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Trump-allied group wants J6 committee staffers blacklisted - POLITICO

2/23/2023

A conservative non-profit group allied with former President Donald Trump urged “Hill staffers and their colleagues” to cut off meetings with any former Jan. 6 committee staffers who have since joined firms that lobby.

In a letter sent to hundreds of recipients on the Hill, the dark money group American Accountability Foundation listed the names of the former committee staffers and their titles — along with their new employers and links to their firms’ clients — all of whom they urged to blacklist.

“AAF has put together a cheat-sheet below outlining their new firms and the firm’s clients so you can be sure you (and your staff) aren’t inadvertently taking a meeting with a company that hires staff that hates your boss,” says the memo sent by Thomas Jones, the group’s president and founder. In his letter, Jones noted recent reporting by POLITICO on the January 6 committee staffers being hired by law and lobbying shops.

“It is important to remember that even if one of these former J6 investigators is not listed as a lobbyist on this specific account, the billings brought in by the clients listed below benefit all staff at the J6 investigator’s new firm,” he added.

It remains to be seen how effective the gambit will be, as the letter was sent only this past Wednesday. K Street firms have a major presence on Capitol Hill and their hires include figures on all sides of the political spectrum. But the group’s play illustrates the intense desire that exists among some conservatives to exact political retribution for those staffers who helped unearth extraordinary evidence of Donald Trump’s bid to subvert the 2020 election.

Jones confirmed the authenticity of the memo in an email to POLITICO. He railed against the January 6 committee’s use of investigative power, claiming that the committee and the F.B.I. forced some to “spend tens — sometimes hundreds — of thousands of dollars defending themselves from an overreaching and weaponized government.” He argued that conservatives should not be taking meetings with these lobbyists’ clients.

“My email was just a short list of people and companies they should stop working with,” he said.

“Until conservatives are willing to fight back against the swamp — in this case cutting off the lifeblood of lobbyist access — the swamp will never be drained,” he contended.

:{Among those listed on the memo include Casey Lucier, former investigative counsel for the committee, who was hired at:{ McGuireWoods}:, a firm that represents Hertz Global, Perdue Foods, Sinclair Broadcast Group, and others.

:{Other names listed were Kevin Elliker, another former investigative counsel, who was hired by Hunton Andrews Kurth. That firm represents Koch Companies Public Sector, NCTA – The Internet & Television Association, and Southern Company Services.

Former committee staffers Marcus Childress, Heather Connelly, and Michelle Kallen had all been hired by Jenner & Block, the email noted, which represents T-Mobile and the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma.

In his message, Jones also noted that the memo’s recipients were free to send over additional names.

Led by Jones, an alumnus of Sen. Ted Cruz’s (R-Tex.) presidential campaign, and Matt Buckham, a veteran of the Trump White House, the American Accountability Foundation has taken on controversial tactics to undermine Biden’s nominees. The New Yorker reported links between the American Accountability Foundation and the Conservative Partnership Institute, which has been affiliated with former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows and attorney Cleta Mitchell. Notably, Meadows’ attorney George Terwilliger works for McGuireWoods, one of the firms listed in the memo.

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an 12 21 shock horror

shortly after the deadly insurrection on the U.S. Capitol, some of the United States' biggest law firms and corporations vowed to stop donating to Republican lawmakers who supported Trump's "Big Lie" about the presidential election; a dangerous claim that subsequently led to a mob of angry Trump supporters storming the federal building.

Now, according to Rolling Stone, new reports suggest that commitment did not last a year because some of the law firms have already begun donating to those same Republicans who supported again.

A detailed review of campaign finance records was reportedly conducted by Rolling Stone and government watchdog groups Protect Democracy and Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW). The shift began with large corporations and now some of the country's largest law firms are also following suit.

According to records, law firms including Hogan Lovells, McGuireWoods, Holland and Knight, and Cozen O’Connor donated thousands of dollars to Republican party committees after distancing from the political party following the Capitol riots.

The review indicates that "more than two-dozen major law firms have donated nearly $500,000 to members of the so-called Sedition Caucus, referring to the 147 Republican officeholders who voted to overturn Joe Biden’s 2020 election victory, or to party committees that take large donations and spend those funds solely to reelect Republican politicians."

Campaign finance experts have weighed in on the donations explaining how they are "a reflection of a broken and money-rotted political system, in which companies and law firms with business before the government use campaign donations to buy access to policymakers."

Robert Maguire, CREW's research director, also offered his perspective on the law firms' donations.

“Law firms, especially these big high-powered firms in and around D.C., play a critical role in the fundraising system here,” Maguire said. “It seems from the outside that these firms feel like they can’t stop giving, in the same way some of the companies themselves feel like they can’t stop giving, because it’s what gives them a seat at the table. And if you’re not at the table, you’re on the menu.”

In a statement to Rolling Stone, Ivan Zapien, head of government relations and public affairs for Hogan Lovells, addressed the claims and the law firm's decision to resume with donations.

“While we paused PAC donations earlier this year, as a bi-partisan firm, we have resumed PAC donations to party committees on both sides of the aisle to represent the collective needs of our clients,” Zapien said in his statement.

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https://www.desmogblog.com/2018/04/09/ferc-revolving-door-mcguirewoods-top-lawyer-perkins-fossil-fuel-lobbying-firm

The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) is the main regulatory agency that oversees the interstate transmission of natural gas, oil, and electricity. Made up of five commissioners and a staff of lawyers and other officials, FERC holds significant power over the approval and regulation of — among other things — proposed oil and gas pipelines that cross state lines or that will transmit fossil fuels from out of state.

FERC has also been a regular stopping point in the revolving door between the fossil fuel industry and the regulatory apparatus that overseas that industry. This trend continues, now, with the appointment of a top FERC attorney to McGuireWoods, a major lobbying firm.

John P. Perkins III has been a top litigator at FERC since 2013. According to McGuireWoods, he was a “lead trial lawyer and acting branch chief in FERC’s Office of Administrative Litigation in Washington” and “directed a team of lawyers and support staff in rate proceedings for electric transmission projects, natural gas pipelines and oil pipelines, led settlement negotiations and litigated administrative hearings.”

In other words, Perkins has close ties to and experience with FERC’s inner-workings around utilities and oil and gas projects. Indeed, he even served on FERC’s Oil and Liquid Committee and authored its 2014 legal handbook on market-based rates for oil pipelines.

In joining McGuireWoods, Perkins will be teaming up with a lobbying giant that has been lauded by the energy industry for its effective advocacy. The firm’s clients from 2017 included such fossil fuel industry powerhouses as the American Petroleum Institute, Dominion, Exelon, ExxonMobil, Murray Energy, and Southern Company.

One of McGuireWoods’s partners is Richard Cullen, who, as we previously noted, is the brother-in-law of Dominion Energy’s powerful CEO, Tom Farrell. Cullen is also the former Attorney General of Virginia and U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia.

At McGuireWoods, Perkins will represent the firm’s energy clients in FERC rate cases and “[support] the firm’s transactional lawyers on federal regulatory matters related to mergers and acquisitions,” according to the firm.

Prior to joining FERC in 2013, Perkins was in private practice for eight years. He was an associate at Haltom & Doam (based in Texas) from 2004 to 2008 and a partner at Shults & Brown (based in Arkansas) from 2008 to 2012.

Perkins’s flight from FERC to the fossil fuel industry — to litigate and lobby for the corporate entities he used to regulate while he personally profits from the ties and experience he developed as a public servant — is not unusual. A few other recent examples of FERC’s revolving door include:

See Perkins’ and other FERC officials revolving door ties below in our slideshow map (or go see the map at LittleSis.org).

[map]

...

Perkins III has been a top litigator at FERC since 2013. He was acting branch chief in FERC’s Office of Administrative Litigation in Washington worked closely, in a leading role, with FERC's work on rate proceedings for electric transmission projects, natural gas pipelines and oil pipelines, and other areas. He served on FERC’s Oil and Liquid Committee and authored its 2014 legal handbook on market-based rates for oil pipelines.

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http://www.exposedbycmd.org/2017/03/10/paul-ryan-fundraised-health-insurance-lobbying-firm-just-powerpoint/

Just hours before House Speaker Paul Ryan held a press conference to sell his health care overhaul legislation — using a PowerPoint presentation mocked for misrepresenting basic facts — he was doing something he’s much better at: fundraising.

The two things were related. The Thursday morning breakfast fundraiser he attended was hosted by a lobbying firm working to unwind the Affordable Care Act on behalf of health insurance company Blue Cross Blue Shield, one of the big winners of Ryan’s proposed legislation.

The breakfast, according to an invitation, was sponsored byMcGuireWoods PAC, the political action committee for the lobbying firm McGuireWoods. Blue Cross Blue Shield, an Anthem company, pays McGuireWoods $120,000 a year to lobby on changes to health reform, records show. Attendees of the event paid were asked to pitch in as much as $10,000.

Ryan’s American Health Care Act (AHCA), which rolls back most of the revenue-generating provisions of the ACA, reduces premium subsidies, and imposes deep cuts to Medicaid, has largely been panned by medical professionals, health policy experts, and political advocacy groups from across the ideological spectrum.

But the bill enjoys enthusiastic support from some corners of the health care industry — primarily health insurance firms and medical device companies that directly benefit from the legislation.

America’s Health Insurance Plans, the trade group that lobbies on behalf of health insurance companies, wrote a letter to Congress on Wednesday praising much of the AHCA.

“The proposed legislation includes a number of positive steps to help stabilize the market,” wrote AHIP president Marilyn Tavenner, citing the bill’s provisions on “continuous coverage” and added flexibility for “health plans to offer consumers more choices.”

Alissa Fox, the senior vice president for the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association, another health insurance lobby group, also provided a statement praising the bill.

The ACHA includes a special 30 percent premium surcharge insurers can charge anyone who has gone without health coverage for at least two months. The bill also reduces the types of medical coverage Medicaid policies are required to cover — the type of flexibility insurers have sought in order to cover less health care costs.

As we reported earlier this week, insurance lobbyists are particularly fond of a tax change made by the Republican health bill that removes limitations on deductions for executive compensation. That reversal will reduce the tax bill for health insurance companies while incentivizing higher pay for insurance employees.

The ACHA would also permanently repeal the 2.3 percent excise tax on medical device tax, which was imposed by Obama’s health reform law. AdvaMed, the lobby group representing the largest medical device firms, released a statement commending the Republican-led House Ways and Means Committee for the repeal of the tax.

While some media outlets praised Ryan’s “wonky” style and use of bar graphs to make his case for the bill on Thursday, many reporters noted that the speaker stumbled when asked basic questions about the legislation.

Ryan notably called the ACA system of younger, healthier people helping to subsidize the insurance of elderly, sick patients a “fatal conceit.” But that general principle — of high- and low-risk consumers alike pooling their resources — is a fundamental element of all health insurance programs. Ryan also “made a series of misleading statements,” noted Politico’s Danny Vinik, who pointed out that the speaker cherry-picked data to exaggerate ACA premium increases.

Despite the perception of Ryan as a policy expert — a brand carefully manufactured by friendly D.C. reporters — the speaker has devoted himself to relentless fundraising. Records show Ryan spent much of the year flying to resorts and huddling with lobbyists to raise huge amounts of cash to maintain his party’s control of the House of Representatives. The Team Ryan joint fundraising committee, hosted by McGuireWoods on Thursday morning, is allowed to raise as much as $244,200 per person.

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rfk2:

Am Farm Bureau lobby front

Fed judge said animal fac needed water permit like any other fac; JG called mtg w/

ind and Mercatus  bd member was partner in McGuire Woods LLP, in the suit.  Mercatus

wrote plan, sent to epa ok'd by ex Farm Bur Adam Sharp --> build hog house to spc,

own only the shit; they make almost no $, so no one to sue when pollute w. shit;

write own shit mgmt plan w/ no public; even weak rules weakened more, shit

relgated to states; only tool for small farmers ~ int'l corp gone 74 ~TJ vision.

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InNorth Carolina, Halliburton and other fracking industry interests helped write a fracking chemical disclosure bill.  But when that bill ended up requiring disclosure of harmful chemicals to the state environmental agency, the bill was killed and replaced with one that further limited disclosure of the chemicals used in fracking.

A cache of emails obtained by Greenpeace has revealed the cozy relationship between the hydraulic fracturing industry and North Carolina’s Mining and Energy Commission.

The Mining and Energy Commission (MEC) was set up after an errant vote by a state senator legalized fracking in North Carolina. Because the state had not seen oil and gas drilling in recent history, the Mining and Energy Commission was tasked with writing oil and gas regulations, specifically for fracking. The 15 members of the MEC propose regulations for fracking, which are then passed on to the North Carolina legislature to be turned into law.

Emails and meeting schedules from members of the North Carolina’s Mining and Energy Commission reveal how various fracking companies and national lobby groups, including America’s Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA), Energy in Depth (EID), Halliburton, and Koch Industries, influenced the Mining and Energy Commissioners, in regards to disclosure of chemicals used in fracking.

Halliburton’s Hand

Halliburton has played a significant role in shaping potential fracking regulations in North Carolina. In March of 2013, the Commissioners approved a chemical disclosure bill in committee which would have required fracking companies to disclose to the North Carolina Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) the chemical ingredients in fracking fluid, many of which are extremely toxic. However, Halliburton, a major fracking services company, raised some reservations which killed the bill, as AP reporter Michael Biesecker confirmed:

In an interview with AP, Mining and Energy Commission Chairman Jim Womackacknowledged that before deciding to delay the vote, he spoke with a senior Halliburton executive.

“They indicated to me in a phone conversation that there may be other options than what was written in that rule,” Womack said.

The bill was taken off the agenda by Womack, and sent back to be rewritten by the chemical disclosure committee.

Commissioner Womack himself is not worried about water contamination from fracking. He once said:

“You’re more likely to have a meteorite fall from the sky and hit you on the head than you are to contaminate groundwater with fracking fluid percolating up from under the ground.”

Halliburton has always cast a long shadow over the MEC. CommissionerVikram Rao was at Halliburton for over 30 years, ultimately as the company’s Senior Vice President and Chief Technology Officer.  He maintains a significant financial stake in Halliburton, and also has over $10,000 invested in BioLargo, a company involved in disposal of fracking wastewater.

Rao has also called the idea of disclosing the contents of frackfluid “a joke.”

Documents obtained by Greenpeace also reveal that the shale industry was close with one commissioner in particular.

George Howard, the pro-fracking conservationist

George Howard serves as vice chairman of the MEC, and as the chairman of the chemical disclosure committee, which is tasked with creating regulations for frack fluid and other fracking chemicals. He was appointed by North Carolina’s Senate President Pro-Tem Philip E. Berger to serve in one of two “conservation” slots on the MEC. Berger received $46,700 in campaign contributions from fracking interests between 2009 and 2011.

In his tenure as Mining and Energy Commissioner, George Howard has been astrong proponent of hydraulic fracturing. He has said that public fears around fracking are exaggerated and that responding to public pressure is “pandering.” He has also claimed “it is physically impossible for hydraulic fracturing – the full industry term for fracking – to contaminate underground aquifers.”

In addition to serving as commissioner for the MEC, Howard is the founder and CEO of Restoration Systems, an environmental remediation company. Through Restoration Systems, Howard has a significant financial stake in the fracking industry, including a multi-million dollar shale play project in Pennsylvania. Howard has also invested in the area of North Carolina most likely to be leased by fracking companies.

Howard is connected to other top regulators, especially John Skvarla, the Head of North Carolina’s Department of Environmental and Natural Resources (DENR), who was president of Restoration Systems before becoming an environmental regulator. DENR would be the agency responsible for enforcing fracking laws recommended by the MEC.

Halliburton/Koch Industries Lobbyist Pushed ALEC fracking bill

Documents obtained by Greenpeace include correspondence between George Howard and various representatives of the oil and gas industry during the creation of the first chemical disclosure bill. Howard had multiple meetings with the American Petroleum Institute (API) and spoke with high-ranking members of the American Natural Gas Association (ANGA). Howard specifically requested help from Energy In Depth (EID), an oil and gas front group run by the PR firm FTI Consulting and funded by the fracking industry. Howard asked Steve Everley, the spokesman for EID and an FTI Consulting operative, to help him prepare for a MEC meeting on chemical disclosure.

Bowen Heath

Although George Howard met with and solicited information from multiple shale industry groups, one lobbyist was particularly influential.  Bowen Heath, who represents Halliburton, Koch Industries, and various other oil and gas interests for the lobbying firm McGuireWoods, had unparalleled access to the Commission. Emails reveal a chummy relationship between George Howard and Heath, who spent evenings together and went for beers in the afternoons.

Heath used that access to advocate for a fracking chemical disclosure system that allows generous exemptions for chemicals that companies deem “trade secrets.”

Heath provided a fracking chemical disclosure bill to Howard that the shale industry and its political allies previously passed in Colorado. The Colorado bill was based on a model bill from the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), a corporate-funded group dedicated to passing legislation approved by ALEC’s corporate funders, including fracking companies like Chesapeake Energy. Bo Heath has longstanding ties to ALEC, and has attended ALEC annual meetings.

A New York Times investigation found that the Colorado chemical disclosure bill was the handiwork of one ALEC funder in particular, ExxonMobil.

As part of the push for the ALEC fracking bill passed in Colorado, Bo Heath arranged for Colorado ex-governor Bill Ritter to fly down to North Carolina to meet with George Howard and the MEC. The AP confirmed that Ritter’s fees and expenses were not paid by the MEC, and Bo Heath’s lobbying group refused to comment on Ritter’s funding.

Hallmarks of the ALEC fracking bill include generous exemptions from disclosure for “trade secrets,” and reliance on the FracFocus website for disclosing chemicals to the public. FracFocus’s operational costs are paid for by the oil and gas industry lobbying groups American Petroleum Institute (API) and America’s Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA).FracFocus was found to be “severely lacking” as a regulatory tool by a recent Harvard study.

Heath continued to advocate for the industry/ALEC approach to chemical disclosure, and even brought in a key member of FracFocus, Mike Paque. Paque is the executive director of the Ground Water Protection Council (GWPC). The GWPC has long been an ally of the oil and gas industry, receiving funding from the American Petroleum Institute and other industry affiliates. Reports produced by GWPC are the backbone of the oil and gas industry’s claims about the safety of fracking. The GWPC also runs  the FracFocus website, and advocates for its use.

Taking up his drinking buddy’s suggestion, George Howard selected Paque as an expert witness for the MEC. Paque presented the industry-funded FracFocus website in an unrecorded meeting on December 18, 2012.

The New Bill Further Limits Disclosure

In the end, even though the bill that George Howard passed through committee was shot down by Jim Womack and Halliburton, it contained most of what Bo Heath and other industry lobbyists wanted. It used the API, ANGA funded website FracFocus for disclosure of chemicals, and exempted chemicals deemed trade secrets from being disclosed to the public on that website. However, Halliburton killed the bill because it required disclosure of all chemicals to the Department of Environment and Natural Resources.

The new bill, which has passed through the MEC committee and is headed for ratification in the State House of North Carolina, included a requirement to use the FracFocus website, following the ALEC fracking model legislation passed in multiple states. And like those states, trade secrets are not disclosed to the state, or the public.

Frank J. Donatelli is senior vice president for McGuireWoods Consulting and "director of the federal public affairs department." [1]

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Americans for a Better Country

GOP strategist, former Ronald Reagan White House political director, and secretary and treasurer of theYoung America's Foundation [2], Donatelli co-founded Americans for a Better Country in 2003 with Republican activists Craig Shirley and George J. Terwilliger III. [3]

Profiles

Donatelli "In 1980, he was Midwest coordinator of the Reagan campaign and went on to serve the Reagan Administration in several capacities." He is chairman of the Reagan Ranch [4] Board of Governors. [5]

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wiki

McGuireWoods LLP is a major U.S. law firm with more than 900 attorneys in 19 offices in the United States and Europe. With the firm's largest offices in Richmond, VA, Charlotte, NC, andChicago, IL, McGuireWoods has recently experienced a period of rapid growth by opening new offices in London in 2009 and offices in Houston and Austin, TX in 2011. The firm has also announced expansion plans with new office space in Washington, D.C., London, Charlotte andBrussels, and increased its client representation capabilities by adding former Senator Evan Bayh as a partner and a nationally recognized debt finance team in Atlanta as well as a new political law group in the firm's Washington D.C. office.

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History:{:(style="margin-left:-0.25em;margin-right:0.25em"):}:[edit source | edit:{beta:(style="vertical-align:top;padding-left:0.5em;background-image:none !important;display:inline !important"):}::{]}:

In 1834, Egbert R. Watson began his law practice in Charlottesville, Virginia. He later formed a partnership in 1870 with George Perkins, and in 1936 the firm became Perkins, Battle & Minor. The firm expanded in the following decades, and by 1966 was known as McGuire, Woods and Battle. The firm’s consulting subsidiary, McGuireWoods Consulting LLC, opened in 1998, and the merger and acquisition advisory group in 2001. In 2000, the firm changed its name to McGuireWoods LLP. Today, McGuireWoods LLP has more than 900 attorneys in 19 offices. U.S. offices include Atlanta, Georgia; Austin, Texas; Baltimore, Maryland; Charlotte, North Carolina; Charlottesville, Virginia; Chicago, Illinois;Houston, Texas; Jacksonville, Florida; Los Angeles, California; New York, New York; Norfolk, Virginia; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Raleigh, North Carolina; Richmond, Virginia; Tysons Corner, Virginia; Washington, D.C.; and Wilmington, North Carolina. The firm has international offices inLondon, England and Brussels, Belgium.

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As of January 2011, McGuireWoods LLP has 19 offices in the United States and Europe.

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Corporate

Litigation

Finance

Industries

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McGuire/Woods Consulting is a public affairs, corporate crisis management and "grassroots issue management" firm with offices in Washington, D.C., Atlanta, Chicago, Richmond (Virginia), Springfield (Illinois) and Tyson's Corner (Virginia).

Former Democratic congressman from Virginia L.F. Payne is President and a member of the Executive Committee of McGuir/Woods. Payne was a strongly pro-tobacco legislator who led a drive to collect signatures from more than 120 legislators to oppose the Food and Drug Administration efforts to regulate cigarettes and reduce sales of cigarettes to minors. [1] Payne was also instrumental in leading opposition to President Clinton's 1992 plan to raise the federal excise tax on cigarettes to pay for universal health care for Americans. [2]

In 1995-96, Payne ranked second only to Thomas Bliley (R-VA) as the House member who received the most financial support from tobacco companies. [3]

Contact

L. F. PaynePresidentWashington Square1050 Connecticut Avenue N.W., Suite 1200Washington, DC 20036-5317Telephone: 202.857.2903Fax: 202.857.1737email: lfpayneATmwcllc.com (substitute an "@" sign for "AT")

External links

SEARCH THE DOCUMENTS ARCHIVES OF THE TOBACCO INDUSTRYSEARCH THE DOCUMENTS ARCHIVES OF THE TOBACCO INDUSTRYSEARCH THE DOCUMENTS ARCHIVES OF THE TOBACCO INDUSTRYSEARCH THE DOCUMENTS ARCHIVES OF THE TOBACCO INDUSTRY
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