partnership for better energy future 1
June 24–25, 2020
API was highlighted in a lawsuit from the Minnesota Attorney General’s office that also called out Exxon Mobil Corporation, ExxonMobil Oil Corporation, Koch Industries, Inc., and the Koch-owned Flint Hills Resources LP and Flint Hills Resources Pine Bend for allegedly misleading consumers about climate change. [87]
“When corporations and trade associations break the law and hurt Minnesotans, it’s my job and my duty to hold them accountable. The fraud, deceptive advertising, and other violations of Minnesota state law and common law that the lawsuit shows they perpetrated have harmed Minnesotans’ health and our state’s environment, infrastructure, and economy,” said Attorney General Keith Ellison, as reported in the AG office press release. [88]
“Previously unknown internal documents were recently discovered that confirm that Defendants well understood the devastating effects that their products would cause to the climate, including Minnesota, dating back to the 1970s and 1980s. But Defendants did not ever disclose to the public—or to Minnesotans—their actual knowledge that would confirm the very science they sought to undermine. Instead, Defendants, both directly and through proxies, engaged in a public-relations campaign that was not only false, but also highly effective. This campaign was intended to, and did, target and influence the public, and consumers, including in Minnesota,” the lawsuit reads. [89]
Discussing API‘s role:
“API has been a member of at least five organizations that have promoted disinformation about fossil-fuel products to consumers, including the Global Climate Coalition, Partnership for a Better Energy Future, Coalition for American Jobs, Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth, and Alliance for Climate Strategies. These front groups were formed to provide climate disinformation and advocacy from a seemingly objective source, when, in fact, they were financed and controlled by ExxonMobil and other sellers of fossil-fuel products. Defendants benefited from the spread of this disinformation.”
On Koch, the lawsuit suggests that the company is liable for the various actions of its numerous subsidiaries involved in the manufacturing, refining, and distribution of petroleum products. It also notes:
“Koch also supports numerous foundations including the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation, the Koch Institute, and the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation. Koch expects the foundations that it supports to fund groups that further its financial interests. Koch constructively controls how the foundations that it supports direct their philanthropic activities.”
It also notes that, like numerous other oil companies, “Koch also understood climate-change science, the connection to sales of its fossil fuel products, and the potential for catastrophic consequences before the science was widely understood by the general public.”
It highlights what appeared to be a coordinated effort by companies including Koch to “combat climate change ‘alarmists’ through a campaign focused on science, information dissemination, and politics.” It highlights a 2006 memo from the Intermountain Rural Electric Association that outlined how Koch Industries was working with other large corporations including the Competitive Enterprise Institute, Southern Company, American Electric Power (AEP), and National Association of Manufacturers (NAM).
Shortly after, the D.C. Attorney General’s Office joined in a similar lawsuit against BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Shell. The lawsuit alleges the four largest investor-owned oil and gas companies violated the District’s Consumer Protection Procedures Act by promoting and selling fossil fuel products contributing to global warming, while knowing about the harmful consequences since at least the 1950s. [90]
The lawsuit highlights the industry’s use of fake grassroots groups, such as the Advancement of Sound Science Coalition, which started out as a front group for tobacco giant Philip Morris in 1993. This group had transitioned to become the Advancement of Sound Science Center in 1997 and was run out of the home of climate science denier Steve Milloy, who most recently worked in public relations for coal company Murray Energy, before being disbanded. [90]
According to a press release from the D.C. Attorney General’s Office, “The [oil] companies not only employed the Advancement of Sound Science Coalition — a fake grassroots citizen group created by Big Tobacco as part of the industry’s misinformation campaign — they also funded and promoted some of the same scientists hired by tobacco companies. These scientists disputed the conclusions of climate researchers, despite not having any training in climate science themselves.” [91]
“For decades, these oil and gas companies spent millions to mislead consumers and discredit climate science in pursuit of profits,” said AG Racine. “The defendants violated the District’s consumer protection law by concealing the fact that using fossil fuels threatens the health of District residents and the environment. OAG filed this suit to end these disinformation campaigns and to hold these companies accountable for their deceptive practices.
http://www.climatedevlab.brown.edu/uploads/2/8/4/0/28401609/covercountermovementcoalitions.2.2019.pdf
The Partnership for a Better Energy Future (PBEF) is a coalition formed in 2014 consisting of 177 conservative organizations across the country, representing industry groups (primarily manufacturing, agriculture, mining, refining) and foundations devoted to free market principles, fossil fuel interests, and climate denial.The coalition describes its purpose as educating and mobilizing “the broader business community and elected and public officials to address widespread concerns with forthcoming greenhouse gas rules.” From its formation until its dramatic halt in activity in the fall of 2015, PBEF antagonized “forthcoming greenhouse gas rules” in Obama’s EPA’s Clean Power Plan (CPP), which it believed would pose an economic threat to its member organizations. PBEF acted as a tool for smaller-scale organizations to reconcile their specific policy priorities, moving towards sharing resources in a collective assault on the national Clean Power Plan.
Its emergence represented a call by national pro-fossil fuel organizations for local actors to associate, to build an anti-CPP movement that extended beyond the fight’s central political juggernauts like ExxonMobil, Southern Company, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. While the PBEF’s member organizations feature some especially prominent influencers of right-wing energy policy and climate denialism such as theAmerican Petroleum Institute, the organization’s direct leadership is tied to the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Global Energy Institute/Institute for 21st Century Energy, whose respective presidents Jay Timmons and Karen Harbert serve as PBEF co-chairs. Both leaders boast impressive careers within the conservative network, and are still central actors today.
Timmons, whose NAM has received millions each from Free Enterprise America, Freedom Partners, and the American Petroleum Institute, was recently featured in an October New York Times article about the United States-Canada-Mexico Agreement speaking on behalf of all American “industry groups.” Harbert has been very active in the last decade, advocating for hydraulic fracturing and the Keystone XL pipeline in 2013, testifying in the Senate to ban crude oil exports in 2015, vocally opposing the Clean Power Plan in 2016, and maintaining throughout the position that climate change is “an open discussion” not necessarily caused...
~ CPP]
During this fourteen month period, PBEF was highly active on Twitter, tweeting and retweeting more than 1,200 times, compared to scattered one-or-twice-a-month retweets throughout fall 2015 and 2016 before tapering off completely. The content overwhelmingly concerns the EPA, the CPP, and other regulations, giving updates, pointing out flaws, giving state-by-state policy impact statistics, and more. Furthermore, PBEF’s retweets provide insights about the network of partner organizations surrounding the coalition -- common pages include the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), The American Coalition for Clean Coal Energy, the U.S. House Energy & Commerce Committee, the Republicans of the U.S. Senate Committee on Environment & Public Works Energy, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and their Global Energy Institute, Peabody Energy, the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association (NRECA), and the Pennsylvania Coal Alliance.
Most of these organizations are PBEF members, with the key exception of the Senate committee and Peabody Energy, a Fortune 500 coal corporation. Despite their targeted social media use, information about PBEF in media sources and documentation databases is limited even during their most active years. Reporting about the coalition seems to appear exclusively in pro-climate action research publications, and content published by its member organizations. Because of this, information about the strategies and activities PBEF participated in during their fight against the CPP or about the source and recipients of their funding is limited. When Donald Trump won the Presidency in November 2016 and his administration’s EPA head Scott Pruitt announced his plan to repeal the CPP, the PBEF’s website blog page as well as its Facebook and Twitter pages went silent. It is difficult to ascertain whether the coalition completely disbanded. As an organization fundamentally created to oppose an EPA program, the shift in leadership represents a win for PBEF’s central mission and thus an understandable decrease in activity.
no lnx ,amy
The Climate Change Countermovement: Brown University Report and Panel
Climate Investigations Center on February 28, 2019
Kert Davies
Earlier this month, CIC’s Kert Davies was an invited speaker at a collaborative conference held at Brown University on the economic impacts of climate change and the opposition to policy advances. The day long event, America’s Climate Change Future: Housing Markets, Stranded Assets, and Entrenched Interests, gathered experts on a range of climate change topics ranging from increased flood risk and stranded assets in fossil fuels, to the climate change countermovement and misinformation campaigns.
Alongside keynote speaker Senator Sheldon Whitehouse and Brown professor Timmons Roberts, Davies participated in a discussion on a recently published paper by Justin Farrell of Yale’s School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. The paper’s focus on the “institutional and corporate structure of the climate change countermovement” helped shaped a discussion which outlined the existing body of research the paper built on.
The panelists examined the corporate genesis of the climate denial movement and the many methods of influence that have been utilized to stall effective climate change policy. Using documents and analysis found on Climate Files, Davies recounted how the largest oil majors, including Shell and Exxon, had extensive internal knowledge about climate change science and impacts decades before it became a topic of global concern. Rather than addressing the threat that their product posed to the world, the documents show that the fossil fuel industry engaged and funded a climate change countermovement to deny the urgency their own scientists knew to be true.
See video below of the full session with Davies, Senator Whitehouse and professor Roberts called, “Pushing Against Climate Denial and Defending Science.”
Brown University: New Report on Climate Change Countermovement
Brown University’s Climate Development Lab recently released a supplemental report titled Countermovement Coalitions: Climate Denialist Organizational Profiles tracking the affiliations and output of twelve organizations that “engaged in public misinformation campaigns about climate change” from 1989 to present day. Collaborating with CIC and drawing from Climate Files, ExxonSecrets, and other resources, the report highlights the coalitions’ “insular nature,” showing many to “share leadership teams, major donors, key members, and mission statements.” The twelve organizations highlighted by the Brown team are:
Global Climate Coalition
Information Council on the Environment
Alliance for Climate Strategies
Coalition for Vehicle Choice
Cooler Heads Coalition
Center for Energy and Economic Development
Americans for Balanced Energy Choices
American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity
Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth
Coalition for Affordable and Reliable Energy
Coalition for American Jobs
Partnership for a Better Energy Future
lnx:
Brown team are:
- Global Climate Coalition
- Information Council on the Environment
- Alliance for Climate Strategies
- Coalition for Vehicle Choice
- Cooler Heads Coalition
- Center for Energy and Economic Development
- Americans for Balanced Energy Choices
- American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity
- Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth
- Coalition for Affordable and Reliable Energy
- Coalition for American Jobs
- Partnership for a Better Energy Future
CATEGORY: Climate Change Denial, Climate Files, Climate liability, ExxonMobil, Public Relations
TAG: Alliance for Climate Strategies, Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth, American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity, Americans for Balanced Energy Choices, Brown University, Center for Energy and Economic Developement, Climate Change Counter Movement, Climate Denial, Climate Development Lab, Climate Files, Coalition for Affordable and Reliable Energy, Coalition for American Jobs, Coalition for Vehicle Choice, Cooler Heads Coalition, Exxon, ExxonSecrets, Flood Risk, Global Climate Coalition, Information Council on the Environment, Justin Farrell, Kert Davies, Partnership for a Better Energy Future, Science, Senator Whitehouse, Sheldon Whitehouse, Shell, Timmons Roberts, Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies
Posted by Climate Investigations Center
2015 testimony ~ccp
https://docs.house.gov/meetings/AP/AP06/20150318/102896/HHRG-114-AP06-Wstate-ByersD-20150318.pdf
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House Appropriations Committee, March 18, 2015
Chairman Calvert, Ranking Member McCollum, and members of the subcommittee: thank you
for the opportunity to testify today about the Environmental Protection Agency’s fiscal year
2016 budget request, and the proposed “Clean Power Plan” in particular. My name is Dan
Byers. I am senior director for policy at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Institute for 21st
Century Energy. I’m appearing before you today on behalf of the Partnership for a Better
Energy Future (the Partnership), a coalition of business organizations representing over 80
percent of the U.S. economy.
1
Established in January 2014, the Partnership’s fundamental mission is to promote an “all-of-the-above”
energy strategy that ensures the continued availability of reliable and affordable
energy for American families and businesses.As of March 2015, the Partnership totals 177
members, which include national organizations as well as state and local associations in 36
different states. All are united by widespread concerns that the proposed rule—as well as
EPA’s broader GHG regulatory agenda—presents a significant threat to American jobs and the
economy.
Released in June 2014, EPA’s Clean Power Plan would require states to meet stringent carbon
dioxide emissions goals through a fundamental transformation of the generation, transmission,
distribution, and use of electricity in America. The rule is the centerpiece of President Obama’s
Climate Action Plan, and EPA has made clear that its development and promulgation is the
agency’s top budget and policy priority. Accordingly, the Partnership appreciates this
opportunity to communicate the business and industrial community’s concerns with EPA’s
proposal.
In short, the CPP is fundamentally incompatible with numerous practical and technical aspects
of America’s electricity system, and would represent a vast expansion of the agency’s
regulatory reach into the authority held by states and other federal regulatory agencies. The
Partnership urges the Subcommittee to ensure EPA addresses the following concerns and
develops a path forward that supports American jobs and the economy, maintains electric
reliability, and allows all energy sources to play a role in our energy future.
The U.S. Needs an All-of-the-Above Energy Strategy
Consumers of energy, whether they are large manufacturers or individual households, benefit
most from an all-of-the-above energy strategy. Diversity of energy supply is not only critical in
keeping energy costs reasonable, it is essential in ensuring steady and reliable streams of
energy to power our factories and heat our homes. For many U.S. businesses that compete in a
global economy, energy represents a major input cost that can ultimately determine viability.
Right now, energy is an advantage for many U.S. industries in large part because of the
abundant and diverse energy resources that are collectively providing reliable and affordable
energy supplies. However, if regulations such as the EPA’s CPP force energy options off the
1
The Partnership is co-chaired by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers.
For more information on Partnership members and activities, visit www.BetterEnergyFuture.org.
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House Appropriations Committee, March 18, 2015
2
table, energy prices will become more volatile, costs will increase, reliability will be threatened
and U.S. firms will ultimately be less competitive.
The CPP Will Increase Energy Prices
The CPP threatens to cause serious harm to the U.S economy, raising energy prices and costing
jobs. EPA’s own estimates project that its rule will cause (inflation-adjusted) nationwide
electricity price increases of between 6 and 7 percent in 2020, and up to 12 percent in some
locations. EPA estimates annual compliance costs between $5.4 and $7.4 billion in 2020, rising
up to $8.8 billion in 2030. These are power sector compliance costs only, and do not capture
the subsequent adverse spillover impacts of higher rates on overall economic activity.
Other analyses show that the impacts on energy prices could be substantially higher. A study by
NERA Economic Consulting indicated that average U.S. electricity prices would increase by 12%
per year and the total costs of the rule could be between $366 billion to $479 billion over a 15
year timeframe.2
Many of these costs will have to be absorbed by residential, commercial and
industrial energy consumers who will not only pay more for energy but also could be forced to
purchase new equipment. Further, higher energy prices disproportionately harm low-income
and middle-income families. Since 2001, energy costs for middle-income and lowerincome families
have increased by 27 percent, while their incomes have declined by 22
percent.3
EPA’s rule will only exacerbate this trend.
Reliability Concerns will be Exacerbated by EPA’s Regulations
Despite unequivocal statements from EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy that “nothing we do
can threaten reliability”4
in the Clean Power Plan, independent experts and key stakeholders
are increasingly alarmed that the proposed CPP will in fact do exactly that: dramatically
increase electrical grid stress and reliability challenges. For example, the North American
Electricity Reliability Corporation (NERC)—the independent organization responsible for
ensuring grid reliability—found that EPA’s proposed goals and timelines for achieving them
“would increase the use of controlled load shedding and potential for wide-scale, uncontrolled
outages".5
In response to these concerns and related Congressional requests, the Federal Energy
Regulatory Commission (FERC) is convening reliability experts to examine the potential
implications of EPA’s rulemaking on the electric grid. Such an analysis is imperative so that we
can know, before it is too late, whether reliable electric service can be maintained in
conjunction with the implementation of the CPP. It is imperative that EPA thoroughly addresses
any findings and recommendations resulting from the FERC conferences before finalizing the
2
NERA Economic Consulting, Potential Energy Impacts of the EPA Proposed Clean Power Plan, October 2014.
Available at: http://www.americaspower.org/sites/default/files/NERA_CPP%20Report_Final_Oct%202014.pdf
3
http://americaspower.org/sites/default/files/Trisko_2014_1.pdf
4
https://archive.org/details/CSPAN2_20140415_203000_Key_Capitol_Hill_Hearings
5
http://www.nerc.com/pa/RAPA/ra/Reliability%20Assessments%20DL/Potential_Reliability_Impacts_of_EPA_Prop
osed_CPP_Final.pdf
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House Appropriations Committee, March 18, 2015
3
rule, and that it also provide states an opportunity to provide feedback on changes made as a
result of this effort.
States Have Major Concerns With EPA’s Proposed Rule
States, which are ultimately tasked with implementing EPA’s proposal, have filed detailed
comments that reveal widespread concerns about the design, content, and legality of the
approach the Agency has proposed. A summary of official state comments developed by the
U.S. Chamber of Commercefound a majority of states have raised numerous fundamental
concerns with the rule. For example, 32 states questioned the legality of the rule, 32 states
raised reliability concerns, 34 object to EPA’s rushed regulatory timelines, 33 object to the
rule’s lack of credit for actions taken prior to 2012, and 40 states questioned the achievability of
at least one of the “building blocks” upon which the rule is based. The extent and magnitude of
these concerns illustrate that EPA must make major changes to its rule before finalization. If the
fundamental flaws with the rule identified by states are left unaddressed, the end result will be
a significantly more expensive, less reliable electricity system that will have negative
repercussions across the entire U.S. economy.
The Legality of the Proposed Rule is Highly Questionable
EPA’s attempt to fundamentally redesign electricity markets through its Clean Power Plan rests
on unprecedented and highly-questionable legal interpretations of the Clean Air Act (CAA).
States and other stakeholders have raised countless legal concerns with the proposed rule. As
the attorneys general of 17 states noted in comments to EPA, “[T]he Clean Air Act generally and
Section 111(d) specifically do not give EPA that breathtakingly broad authority to reorganize
states’ economies. ‘Congress . . . does not, one might say, hide elephants in mouseholes.’ . . .
Congress did not hide the authority to impose a national energy policy in the ’mousehole’ of
this obscure, little-used provision of the Clean Air Act, which EPA has only invoked five times in
40 years. The proposed rule has numerous legal defects, each of which provides an
independent basis to invalidate the rule in its entirety.”6
In a 2014 decision, the Supreme Court pointedly reminded EPA: “When an agency claims to
discover in a long-extant statute an unheralded power to regulate ‘a significant portion of the
American economy,’ . . . we typically greet its announcement with a measure of skepticism.”
Unfortunately, EPA’s proposed rule is exactly the type of regulatory extremism the Supreme
Court cautioned against.
EPA’s Approach to Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Regulations Will Drive Manufacturing to Less
Efficient Countries and Potentially Result in an Increase of Global Emissions
U.S. industries are some of the most efficient in the world both in terms of energy use and GHG
emissions. In 2010, the GHG emission intensity of the U.S. economy, measured by total carbon
dioxide emissions divided by GDP, was 31% below the worldwide average and 67% below that
6
Attorneys General of AL, FL, GA, IN, KS, LA, MI, MT, NE, ND, OH, OK, SC, SD, UT, WV, and WY
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House Appropriations Committee, March 18, 2015
4
of nations that are not part of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. 7
Based on current projections, worldwide energy‐related CO2 emissions will rise approximately
20% by 2035 while U.S. emissions are projected to be relatively flat. Thus, the carbon intensity
of the U.S. economy is set to drop even further when compared to worldwide averages and
non-OECD nations.8
If the Administration adopts policies that substantially increase the cost of energy –
thereby decreasing the competitiveness of U.S. industries – investments and emissions will be
sent to other, less efficient countries with higher CO2 emissions intensities.9
As a result, overly
restrictive and costly U.S. policies to reduce emissions will not only be offset by the rapidly
increasing emissions from other countries, but could actually result in a net increase in global
emissions. A more effective policy approach for lowering global GHG concentrations would be
to position the United States as the best place in the world to manufacture.
Additional Global Context
EPA’s regulations will impose billions of dollars in costs on the U.S. economy but fail to
meaningfully reduce CO2 emissions on a global scale. For example, the projected CO2
emission reduction from EPA’s proposed rule is, at most, 555 million metric tons (mmt) in 2030,
which represents only 1.3 percent of projected global CO2 emissions in that year.10 This
reduction in 2030 would offset the equivalent of just 13.5 days of CO2 emissions from China.11
Meanwhile, the U.S. has led the world in reducing CO2 emissions. Since 2005, U.S. emissions
have fallen by 13 percent while China’s have grown by 69 percent and India’s have
increased by 53 percent.12 International emissions will only continue to grow rapidly —
between 2011 and 2030, CO2 emissions from non-OECD nations are projected to grow by
nine billion tons per year.13 In other words, for every ton of CO2
reduced in 2030 as a result of
EPA’s proposed rule, the rest of the world will have increased emissions by more than 16
tons.
Conclusion
The Partnership appreciates the opportunity to testify on this critically important matter. In
light of the concerns summarized above, the Partnership strongly urges the Subcommittee to
take any and all budget and policy actions necessary to reduce the threats EPA’s rule poses to
the U.S. electricity system as well as the broader economy. Thank you.
7
International Energy Agency: http://www.iea.org/media/statistics/CO2Highlights2012.XLS
8
International Energy Agency: http://www.worldenergyoutlook.org/media/weowebsite/2012/factsheets.pdf
9
A good example would be China, which recently announced it will not curtail CO2 emissions until 2030.
10 EPA, Regulatory Impact Analysis for the Proposed Carbon Pollution Guidelines for Existing Power Plants and
Emission Standards for Modified and Reconstructed Power Plants, June 2014; EIA, International Energy Outlook
2013 (projecting global emissions of 41, 464 mmt in 2030).
11 The Energy Information Administration projects that China will emit more than 14 billion tonnes of CO in 2030.
Source: http://www.eia.gov/forecasts/ieo/table21.cfm
12 http://edgar.jrc.ec.europa.eu/news_docs/pbl-2013-trends-in-global-co2-emissions-2013-report-1148.pdf
13 EIA, International Energy Outlook 2013
ggl 10 21
Partnership for a Better Energy Future is leading the business and industrial community in support of a unified strategy and message in response to the Administration's greenhouse gas (GHG) regulatory agenda. ... For more information, visit www.betterenergyfuture.org.Feb 13, 2014
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Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House ...
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House Appropriations Committee, March 18, 2015 1 Chairman Calvert, Ranking Member McCollum, and members of the subcommittee: thank you for the opportunity to testify today about the Environmental Protection Agencys fiscal year î ì í ò budget request, and the proposed lean Power Plan in ...
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Partnership for a Better Energy Future is a coalition. The Company advocates for the interests of its members. Specifically focusing on environmental protection agency and greenhouse gas emissions.
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Partnership for a Better Energy Future. 680 likes. The leading business and industrial community coalition in support of a unified strategy and message in response to the EPA's GHG regulatory agenda.
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The Partnership for a Better Energy Future is leading the business and industrial community in support of a unified strategy and message in response to the Administration's greenhouse gas (GHG) regulatory agenda.
Better Energy Future
Market pioneer To give you an idea, Better Energy is one of the partners for institutional investors. This includes pension funds, corporate and industrial business, insurance companies and even landowners. The good news is that they value us as a reliable partner. In that way, we will be able to provide excellent projects and portfolios.
Partnership for a Better Energy Future - Awwwards Nominee
Partnership for a Better Energy Future February 17 by Orange Hat Group (United States) The Partnership for a Better Energy Future is leading the business and industrial community in support of a unified strategy and message in response to the Administration's greenhouse gas (GHG) regulatory agenda. Business & Corporate Big Background Images
Partnership for a Better Energy Future, testimony to House ...
The Partnership urges the Subcommittee to ensure EPA addresses the following concerns and develops a path forward that supports American jobs and the economy, maintains electric reliability, and allows all energy sources to play a role in our energy future.
The Partnership for a Better Energy Future Submits ...
IPAA is a member of the Partnership for a Better Energy Future. All 140 members of PBEF signed on to the following comments submitted to the EPA regarding its proposed GHG rule for new power plants.
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Partnership For A Better Energy Future Partnership For A Better Energy Future is a Private company. Partnership For A Better Energy Future has a revenue of $3.2M, and 47 employees. CEO CEO Approval Rating - -/100 Founded Headquarters Status PrivateIndependent Company Website http://www.betterenergyfuture.org/ Est. Annual Revenue $3.2M Agree?
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