s an effort to shut down accountability from every direction.

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I think Big Oil’s multi-tiered campaign to shut down climate lawsuits is one of the most important, most under-covered stories of the year. That’s why last month at Climate Week in New York, I moderated an extensive panel discussion about these efforts with former Washington Governor Jay Inslee, former New Jersey Executive Assistant Attorney General Angela Cai, Tennessee Representative Justin Jones, and Dr. Pallavi Phartiyal of the Union of Concerned Scientists.

Together, we examined the different pieces of this campaign, and what can be done to fight back. You can watch the full discussion here.

===

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/14/climate/oil-industry-documents-disinformation.html

no lnx

Oil Executives Privately Contradicted Public Statements on Climate, Files Show

The documents, subpoenaed in a House investigation of climate disinformation, show company leaders contravening industry commitments.

By Hiroko Tabuchi

Sept. 14, 2022

Documents obtained by congressional investigators show that oil industry executives privately downplayed their companies’ own public messages about efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and weakened industry-wide commitments to push for climate policies.

Internal Exxon documents show that the oil giant pressed an industry group, the Oil and Gas Climate Initiative, to remove language from a 2019 policy statement that “could create a potential commitment to advocate on the Paris Agreement goals.” The Paris Agreement is the landmark 2015 pact among nations of the world to avert catastrophic global warming. The statement’s final version didn’t mention Paris.

At Royal Dutch Shell, an October 2020 email sent by an employee, discussing talking points for Shell’s president for the United States, said that the company’s announcement of a pathway to “net zero” emissions — the point at which the world would no longer be pumping planet-warming gases into the atmosphere — “has nothing to do with our business plans.”

These and other documents, reviewed by The New York Times, come from a cache of hundreds of thousands of pages of corporate emails, memos and other files obtained under subpoena as part of an examination by the House Committee on Oversight and Reform into the fossil fuel industry’s efforts over the decades to mislead the public about its role in climate change, dismissing evidence that the burning of fossil fuels was driving an increase in global temperatures even as their own scientists warned of a clear link.

On Thursday, the House committee is expected to discuss some of its early findings. “It’s well established that these companies actively misled the American public for decades about the risks of climate change,” said Representative Ro Khanna, a Democrat from California who spearheaded the investigation with Carolyn B. Maloney, the New York Democrat who leads the House committee. “The problem is that they continue to mislead,” Mr. Khanna said.

At a hearing last year, oil industry executives stressed their support for a transition to clean energy and denied that they have misled the public. They acknowledged that the burning of their products was driving climate change, although none pledged to end their financial support for efforts to block action on climate change, and they said that fossil fuels were here to stay.

The committee’s subpoena has sought documents related to companies’ role in contributing to climate change, their marketing and lobbying efforts on climate, and the funding of third parties accused of spreading climate disinformation. Several of the companies and organizations subpoenaed — which include Shell, Exxon Mobil, Chevron, BP, the American Petroleum Institute and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce — have yet to produce some of the key documents that have been requested, according to committee staff members.

According to the staff, a significant part of the material submitted so far includes news clippings and other materials that were already public. Still, the documents gathered so far show that the companies’ internal discussions in recent years haven’t always matched up with their public statements and marketing campaigns, and that some of the companies’ leading climate strategies rely on unproven technologies.

In the Exxon memo describing the edits it sought in the oil industry policy statement, which was drawn up ahead of the 2019 United Nations global climate talks, Peter Trelenberg, Exxon’s manager of environmental policy and planning, wrote: “Need to remove reference to Paris Agreement” from the statement because “Creating a tie between our advocacy/engagements and the Paris Agreement could create a potential commitment to advocate on the Paris Agreement goals.”

[The Spread of Misinformation and Falsehoods

Election Fraud Claims: A new report says that major social media companies continue to fuel false conspiracies about election fraud despite promises to combat misinformation ahead of the midterm elections.

Russian Falsehoods: Kremlin conspiracy theories blaming the West for disrupting the global food supply have bled into right-wing chat rooms and mainstream conservative news media in the United States.

Media Literacy Efforts: As young people spend more time online, educators are increasingly trying to offer students tools and strategies to protect themselves from false narratives.

Global Threat: New research shows that nearly three-quarters of respondents across 19 countries with advanced economies are very concerned about false information online.]

The memo, addressed to Exxon chief executive, Darren Woods, and other top executives, went on to indicate that Chevron had “expressed that they are generally aligned with these edits.”

Exxon and Chevron did not respond to requests for comment. A representative for the Oil and Gas Climate Initiative did not comment on the advocacy document but said that “advocacy for Paris goals underpins everything that O.G.C.I. does.”

Separate files from Exxon show the company grappling with a multimillion-dollar advertising campaign promoting the potential for fuels made from algae. The campaign focused on the promise of the technology and featured images of vast pools of algae, along with a scientist looking forward to calling herself an “energy farmer.” (Versions of the ads have appeared in The New York Times.)

A set of presentation notes that had been prepared for a September 2018 engineering talk by one of its executives stated that the technology is “still decades away from the scale we need.” And in a November 2016 email, an Exxon employee said that an early draft for the ad, prepared by the advertising agency BBDO Worldwide, needed to “replace any lines that imply the technology is live today.”

BBDO did not respond to a request for comment.

The Shell internal documents discussing the company’s “net zero” pathway also included guidelines for employees that stated, “Please do not give the impression that Shell is willing to reduce carbon dioxide emissions to levels that do not make business sense.”

[Algae at a greenhouse in La Jolla, Calif., in 2010. The operation was sponsored by Exxon Mobil.Credit...Sunday Huffaker for The New York Times

Curtis Smith, a spokesman for Shell, said in a statement that the company had provided nearly a half-million pages of documents to the committee and that “the small handful they chose to highlight are evidence of Shell’s extensive efforts to set aggressive targets.” Included in those documents are “challenging internal and external discussions,” he said.

He added that it was widely understood that Shell’s net zero scenarios “are not prescriptions, predictions or meant to represent Shell’s current business plan” and instead represent “the scale of the challenge and levers policymakers might pull.”

The committee’s work comes as Democrats’ climate agenda has been re-energized by the passage of a climate and tax bill that includes nearly $370 billion in tax incentives and programs intended to speed up the nation’s transition from an economy based on oil, gas and coal to one powered by wind, solar and other renewable forms of energy.

A number of cities and states have sued oil companies, alleging that they misled the public about fossil fuels’ role in warming the planet, with detrimental effects on local communities. Last year, a Dutch court ruled that Shell must substantially accelerate its efforts to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. Shell has appealed the ruling.

The House committee was scheduled to hold a hearing on Thursday to examine recent record-breaking oil industry profits, hear from industry experts and from people affected by recent extreme weather events. It had also requested board members from the oil companies to attend. The companies declined.

At Thursday’s hearing, members also plan to highlight emails that appear to show oil executives making light of climate extreme-heat records. In an August 2017 email exchange, for example, two BP executives found humor in the news at the time that scientists had reported Earth’s warmest year on record.

“I’ll buy the first round Monday night before we say our goodbyes,” Joe Ellis, then BP vice president and head of U.S. government affairs, wrote to colleagues.

“A ‘hot toddy’ maybe?” Bob Stout, then vice president and head of regulatory affairs, wrote back.

The former BP executives didn’t respond to requests for comment.

J.P. Fielder, head of U.S. communications at BP, described the exchange as “inartful attempts at humor that do not reflect the values of BP and should not distract from our actions.”He noted that BP has committed to a net zero emissions target across its sales, operations and production by 2050 or sooner.

Hiroko Tabuchi is an investigative reporter on the Climate desk. She was part of the Times team that received the 2013 Pulitzer Prize for explanatory reporting. @HirokoTabuchi • Facebook

much on greenwash ccs and algae

https://oversight.house.gov/sites/democrats.oversight.house.gov/files/2022.09.14%20FINAL%20COR%20Supplemental%20Memo.pdf

p 13

[CCS] underperformed or failed.48Exxon recently announced ten potential new facilities around the

world. 49

Exxon spent $86 million in 2010 to expand its carbon capture facility in Wyoming and

plans to spend another $400 million on a further expansion of the facility. 50 Exxon claimed $240

million in carbon capture tax credits over the last decade of the facility’s use. However, experts

estimate that Exxon may only be capturing less than 1% of its total emissions through carbon

capture technology.51

In a May 2018 email exchange, Exxon CEO Darren Woods and Exxon’s Vice President

of Corporate Strategic Planning, Mr. Wojnar, discussed “emissions avoided” through carbon

capture technology. Mr. Wojnar wrote to Mr. Woods that he was “[c]oming back on your

question on GHG emissions avoided,” including through carbon capture technology, and

provided “options for how to respond to a query” on this topic. Mr. Wojnar suggested that Mr.

Woods say that “over the last decade, ExxonMobil has taken action to reduce GHG emissions by

approximately 75 million tons.”52 In reality, nearly all the carbon dioxide Exxon has captured

through CCS has been sold to other fossil fuel companies to inject into their depleted oil fields to

help extract even more oil. As a result, the carbon captured by Exxon through CCS technology

likely has not meaningfully reduced total carbon emissions.53

Exxon has heavily advertised its efforts to develop carbon capture technology. Three

carbon capture television ads from 2016 through 2019 aired 9,058 times nationally, generated 4.1

billion impressions, and are estimated to have cost Exxon over $68 million to run. 54 Draft ...

Chevron’s and Exxon’s Attempt to Use OGCI to Greenwash Big Oil

The Oil and Gas Climate Initiative (OGCI) is a voluntary organization co-led by

members from the oil and gas industry and environmental groups. Its stated intent is “to deliver

tangible, transparent and integrated contributions to climate change solutions.”76

Documents obtained by the Committee show that in 2019, employees from Exxon and

Chevron edited a messaging document from OGCI ahead of the annual Conference of Parties to

the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The document was meant to

“serve as the basis for communication & press release as well as talking points for the CEO

event.” The documents suggest that despite several attempts to weaken the language, OGCI

pushed back, saying that Exxon’s and Chevron’s CEOs already committed to the stronger

language. The edits from Exxon and Chevron attempted to weaken OGCI’s ambition on targets

for achieving net-zero emissions, methane emissions, carbon intensity, carbon capture

implementation, among other things. 77

In particular, a memorandum from Peter Trelenberg, Exxon’s Manager of Environmental

Policy & Planning, to CEO Darren Woods highlighted “critical edits” proposed by Exxon and

noted that “Chevron has expressed that they are generally aligned with these edits.” Among

other issues, the memo to Exxon’s CEO addresses the following:

• Avoiding a commitment to advocate for the Paris Agreement. Regarding OGCI’s

“Statement on responding to the climate challenge,” Mr. Trelenberg wrote:

“Need to remove reference to Paris Agreement as support for the Paris

Agreement goals and member company advocacy are separate concepts and not

directly related. Creating a tie between our advocacy/engagements and the Paris

Agreement could create a potential commitment to advocate on the Paris

Agreement goals.”

• Avoiding a commitment to advocate for climate policies that Exxon and Chevron

claim to support. The memo raised a concern that one OGCI annual report

“includes explicit commitment for OGCI companies to align their advocacy with

their climate related positions. We have raised concerns with this linkage

through previous comments.”

• Refusing to commit to enhanced climate-related governance.The memo

continued, “Need to remove language that potentially commits members to

enhanced climate-related governance, strategy, risk management, and

performance metrics and targets.” ESG?!

• Concern about a commitment to reduce downstream emissions. Discussing an

OGCI “September Announcement package,” the memo states: “The carbon

...

https://harvardpolitics.com/the-myth-of-algae-biofuels/

1/2020

In 2017, ExxonMobilannouncedan intriguing energy innovation: In partnership with biotech company Synthetic Genomics, it had used CRISPR gene-editing technology to produce a strain of algae that ExxonMobil:{claimed:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:could pave the way toward a sustainable future and “reduce the risk of climate change.” Ever since then, the company has used numerous social media platforms — includingFacebook,Instagram, andTwitter— to share its “} Miniature Science :(style="background-color:#ffcc66ff"/maxresdefault.jpg):{:{” video campaign, promoting the idea that algae could “fuel the trucks, ships and planes of tomorrow}::{.”}:

Algae biofuels, a form of renewable energy that converts sea-growing algae into liquid fuel, have been intensely:{studied:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:since the oil crisis of the 1970s. Since then, most fossil fuel companies have pursued algae biofuel research ventures, fiddling with production processes to make these sea vegetables a viable alternative energy. In recent years, however, many of these companies have abandoned their algae biofuel partnerships and projects due to the biological and economic limitations of this work. ExxonMobil remains largely alone in maintaining that a clean energy future powered by algae biofuels is just around the corner.

However, this is the same company that, not too long ago, was actively discrediting legitimate climate science. Since the 1960s,:{ExxonMobil has known:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:from its in-house climate scientists and climate modeling program that climate change is human-caused and driven by fossil fuel use. It:{subsequently:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}::{conducted:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:one of the “most sophisticated and most successful disinformation campaign[s]” ever, on par with the tobacco industry’scampaignto discredit links between smoking and lung cancer.Considering this problematic history of:{obfuscating climate science:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:, combined with the disappointing outcomes of algae biofuel research, ExxonMobil’s efforts to promote algae biofuels as a climate solution seem disingenuous — more of a public relations strategy than a serious effort to mitigate climate change.

The Lost Promise of Algae Biofuel Innovation

Many industry projections for algae biofuels remain highly optimistic. The algae company Algatech, for instance,statesthat algae biofuels are “100 percent beneficial to the people and the planet.” This inflated enthusiasm has been prevalent since the early days of algae research.

Beginning with thelaunchof the U.S.-funded Aquatic Species Program in the 1970s, millions of dollars in public and private funds have been directed toward algae research. The Department of Energy has been a:{major driver:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:of algae research since 2007, with significant funding also coming from the:{U.S. Air Force:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:, the:{Department of Defense:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:, the:{National Science Foundation:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:, and:{the:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}::{Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:.

The algae that has received the most attention is known as “microalgae” — mostly single-celled photosynthetic organisms that live on the water’s surface. Microalgae are one of the most:{abundant and important:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:organisms on the planet. Numbering some:{70,000 species:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:, microalgae play an outsize role in balancing marine ecosystems and regulating global:{nutrient cycles:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:.

Totransformthese tiny plants into fuel, researchers typicallygrowmicroalgae in large, open ponds or in enclosed photobioreactors, although at scale they would likely need to be grown in the open air. Scientists harvest the algae, break down the plants’ cell walls using a chemical solvent, and then extract their inner lipids, proteins, and carbs, which undergo a final processing step that turns them into biofuel. Most research funding has been shuttled into improving these processes, minimizing inputs and maximizing outputs with the aim of making large-scale algae production commercially viable.

ExxonMobil claimed to have made a big step toward this goal in 2017. Working with biotech company Synthetic Genomics — which ExxonMobil helped to found in 2009 — ExxonMobilannouncedit had created a genetically modified strain of microalgae that could produce double the lipids without significantly inhibiting growth. This innovation could theoretically allow the company to afford an enormous scale-up of its biofuel production. In fact, ExxonMobil was confident enough in its breakthrough that itclaimedgene editing could allow the production of a startling 10,000 barrels of algae biofuel per day by 2025.

Yet while ExxonMobil celebrates these supposed breakthroughs in genetic engineering, other energy companies have long since given up on algae biofuels. By 2012, Shell had:{ended:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:its algae biofuel research and development program, news had dried up of BP’s$10 million dealwith bioscience firm Martek, and Chevron’s five-year:{partnership:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:with the government-funded National Renewable Energy Laboratory had produced no significant breakthroughs. By early 2018, Chevron’s website had gone frompromisingthat algae biofuel development was “still in the research stage” toopenly admitting its work was unsuccessful.Algae companies around the world have also announced intentions to “shift” or diversify their research aims, usually to producing algae for food or nutritional supplements.For example, Algenolshiftedto carbon capture and fresh water creation in 2015, and Chevron-backed Solazymeannouncedin 2016 that it would discontinue its biofuels program altogether.

:{It seems that only ExxonMobil retains the dizzied excitement over algae biofuels of decades past. Although the company has not promoted many specific breakthroughs in its algae biofuel research since 2017, ExxonMobil’s social media presence}:{continued optimism for the future of this renewable energy.}:

“If you look on ExxonMobil’s Facebook or Instagram, you’d think that algae is all they’re thinking about all the time,” Zoya Teirstein, a reporter for Grist, told the HPR. Yet according to Teirstein, the company seems uneager to actually communicate this work to the mainstream media: “When you call their offices there’s no algae unit, there’s no gaggle of scientists working on this — their major product is still oil.” When Teirstein called the company, none of the three representatives she spoke with had any idea what she was referring to when she asked about algae biofuels.

The Costs of Continued Investment

Despite industry optimism, decades of research seem to have converged upon a disappointing reality: The economic and biological limitations of algae make it an unrealistic fuel alternative for the future. It:{requires:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:too much fertilizer, too much water, and too much energy to produce at scale.To grow enough algae to meet 5 percent of the U.S. transportation sector’s energy demand would require:{exorbitant:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:fertilizer inputs of up to 107percentof the country’s nitrogen use and:{half:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:of its phosphorous. And the industrial processes needed to actually convert microalgae into fuel could actually cause a net energy loss: Algae could take up to53 percentmore energy to produce than it would offer as a biofuel.

With these considerations in mind, think tanks and research bodies around the world are advising governments against intensifying algae biofuel research, especially when funding could compete with more promising research into renewables like solar and wind. EnAlgae, an EU-funded coalition of 19 research bodies,:{concluded:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:in 2015 that it was “highly unlikely” that microalgae would play a large role in Europe’s sustainable energy future. Similarly, in 2017, the International Energy Agency:{reiterated:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:that algae was “not foreseen to be economically viable in the near to intermediate term."

yet as these predictions proliferate, ExxonMobil remains convinced that — with the help of some genetically engineered traits — algae production can be made profitable at scale, overcoming the biological limitations that have frustrated previous efforts. These genetic modifications introduce new reasons for caution: specifically, the troubling possibility that genetically engineered algae strains could easily escape into the environment. At present, many researchers grow their algae in indoor enclosures, but to scale them up would likely require growing algae in open-air systems, where the potential for escape increases exponentially.

“You only need one bird to get it on its feet and fly off,” explained Kevin Flynn, a top algae researcher at Swansea University, in an interview with the HPR. That single bird could take algae wherever it landed, accidentally helping to establish algae colonies potentially hundreds of miles from the original site. Flynn’s:{research:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:finds that once in nature, it would be alarmingly easy for microalgae to spread “around the planet,” where it could overwhelm native species, particularly if the algae had specially-engineered traits to help them outcompete other wildlife. “The spread of genetically modified microalgae … would be effectively impossible to halt,” Flynn warned in a 2012:{study:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:.

Scientists can only guess how genetically engineered algae would behave in nature, but many experts have warned of disastrous consequences. Harmful algae blooms could:{cause:(style="box-sizing:border-box"):}:“massive fish kills, and death to marine birds and mammals as well as illness or even death to humans,” or create oxygen-depleted oceanic dead zones, where most life simply cannot exist.Horizontal gene transfer, whereby microalgae transfer genes asexually and take up “naked DNA” in the environment, poses another concern. By this process, genetically engineered algae could confer their own DNA to wild algae. Because these genes are broadly growth-enhancing, they could proliferate rapidly, drastically increasing the risk of harmful algae blooms.

Most researchers do not question whether microalgae would find its way into the wild; rather, they operate under the assumption that itwouldescape. There is a chance that international contamination could be benign, but according to Flynn, there is an equally likely — if not higher — chance that it could devastate ecosystems.He compares an algae escape scenario to theExxon Valdez oil spill, only with algae’s ability to propagate rapidly, “this could be much, much worse.” Unlike a relatively localized oil spill, if a dangerous algae species were released into the wild, even well-funded, long-term cleanup efforts could prove futile.

A Shift Toward Real Climate Solutions

Inefficient biology, economics, and ecological hazards undermine ExxonMobil’s insistence that commercially viable algae biofuels are just over the horizon. Even ExxonMobil’s former CEO Rex Tillerson has acknowledged that a future powered by algae biofuels is not close at hand,sayingin 2013 that it could take 25 years to develop a commercially viable product. The myth of this future promise is perhaps algae biofuels’ most pernicious feature: They siphon attention and resources away from more realistic climate solutions.

“[Algae biofuels] distract us from more promising resources like solar and wind,” Dana Perls, senior food and agriculture campaigner for Friends of the Earth, told the HPR. For Perls, each dollar invested in algae biofuel research represents funding that could have helped install more promising solar or wind infrastructure.

however, even if algae biofuels are a “dead endand a dangerous distraction” in terms of climate solutions, they have immense value as a marketing tool. ExxonMobil’s algae biofuel ad campaign paints it as a “green” company, creating the outward impression that environmentalism is one of its core concerns. This green veneer helps diminish public pressure to act more aggressively on climate change. It “keeps people stringing along, thinking we’re almost there,” Rachel Smolker, co-director of Biofuelwatch, told the HPR. If they believe there is a meaningful push for more algae biofuel research, and that full-scale deployment is just around the corner, people may be more complacent about demanding immediate change in companies’ practices and government policy.

Furthermore, ExxonMobil’s decades-long history of sowing climate misinformation raises serious questions about its motivations in promoting algae biofuels as a climate solution. ExxonMobil stands to gain from climate delayism — the longer the company can impede a transition to renewable energies, the longer it can continue toprofitoff of an economy dependent on fossil fuels. As climate skepticismbecomesless common, climate distraction — focusing on unrealistic and not-yet-deployable green technology — may work in similar ways, breeding a comparable complacency around climate action.

Meanwhile, some of the language used by algae biofuel proponents raises the suspicion that even if algae entrepreneurs are serious about creating a large-scale renewable fuel source, they are less interested in addressing the climate crisis than they are in profiting from it. The Algae Biomass Organization, for example,claimsthat “a new crop of microalgae technologies can [convert] CO2 into valuable commodities for trillion dollar industries, thus turning a problem … into an opportunity – an ongoing revenue stream.”

In order to limit global warming to two degrees Celsius by mid-century, ascalled forin the Paris Agreement, and avoid the irreversible, catastrophic effects of climate change, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change hasimploredcountries to radically decarbonize the global economy by 2030 and completely decarbonize by 2050. To reach these goals will require net reductions in greenhouse gas emissions every year. Instead of promoting false optimism about algae biofuels, Biofuelwatchcallsfor an end to all federally-funded research in this area and for redirecting resources toward solutions that can more meaningfully advance a low-carbon energy future.

Looking to the future, it seems that ExxonMobil could better support global climate goals by allocating some of its$285 billionnet worth toward already-proven technologies and renewable energy infrastructure, as opposed to continuing its algae biofuels projects. Some exhort the company to go even further in order to compensate for its historical contribution to climate inaction. As Friends of the Earth’s Senior Fossil Fuels Program Manager Nicole Ghio told the HPR, “If Exxon wants to be a climate leader, [it] can get out of fossils altogether, clean up the toxic legacy at [its] facilities, and pay reparations to the communities whose health and safety has been compromised in the name of Exxon profits.” Barring such radical action, Ghio and her colleagues remain unimpressed with ExxonMobil’s rhetoric about climate solutions; it would take momentous change — not another algae innovation — to convince them that ExxonMobil is more than a fox in the henhouse. For now, it looks to them that the company is only ostensibly focusing on research into renewables, while itprojectscontinuing fossil fuel growth detrimental to the wellbeing of the planet for years and years into the future.

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/20/magazine/palm-oil-borneo-climate-catastrophe.html

no lnx

The remains of an Indonesian rain forest that was cleared to make way for oil palms.]

FEATURE

Palm Oil Was Supposed to Help Save the Planet. Instead It Unleashed a Catastrophe.

A decade ago, the U.S. mandated the use of vegetable oil in biofuels, leading to industrial-scale deforestation — and a huge spike in carbon emissions.

The remains of an Indonesian rain forest that was cleared to make way for oil palms.Credit...Ashley Gilbertson/VII, for The New York Times

By Abrahm Lustgarten

Nov. 20, 2018

This article is a partnership between ProPublica, where Abrahm Lustgarten is a senior reporter, and The New York Times Magazine.

The fields outside Kotawaringin village in Central Kalimantan, on the island of Borneo, looked as if they had just been cleared by armies. None of the old growth remained — only charred stumps poking up from murky, dark pools of water. In places, smoke still curled from land that days ago had been covered with lush jungle. Villagers had burned it all down, clearing the way for a lucrative crop whose cultivation now dominates the entire island: the oil-palm tree.

The dirt road was ruler straight, but deep holes and errant boulders tossed our tiny Toyota back and forth. Trucks coughed out black smoke, their beds brimming over with seven-ton loads of palm fruit rocking back and forth on tires as tall as people. Clear-cut expanses soon gave way to a uniform crop of oil-palm groves: orderly trees, a sign that we had crossed into an industrial palm plantation. Oil-palm trees look like the coconut-palm trees you see on postcards from Florida — they grow to more than 60 feet tall and flourish on the peaty wetland soil common in lowland tropics. But they are significantly more valuable. Every two weeks or so, each tree produces a 50-pound bunch of walnut-size fruit, bursting with a red, viscous oil that is more versatile than almost any other plant-based oil of its kind. Indonesia is rich in timber and coal, but palm oil is its biggest export. Around the world, the oil from its meat and seeds has long been an indispensable ingredient in everything from soap to ice cream. But it has now become a key ingredient of something else: biodiesel, fuel for diesel engines that has been wholly or partly made from vegetable oil.

Finally we emerged, and as we crested a hill, the plantations fell into an endless repetition of tidy bunches stretching for miles, looking almost like the rag of a Berber carpet. Occasionally, a shard of an old ironwood tree shot into the air, a remnant of the primordial canopy of dense rain forest that dominated the land until very recently.

Our driver, a 44-year-old island native and whistle-blower named Gusti Gelambong, had brought us here to show us the incredible destruction wrought by the growing demand for palm oil. The oldest male among nine siblings, he was modestly built but exuded a wiry strength. His father, he told us, was a king of one of Borneo’s dozens of Dayak tribes, the sixth descendant of the sultan of Old Kotawaringin, and his mother came from a line of warriors who served in the Indonesian special forces. In 2001, he said, he took part in a brutal ethnic cleansing of Indonesians who had moved in from the nearby island of Madura. He macheted his way through the nearby town of Pangkalan Bun, slaughtering dozens of people. He felt no remorse about the violence. But the palm-oil companies, Gelambong said, were much stronger than the Madurese. As we approached an intersection, we could see two plantation guards lying back in a shack, rifles propped against their knees. He sped past the guards, averting his eyes.

Most of the plantations around us were new, their rise a direct consequence of policy decisions made half a world away. In the mid-2000s, Western nations, led by the United States, began drafting environmental laws that encouraged the use of vegetable oil in fuels — an ambitious move to reduce carbon dioxide and curb global warming. But these laws were drawn up based on an incomplete accounting of the true environmental costs. Despite warnings that the policies could have the opposite of their intended effect, they were implemented anyway, producing what now appears to be a calamity with global consequences.

The tropical rain forests of Indonesia, and in particular the peatland regions of Borneo, have large amounts of carbon trapped within their trees and soil. Slashing and burning the existing forests to make way for oil-palm cultivation had a perverse effect: It released more carbon. A lot more carbon. NASA researchers say the accelerated destruction of Borneo’s forests contributed to the largest single-year global increase in carbon emissions in two millenniums, an explosion that transformed Indonesia into the world’s fourth-largest source of such emissions. Instead of creating a clever technocratic fix to reduce American’s carbon footprint, lawmakers had lit the fuse on a powerful carbon bomb that, as the forests were cleared and burned, produced more carbon than the entire continent of Europe. The unprecedented palm-oil boom, meanwhile, has enriched and emboldened many of the region’s largest corporations, which have begun using their newfound power and wealth to suppress critics, abuse workers and acquire more land to produce oil.

ImageA worker on an oil-palm plantation on Borneo.

A worker on an oil-palm plantation on Borneo.Credit...Ashley Gilbertson/VII, for The New York Times]

We arrived at another plantation and stopped near where a stream coursed through the bog. People still lived here: A mother bathed two children beneath a culvert, and a shirtless young boy ran through row after row of identical young palms in the distance, surrounded by dragonflies and sparrows. The uniformity of the world he was growing up in was striking, like the endless plains of drilling rigs in an East Texas oil field. It was, in a way, an astounding achievement, the ruthless culmination of mankind’s long effort to extract every last remaining bit of the earth’s seemingly boundless natural wealth. But it was also frightening. This was what an American effort to save the planet looked like. It was startlingly efficient, extremely profitable and utterly disastrous.

‘Oh, My God, What the Hell Is Happening Here?’

The last thing anyone expected from President George W. Bush’s 2007 State of the Union address was a proposal for the largest-ever cut in the nation’s use of gasoline. The president was no climate champion — he had backed out of the Kyoto Protocol shortly after taking office in 2001 — but he did favor what he called “energy independence.” He had declared the United States “addicted” to foreign oil, yet dependence on Middle Eastern fuel continued. Hurricane Katrina, and the lingering damage it did to oil pipelines and refineries, had pushed up gas prices, renewed fears of global warming and kept a firm thumb on the economy.

Now, Bush proposed, homegrown energy could be drawn from the rural places most in need of an economic boost. Clean-coal initiatives would generate the electricity of the future, but it wasbiofuels — in particular ethanol, which is largely distilled from corn, and biodiesel, made with vegetable oil — that would power the vehicles of the future. Within 10 years, the country would replace 35 billion gallons of petroleum, or one-fifth of all the gas and diesel burned, with fuel made from plants. The measure, as he put it, would confront “the serious challenge of global climate change.” Unsaid, but clear to anyone paying attention, was that it would also please America’s agriculture industry, which had been lobbying for ethanol and advanced biofuel research for years. The House chamber erupted in applause.

On the night of the president’s address, Timothy Searchinger sat on his couch in Takoma Park, Md., just a few miles from the Capitol, and watched on television, struck by what seemed to him a glaring lapse in logic. “Oh, my God, what the hell is happening here?” he recalls wondering aloud.

Searchinger wasn’t a scientist; he was a lawyer, working with the Environmental Defense Fund. But he saw a serious flaw in the claim that the president’s proposal would ameliorate climate change. Searchinger knew that cropland had already consumed virtually every arable acre across the Midwest.Quintupling biofuel production would require a huge amount of additional arable land, far more than existed in the United States. Unless Americans planned to eat less, that meant displacing food production to some other country with unused land — and he knew that when forests are cut, or new land is opened for farming, substantial new amounts of carbon can be released into the atmosphere. Forests hold as much as 45 percent of the planet’s carbon stored on land, and old-growth trees in particular hold a great deal of that carbon, typically far more than any of the crops that replace them. When the trees are cut down, most of that carbon is released.

Scientists and lawyers who study environmental impact often deploy “carbon-life-cycle analysis” to determine just how much carbon a given product is removing from, or introducing to, the environment over the course of its production and consumption. When a truck burns biodiesel, the carbon emissions that come from its tailpipe aren’t much different from those of a truck burning petroleum. But a part of the biodiesel emissions aren’t counted, because — in theory — they have been balanced out: Plants absorb carbon from the atmosphere when they grow, and fuel experts subtract that sequestered carbon from the tailpipe emission, completing a transaction that they say balances at zero.

In ideal circumstances — unvegetated land planted for the first time — this balancing out really happens. When corn grows, it soaks up carbon, and when it is consumed (whether as food or fuel), it releases that carbon back into the air. But the analysis breaks down when faced with the reality of land use. Almost everywhere in the world, planting more corn or soy for biofuel would involve creating more farmland, which in turn would involve cutting down whatever was already growing on that land. And that would mean releasing a huge amount of carbon into the air, with nothing to balance the books. As Searchinger watched Bush’s call for an unprecedented increase in biofuel production, his hunch was that the biofuel balance sheet would turn out to be tragically shortsighted.

Representative Henry A. Waxman, at the time a powerful 16-term Democrat from California who had presided over several failed efforts to pass climate legislation, was also skeptical about Bush’s plan. But he knew that one of the most vexing aspects of global emissions reduction was the question of how to replace transportation fuels. It was hard enough to upgrade several thousand electrical power plants to draw on wind or solar or even nuclear power. That would take years. But transforming the more than 100 million cars and trucks on America’s roads would take far longer, decades even, and in the meantime those vehicles were producing 28 percent of carbon emissions in the United States. Waxman thought a biofuel requirement could be a turning point in climate legislation, a moment when Washington stopped pretending.

Within months of Bush’s speech, the House and the Senate were reconciling a draft of a sprawling omnibus bill that would eventually be called the Energy Independence and Security Act, or EISA. In addition to requiring carmakers to improve fuel standards, a longtime priority for Democrats, the bill updated and expanded renewable-fuel standards, requiring fuel producers to mix in soy, palm and other kinds of vegetable oil with diesel fuel and to use ethanol from corn and sugar in gasoline. The bill also set tough standards for how much cleaner, in terms of carbon, each of those categories of fuel had to become — 50 percent for diesel, 20 percent for gas — and empowered the Environmental Protection Agency to judge what qualified.

The expected gains were enormous. The switch to biofuels, the E.P.A. would later calculate, promised to stop the release of 4.5 billion tons of carbon over three decades, the equivalent of parking every single American automobile for more than seven years. Before the bill passed in December 2007, Speaker Nancy Pelosi called it “the shot heard round the world for energy independence.”

The law had a profound effect. Biodiesel production in the United States would jump from 250 million gallons in 2006 to more than 1.5 billion gallons in 2016. Imports of biodiesel to the United States surged from near zero to more than 100 million gallons a month. As fuel markets snatched up every ounce of domestic soy oil to meet the American fuel mandate, the food industry also replaced the soy it had used with something cheaper and just as good: palm oil, largely from Malaysia and Indonesia, which are the sources of nearly 90 percent of the global supply. Lawmakers never anticipated that their well-intentioned plan — to help the climate by helping American farmers — might instead transform Indonesia and present one of the greatest threats to the planet’s tropical rain forests. But as Indonesian palm oil began to flood Western markets, that is exactly what began to happen.

“We saw great promise,” Waxman told me recently, sitting in a glass conference room at Waxman Strategies, the Washington lobbying firm of which he is chairman. But he is no longer so hopeful. He is now also the chairman of the environmental organization Mighty Earth, which lobbies food and agriculture companies to deploy more climate-friendly production methods. In 2007, he and other lawmakers were focused on the benefits of biofuels and the bridge they promised to even greener technologies. Now the soft-spokenWaxman is far more concerned about the other side of the equation. “We didn’t think we were going to pay such a heavy price,” he said.

‘No One Fights for Their Rights’

Palm-oil producers had been lobbying American lawmakers to introduce biofuel incentives for years, and they were well prepared for the moment when the incentives became law. Wilmar — the colossal Singaporean conglomerate that controls nearly half of the global palm-oil trade — announced in 2007 that it would quadruple its biodiesel production.In Indonesia, officials directed state-owned and regional banks to make loans on more than $8 billion worth of palm-oil-related development projects and pledged to produce 5.9 billion gallons of biofuel within five years. They also announced that Indonesia would convert more than 13 million acres of additional forest to industrialized palm production. It was as if in response to a law in China, the United States undertook a plan to convert every single acre of New Jersey to soybean crops, and then threw in all of Connecticut and New Hampshire....

https://insideclimatenews.org/news/13112019/biogas-climate-change-renewable-gas-marketing-socalgas-reject-electrification-california

In the small town of Duarte, California, early this year, the state's largest natural gas utility made what has become its standard pitch to city councils: If you care about climate change, stick with gas—because it, too, can be a renewable source of power.

Robert Cruz of the Southern California Gas Company urged the City Council to pass a resolution opposing any state regulation mandating "electrification" in buildings.

No such state rule has been proposed, but several cities have passed partial bansongas-burning appliances in buildings, the company's core market. And state legislators have introduced zero-emission building policies that SoCalGas is worried might lead to this same prohibition all over California as the state works toward its zero-emissions goal.

Fearing an existential threat may be on the horizon as California races toward a future without fossil fuels, SoCalGas has been exerting its financial and political muscle on multiple fronts, including in atleast 40 local governments and inside one of the nation's leading universities, to promote biogas—which the industry markets as "renewable gas"—as a better solution than renewable electricity.

"Natural gas doesn't have to come from the ground," Cruz told Duarte's city's leaders when he addressed them in February. "Just like electricity, it can be generated from renewable sources."

biogas is methane that can be captured from landfills, wastewater treatment plants, wasted food and cow manure and then transported and used as fuel, just like conventional natural gas.

It is theoretically "zero emissions"—better for the climate than regular fossil fuel gas—because it prevents methane from going into the atmosphere, offsetting the carbon dioxide it emits when burned. But it is expensive, the gas pipelines that transport it are prone to leaking methane, and even the most optimistic projections say its potential availability is limited.

According to SoCalGas, if the company were to mix a small amount of biogas into the company's vast network of natural gas pipelines, it could significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions from buildings at a lot less cost and inconvenience than switching to electric heaters, hot water heaters, clothes dryers and ovens. It is a claim that has been disputed by environmental scientists.

"I think we have to be honest about what we are really talking about when we are talking about biomethane," James O'Dea, an analyst with the Union of Concerned Scientists, said. "It means a little bit of biomethane but a lot of natural gas."

[Biogas captured from cow manure and other sources can be transported and used as fuel, just like conventional natural gas. On this farm near Merced, water washes waste down a concrete alley. The farm uses a biogas digester system to capture methane gas for electricity. Credit: Bob Chamberlin/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images]

California has an executive order to get to net-zero emissions across its economy by 2045. To help reach that target, it passed legislation requiring the California Energy Commission to find ways to cut building emissions over the next decade.

"There is a growing consensus that building electrification is the most viable and predictable path to zero-emission buildings," the energy commission concluded in a report in February.

Berkeley's City Council outright banned natural gas in new low-rise buildings in July, and since then other cities including San Jose, Menlo Park, Palo Alto, Mountain View, Morgan Hill and Windsor have enacted, or are in the process of enacting, similar measures.

If appliances in more of California's buildings were to go all-electric, by government mandate or market forces, such a move would cut deep into the company's bottom line. Gas deliveries to houses, apartments and smaller businesses are the heart of SoCalGas's business—the vast majority of its revenue is tied to building and maintaining the expansive network of small distribution pipelines that feeds these customers.

Electrification would mean that the nation's largest gas utility could face billions of dollars in annual revenue shortfalls, while being saddled with stranded assets of more than 100,000 miles of underutilized pipes, according to a draft report released in October by the energy commission.

"We are not in opposition to electrification," Cruz of SoCalGas told the Duarte City Council. "What we are saying is we need the balance of all our energy choices in front of us, and natural gas is an important part of that prospect."

Over the past year, Cruz and his SoCalGas colleagues have circulated a model resolution to city officials across southern California about the benefits of biogas. More than 100 towns and counties, including Duarte, have passed non-binding resolutions opposing any future state rule that might require electrification. The resolutions wouldn't block state legislation, but they send a signal to legislators.

California Sides with Electrification

While biogas currently makes up less than 1 percent of all the natural gas it ships, SoCalGas sees it as key to its future.

In March, the company announced plans to replace one-fifthof its natural gas with biogas by 2030, in part through avoluntary tariff program for its customers that would allow them to pay a premium to get biogas instead of conventional gas. (It was already required to invest in biogas infrastructure under a settlement with the state over one of the largest natural gas leaks in U.S. history, at its Aliso Canyon storage facility in 2015.)

"If you want to address climate change, you need to make gas more renewable, you need to replace fossil gas with renewable sources of gas," George Minter, a SoCalGas executive, told InsideClimate News.

The climate benefit of capturing methane is well established. A recent report by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change concluded that global warming cannot be limited to 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7°F) without substantially reducing emissions of this potent short-lived greenhouse gas.

California officials support the use of biogas, but say the fuel would be better used in hard-to-electrify sectors of the economy—like aviation, heavy industry and long-haul trucking. Electrification is preferred for buildings, the energy commission concluded in its Februaryreport, because the grid is increasingly supplied by wind and solar electricity, and because super-efficient electric appliances are now readily available.

[chart]

Biogas "is likely to be constrained by limitations" on its "availability, cost and ongoing methane leakage concerns," the commission wrote.

Once the lowest-cost sources of biogas are tapped—from landfills, wastewater treatment facilities, food waste digesters and dairies close to natural gas infrastructure—the cost of additional biogas increases exponentially.

Gaslighting on Biogas?

At the heart of SoCalGas's argument for promoting gas over electrification is its claim that mixing even a small amount of biogas with conventional fossil gas would significantly reduce gas's overall emissions.

In hispresentation to the Duarte City Council, Cruz stated that just 16 percent biogas in the company's mix would "achieve the same GHG [greenhouse gas] reductions as overhauling 100 percent of California's buildings to all electricity."

The 16 percent figure is one of several that comes from a 2018 Navigant Consulting report commissioned by SoCalGas, and is the one the company has highlighted in press releasesand op-eds.

According to critics, the figure was derived by making assumptions and simplifications that overstate the climate benefit of biogas. One way it did that, they say, is by comparing the emissions gains of switching to biogas economy-wide to the benefit of electrification in buildings only. When it compared buildings to buildings, a much higher percentage of biogas—46 to 63 percent—was required to match the benefits of electrification, the Navigant report found.

"That is not the same thing as what they are claiming, that 16 percent is equivalent to electrifying everything," Pierre Delforge, a building decarbonization senior scientist with the Natural Resources Defense Council, said. "It's a much more nuanced comparison that is being simplified in the way it's reported."

...

en the 63 percent figure could be low, Delforge said. The Navigant report assumes that in 2030, clean energy sources will provide only half of California's electricity. Since the report was written, the state set more stringent standards requiring that 60 percent of electricity come from clean sources by 2030, and 100 percent by 2045. (To account for this change, SoCalGas's Minter told InsideClimate News the 16 percent figure should be adjusted to "a little less than 20 percent.")

The Natural Resources Defense Council and the Sierra Club both criticized the report in detailed analyses filed with the California Energy Commission.

"The SoCalGas report systematically uses worst case efficiency and cost assumptions for electrification, and best case assumptions for gas, leading to a grossly misleading comparison," the Sierra Club wrote in a critique submitted in 2018.

After the Sierra Club filed its comments, SoCalGas reached out to an institute at Stanford University that the company helps fund and asked if a researcher from the university would defend the SoCalGas commissioned report.

Inan April 29 emailobtained by the Sierra Club and provided to state regulators, Naomi Boness, managing director of the Stanford Natural Gas Initiative, asked her colleagues at Stanford if they would weigh in on behalf of the company. The email sought "a highly regarded energy resource scientist or economist" to respond to Sierra Club's claims "in the form of a letter or op-ed piece, possibly followed by further research, if needed, and a peer-reviewed paper on this topic in the not too distant future."

Boness said her institute, which she confirmed receives $75,000 per year from SoCalGas, did not take up the request as it did not fit with their research agenda. "I was just forwarding this from SoCalGas as a courtesy to see if there was anybody at Stanford that would be interested," Boness told InsideClimate News.

Christine Detz, a spokesperson for the company, said "it appears the request came from our R&D team."

"I don't understand why anyone would have an issue with asking researchers to examine the data and to provide a factual, scientific analysis," Detz said.

Rob Jackson, a Stanford professor who is part of the university's Natural Gas Initiative, said he was not happy with what he saw after viewing a copy of the email.

"No company or group should be able to buy research outcomes," Jackson said in an email.

A Scalable Climate Solution?

Apart from the controversial claims SoCalGas has put forward about biogas's climate impact, there is also the issue of availability, raising questions about whether it could be a scalable climate solution.

The National Renewable Energy Laboratory calculates that biogas sources in California have the potential to provide just 2.7 percent of all natural gas currently used in the state.

SoCalGas's Minter cites other studies that suggest biogas collected in California could provide as much as 16 percent of the natural gas used today. However, those studies include other forms of biogas, including hydrogen gas, that could be blended with natural gas in existing pipelines but are significantly more expensive to generate.

Minter said that going forward SoCalGas could also buy biogas carbon credits from farms or landfills producing biogas in other states or even other countries—for instance, from a dairy farm in Quebec that captures biogas, gas that is then used by the local utility in Quebec. The arrangement means that some of the biogas the company counts toward its gas percentage in the future in California may never actually enter the company's own pipeline network.

Electrification Threatens 'Financial Viability'

If there are sizeable cuts to natural gas sales, it's unclear if SoCalGas could survive.

The same day Cruz spoke to the Duarte City Council, Sempra Energy, SoCalGas's parent company, outlined the financial blow that swapping natural gas for renewable energy and electrification would deal to its business.

"A substantial reduction or the elimination of natural gas as an energy source in California could have a material adverse effect on [San Diego Gas & Electric's], SoCalGas' and Sempra Energy's cash flows, financial condition and results of operations," Sempra Energy wrote in a document filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

Gas sales to residential and commercial buildings are particularly important for SoCalGas. In 2018, deliveries to these two sectors— including gas owned by the company and gas transported for others—made up 42 percent of gas volume but 90 percent of gas shipment revenue, according to data submitted by the company to the U.S. Department of Energy.

"We don't make money selling gas," Minter said. "Revenues are generated from the rates we collect based on the cost of operating the pipeline system to deliver that natural gas."

If buildings in California were to switch to all-electric appliances, natural gas utilities in the state would face a gap between the money they need to maintain existing gas infrastructure and money they receive from a dwindling number of ratepayers.

The gas utilities would face a budget shortfall of approximately $8 billion per year by 2050 if buildings were to electrify rapidly, according to the Octoberdraft report released by the energy commission. To make up the shortfall, utilities would need to increase rates for remaining customers by 480 percent by mid-century, according to the report.

The report notes that the rate hikes could drive more gas customers to pursue electrification, worsening gas company finances. "Such a feedback effect would threaten the financial viability of the gas system," it concluded.

To help slow the growth of future financial obligations, the report recommends halting gas system expansions, as Berkeley and other cities are now doing.

Safety, and Now Climate Change

Just as electric utilities' infrastructure is coming under greater scrutiny amid recent wildfires across the state, aging natural gas infrastructure has been a concern in recent years following catastrophic failures. Five years before the Alison Canyon gas leak released up to 109,000 metric tons of methane, forcing thousands of people living nearby to be relocated, a natural gas pipeline explosion killed eight people in San Bruno.

"Because of the San Bruno explosion, and then the Aliso Canyon leak, and other issues and [the] liability of energy in southern California in particular, it's becoming evident that we need to really heavily invest in the natural gas pipeline system in order just to maintain safety and reliability," said Bryan Early, the California Energy Commission's chief of staff.

"At the same time, there is a relatively convincing argument being made that that gas pipeline system is probably incongruous with the state achieving its climate goals, and so we are going to have to reconcile those two."

For some cities, the decision has already been made.

"We have to move to cleaner sources of energy if we are going to have the emissions reductions that we want to reach," said Ken Davies, deputy director of Climate Smart San José, a climate initiative of the city's environmental services department. "There is really no other choice."

San Jose currently gets more than 80 percent of its electricity from clean energy sources, Davies said. A pending ban on natural gas in new low-rise buildings could take effect as soon as January. "It makes sense right now to move away from a fossil fuel," he said.

see energy corps 2 for grafs and lnx

https://www.desmog.co.uk/2019/03/22/paris-oil-exxon-chevron-bp-total-shell-billion-climate-lobbying-advertising-influencemap

all rhet

A new report by a British think tank estimates that since the 2015 Paris Agreement, the world’s five largest listed oil and gas companies spent more than $1 billion lobbying to prevent climate change regulations while also running public relations campaigns aimed at maintaining public support for climate action.

Combined, the companies spend roughly $200 million a year pushing to delay or alter climate and energy rules, particularly in the U.S. — while spending $195 million a year “on branding campaigns that suggest they support an ambitious climate agenda,” according to InfluenceMap, a UK-based non-profit that researches how corporations influence climate policy.

InfluenceMap cites as an example ExxonMobil’s heavily-touted algae-biofuels research, which the oil giant says “offers some of the greatest promise for next-generation biofuels” with significant climate benefits and has made it the focus of its “The Tiny Organism” ad campaign.

InfluenceMap notes that “detailed disclosures from the company show its goal of 10,000 barrels of bio-fuel a day would equate to only 0.2 percent of its current refinery capacity.

[algae tiny vid]

Oil majors are projecting themselves as key players in the energy transition while lobbying to delay, weaken, or oppose meaningful climate policy,” Edward Collins, author of the new report, said in a statement. “They advocate gradual implementation of market-based and technological climate solutions, but the latest [United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] report makes clear that urgent policy action and limitations on fossil fuel use are needed to avoid dangerous climate change.”

Today’s report updates the group’s 2016 report that estimated these companies spent $115 million a year lobbying against climate regulations — even policies companies said they supported.

“Say one thing,” said Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, as he described InfluenceMap’s 2016 research on the floor of the U.S.Senate, “do another.”

The new estimates suggest that spending to influence climate policy by the five oil giants has increased sharply over the last two years.

It also comes as global banks are investing more in fossil fuel projects since the Paris Agreement. In addition, the five oil companies are spending heavily on finding and producing more fossil fuels — and putting only a tiny fraction of their budgets into efforts to transition away from climate-altering fuels.

“This spending accompanies the expansion of the companies’ operations with combined annual sales of over $1 [trillion] and profits of $55 [billion in] 2018, the vast majority of which is oil and gas related,” InfluenceMap wrote. “Combined capital investment will increase to $115 [billion] in 2019 but only about 3 percent of this will go to low carbon investments, according to company disclosures.”

Lobbying One Message While Advertising Another

The report focuses on the world’s five largest listed oil and gas companies, ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, Total, and Chevron, leaving out state-controlled oil giants like Saudi Aramco and China’s Sinopec.

InfluenceMap examined the extent to which each company’s branding efforts and advertising campaigns focused on climate change.

Shell's branded content about its emissions scenario in The New York Times

Shell's branded content about its “Sky” emissions scenario in The New York Times.

“The research suggests that Total maintains the highest proportion of its branding activities on climate (29 percent),” the new report finds. “Following this, ExxonMobil, which has faced significant negative media attention in 2018, allocates 19 percent. Shell and BP followed with 16 percent and 14 percent respectively. Chevron appears far less concerned, using approximately 2 percent of its branding budget on climate issues in 2018.”

The think tank's research also looked at what the companies were saying to government regulators, either directly or through industry groups funded by the oil majors.

“Since Paris, Chevron, BP and ExxonMobil have led in opposition to a range of climate-motivated policy stands,” InfluenceMap wrote. “For example, in 2018 both BP and Chevron have directly lobbied U.S. policymakers for a rollback on U.S. methane requirements.” (Methane is a powerful greenhouse gas and the major constituent in natural gas.)

The report credits Shell and Total for becoming “more positive on a number of climate policy issues” since 2015, but adds that they “continue to support policies that will extend the role for fossil fuels in the energy mix and remain part of highly climate-oppositional trade associations.”

Mixed Messages and Industry Trade Groups

At times, the public stances of a corporation’s leadership stand starkly at odds with the messages from industry groups funded by that same corporation.

For example, on electric vehicles, Shell’s CEO Ben Van Beurden had a very direct and simple message in July 2018. “We need battery electric vehicles,” he said. And a year earlier, at the oil industry conference, CERAWeek, in 2017, he expressed support for “regulations that speed up investment in low carbon technologies and ? at the same time ? move consumer demand.”

Oil and gas lobbying on climate policies through trade associations. Credit: InfluenceMap, 2019

In May 2018, the American Petroleum Institute, the largest U.S. trade group for oil and gas, pushed the U.S. Congress to move in the opposite direction by rolling back incentives for electric vehicles.

“American Petroleum Institute (API) opposes mandates and subsidies,” API testified before the U.S. House of Representatives, according to InfluenceMap’s new report. The fossil fuel trade group voiced its opposition for subsidies for electric vehicles, adding that “the level of market penetration achieved by electric vehicles should not rely on government interference.”

The report also notes the difficulty in tracking corporate lobbying in the U.S. given the rise of so-called “dark money” groups and the lack of transparency surrounding political contributions in the U.S. “Political contributions that were made without full disclosure of their ultimate source totaled $539 [million] in the 2018 election cycle according to OpenSecrets.org,” the report says.

Social Influencers

InfluenceMap also dives deep into how companies used social media to influence Americans during the mid-term elections last year.

“During this time ExxonMobil was by far the most prolific spender, racking up over $400K in four weeks on over 360 individual political ads,” InfluenceMap wrote. “The ads urge rejecting specific ballot initiatives whilst promoting the benefits of increased fossil fuel production. Facebook’s data indicates that ExxonMobil’s ads made over 10 million ‘impressions’ in this time with users in Colorado, Texas, and Louisiana.”

graf:

Oil industry spending on Facebook and Instagram ads leading up to the 2018 U.S. midterm elections. Credit: InfluenceMap, 2019

All of this spending has implications for shareholders, InfluenceMap observed — and some shareholder groups appear to be listening.

“InfluenceMap’s research confirms a widely held suspicion that Big Oil’s glossy sustainability reports and shiny climate statements are all rhetoric and no action,” Catherine Howarth, Chief Executive of ShareAction, a UK charity focused on responsible investment, said in a statement accompanying the report. “These companies have mastered the art of corporate doublespeak — by boasting about their climate credentials while quietly using their lobbying firepower to sabotage the implementation of sensible climate policy and pouring millions into groups that engage in dirty lobbying on their behalf.”

DeSmog has reached out to ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, Total, and Chevron for comment.

“We firmly reject the premise of this report. We are very clear about our support for the Paris agreement, and the steps that we are taking to help meet society’s needs for more and cleaner energy,” Shell said in a statement provided to The Guardian. “We make no apology for talking to policymakers and regulators around the world to make our voice heard on crucial topics such as climate change and how to address it.”

“We have not been afforded the opportunity to review the data but we disagree with the assertion that Chevron has engaged in ‘climate-related branding and lobbying’ that is ‘overwhelmingly in conflict’ with the Paris Agreement,” Chevron said in a statement provided to DeSmog, adding that the company was taking “prudent, cost-effective actions” and seeking “balanced and transparent” policies to reduce greenhouse gas pollution. “We believe climate change is real and human activity contributes to it. We accept the findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.”

Updated: This article has been updated on March 22, 2019 to reflect a statement from Chevron.

see palm oil, norway

Bornean Orangutan Population Has Fallen by Nearly 150,000 in Just 16 Years

New Ad Links U.S. Oil Industry's Anti-Biofuel Campaign to Saudi Arabia

The latest skirmish in the political battle over U.S. renewable fuels is playing out in new ad campaigns that begin Sunday with the appearance of one of this country's favorite energy villains: Saudi Arabia.