TOBACCO

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see also tag for newer content</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> =</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">8/16</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">=</font></h2><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Poison-Tea-Tobacco-Invented-Captured/dp/1250076102">https://www.amazon.com/Poison-Tea-Tobacco-Invented-Captured/dp/1250076102</a></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://time.com/secret-origins-of-the-tea-party/</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">The spring of 1993 was a lousy time to be associated with the Republican Party in Washington, D.C.</span> Bill Clinton had just stormed into the White House. The Democratic Party controlled both houses of Congress. Even undersecretaries of powerful cabinet departments from the Bush administration discovered that they were unloved, unwanted, and unemployed in the nation’s capital.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That included me. I’d worked at the White House as the director of communications for Vice President Dan Quayle, an Indiana Republican, during the second half of the elder Bush’s term as president. In 1993 D.C. had few open doors for refugees of the losing Bush White House. Defeat had been sudden and unexpected, and plenty of folks like me found themselves on the street with bleak job prospects in a place that had become a one-party town.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So I did what many others did in that spring of 1993 in the nation’s capital: I began consulting. My first client was a think tank that I’d never heard of—a small outfit with big dreams and a curious checkbook.</font></p><figure class="image-wrapper" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto; max-width: 1200px; line-height: 26.88px;"><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">At the time, no one knew much about Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE). When I’d asked about funding for CSE, it had taken a while to get a clear answer. But, eventually, it became obvious when Rich Fink showed up at critical strategy sessions and spoke with unblinking certainty about what Charles Koch was interested in and wanted done without question. Though few have heard of <a href="http://www.politico.com/magazine/politico50/2014/charles-kochs-brain.html" target="blank" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(24, 12, 12, 0.247059); text-decoration: none; color: rgb(12, 151, 210);">Rich Fink</a>, he’s been in the inner circle of the Koch brothers’ movement-building efforts for decades, influencing the creation and actions of Koch-funded front groups.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE was, in effect, a wholly owned subsidiary of Koch Industries, the second-largest privately owned company in the United States, with interests in manufacturing, trade, and investments.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But what I didn’t know when I began consulting for Citizens for a Sound Economy was what any of the connections between CSE and the Koch brothers were really all about. What was the endgame? Today, we know.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Charles and David Koch—who, if their individual fortunes were combined in one place, would quite possibly represent the wealthiest person on earth—have almost certainly spent or raised more than a billion dollars to successfully bend one of the two national parties in America to their will. The long rise of the <a href="http://content.time.com/time/video/player/0,32068,67496434001_1966760,00.html" target="blank" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(24, 12, 12, 0.247059); text-decoration: none; color: rgb(12, 151, 210);">Tea Party movement</a> was orchestrated, well funded, and deliberate. Its aim was to break Washington. And it has nearly succeeded, as America saw in the debt-ceiling debacle of 2011, prompted by the Republican Party’s demand that the president negotiate over deficit reduction in exchange for an increase in the maximum amount of money the US Treasury is allowed to borrow. There are no mistakes or accidents in the Tea Party movement. Its leadership has made certain of that.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">One of my first assignments as a consultant for CSE was to join the </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">CSE leadership on a New York fund-raising trip to meet with a huge corporate partner<span class="marker" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;"> with vast experience in building real political muscle who could help CSE reach beyond Koch oil money for their new grassroots efforts. We visited<b>Philip Morris</b>’ headquarters in New York.</span></span></font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">We were met by several of Philip Morris’s state-based government affairs experts, all of whom had significant experience in building coalitions with an eye toward blocking regulations they didn’t like at the state level. The concept that CSE put on the conference table, which was quickly taken up by the Philip Morris staff, was a bit shocking to me. </span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">They proposed an unholy alliance—Philip Morris money commingled with Koch money to create anti-tax front groups in a handful of states that would battle any tax that moved. It would make no difference what kind of tax—the front groups could battle cigarette excise taxes in the Northeast and refined-oil fees at the coasts. Any tax, for any purpose, was bad—and these front groups would tackle them all, with Philip Morris and the Kochs behind them.</span></font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It made good business sense—and good political sense as well. You could relabel just about anything as a tax, and heaven knows the American public hates taxes. This, at its core, was the beginning of the <a href="http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2036683_2037118_2037102,00.html?iid=sr-link2" target="_blank" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(24, 12, 12, 0.247059); text-decoration: none; color: rgb(12, 151, 210);">American Tea Party revolt</a> against the power of the government to pay for its programs. They could recruit average citizens from a variety of ideological groups to their cause. They would work side by side with corporate-directed workers and employees, providing real boots on the ground when enough activists weren’t readily available. And no one would be the wiser—or even care— that these “grassroots” anti-tax groups would be jointly created and funded by the largest private oil company and the largest cigarette company in the world.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">What didn’t become public until nearly 20 years later was that these themes of a Tea Party anti-tax, anti-regulation, and antigovernment revolt were then developed almost simultaneously by two of the largest tobacco companies—Philip Morris and R.J. Reynolds—under the guise of political and business coalitions to fight excise taxes of all sorts, including cigarette taxes. In successive phases in the 1990s, with the Kochs’ CSE as its core mobilization network partner</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">, Philip Morris and RJR helped create state-based anti-tax and anti-regulation propaganda campaigns such as Get Government Off Our Back, Enough is Enough, and Citizens Against Regressive Taxation.</span></font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Over the years, Rich Fink, Charles Koch’s political adviser, and his various Koch protégés have occasionally talked publicly about what would be needed to take over one of the two national political parties from the outside and place Libertarian, free-market principles at its center. It would take:</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">• an extensive academic network to support it intellectually;<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />• policy networks in every state to draw on that intellectual underpinning from hundreds of American universities;<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />• a true political grassroots alliance that extended to all of those state capitals and worked closely with the academic and policy network;<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />• a propaganda arm that could bring tightly controlled messaging and narratives to the fore in the state networks in a way that looked<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />like in- dependent journalism;<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />• and<span class="marker" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;"> a national coordinating group that could enforce discipline in what would otherwise be a chaotic, unruly, wildly disconnected political<br style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent;" />network that ran the gamut from the patriot movement to American exceptionalism.</span></font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As luck—or careful, strategic planning—would have it, just such a highly leveraged network with these very pillars was in place as the Tea Party movement appeared to emerge from nowhere at the start of President Obama’s first term in office. That Tea Party movement looked an awful lot like the efforts the Kochs’ CSE had led in the Clinton and Bush years—just with more money, broad state-based causes, better-trained leaders, and a willingness to integrate and coordinate more efficiently with each other.</font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to publicly available IRS records, the<b> <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">five essential pillars of just such a Tea Party movement network were all funded and in place by that spring of 2009</span></b><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">—the Sam Adams Alliance to direct grassroots efforts; the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity to direct propaganda efforts in state capitals across the United States; the State Policy Network to coordinate funding and free-market policies at state-based think tanks; hundreds of grants from the Koch foundations to American universities that were linked in through SPN; and, of course, CSE’s successor, Americans for Prosperity, built to coordinate the effort nationally.</span></font></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px auto 1.75em; max-width: 790px; padding: 0px 15px; width: auto; word-spacing: -0.025em; letter-spacing: 0.015em; color: rgb(35, 35, 35); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">All of them saw their budgets expand significantly as Obama ran for the White House and then took office—months or even a full year before the Tea Party movement erupted into public view. This explains why the Tea Party movement was able to mobilize, spread, and network so rapidly, as if by magic.</font></p></figure></div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement</a></font></p><h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Summary_of_terms">Summary of terms</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em; color: rgb(85, 85, 85);">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement&action=edit&section=9" title="Edit section: Summary of terms" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em; color: rgb(85, 85, 85);">]</span></span></font></h2><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 17.92px; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Original Participating Manufacturers (OPMs) agreed to several broad categories of conditions:</font></p><ul style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" c="C" fxml="Fxml" version="version" d="D" encoding="encoding" utf-8="UTF-8" f="F" e="E" a="A" csvg="Csvg" http="http" fwww.w3.org="Fwww.w3.org" f2000="F2000" fsvg="Fsvg" width="width" height="height" ccircle="Ccircle" cx="cx" cy="cy" r="r" fill="fill" color="color" rgb="rgb" font-size="font-size" px="px" line-height="line-height" background-color="background-color" xmlns="xmlns" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">to restrict their advertising, sponsorship, lobbying, and litigation activities, particularly as those activities were seen as targeting youth;</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">to disband three specific "Tobacco-Related Organizations," and to restrict their creation and participation in trade associations;</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">generally to make available to the public documents the OPMs had disclosed during the discovery phase of their litigation with the settling states;</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">to create and fund the National Public Education Foundation, dedicated to reducing <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_smoking" title="Youth smoking" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">youth smoking</a> and preventing diseases associated with smoking.<sup id="cite_ref-ReferenceA_18-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement#cite_note-ReferenceA-18" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[18]</a></sup></font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">to make annual payments to the settling states in perpetuity.</font></li></ul><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 17.92px; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A section on enforcement gave jurisdiction to individual state courts to implement and enforce the term, and established a state enforcement fund ($50 million one-time payment). The participating manufacturers also paid the states' Attorney Fees.</font></p><h3 style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom-style: none; line-height: 1.6; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Restrictions_on_youth_targeting">Restrictions on youth targeting</span><span class="mw-editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; font-weight: normal; margin-left: 1em; vertical-align: baseline; line-height: 1em; display: inline-block; white-space: nowrap; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate;"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-right: 0.25em; color: rgb(85, 85, 85);">[</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement&action=edit&section=10" title="Edit section: Restrictions on youth targeting" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket" style="margin-left: 0.25em; color: rgb(85, 85, 85);">]</span></span></font></h3><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 17.92px; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Generally, the participating manufacturers agree not to "take any action, directly or indirectly, to target Youth within any Settling State in the advertising, promotion or marketing of Tobacco Products, or take any action the primary purpose of which is to initiate, maintain or increase the incidence of Youth smoking within any Settling State." (§III(a))</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 17.92px; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The restrictions specified included bans on <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Billboard" title="Billboard" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">outdoor billboards</a>, advertising on transit vehicles, as well as restrictions on sports marketing, event sponsorships and promotional products.</font></p><p style="margin: 0.5em 0px; line-height: 17.92px; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">States were to receive over $206 billion over 25 years:</font></p><ul style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px 1.6em; padding: 0px; list-style-image: url(" data:image="data:image" svg="svg" xml="xml" c="C" fxml="Fxml" version="version" d="D" encoding="encoding" utf-8="UTF-8" f="F" e="E" a="A" csvg="Csvg" http="http" fwww.w3.org="Fwww.w3.org" f2000="F2000" fsvg="Fsvg" width="width" height="height" ccircle="Ccircle" cx="cx" cy="cy" r="r" fill="fill" color="color" rgb="rgb" font-size="font-size" px="px" line-height="line-height" background-color="background-color" xmlns="xmlns" xmlns:data="data"><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Up-front payments – $12.742 billion.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Annual Payments, beginning April 15, 2000 – $183.177 billion through 2025.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Strategic Contribution Fund, 2008–2017 – $8.61 billion.</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Foundation ($250 million over 10 years).</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Education Fund (at least $1.45 billion 2000–2003).</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">State Enforcement Fund ($50 million, one-time payment).</font></li><li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">National Association of Attorneys General ($1.5 billion over next 10 years).</font></li></ul><h4 style="margin: 0.3em 0px 0px; overflow: hidden; padding-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0px; border-bottom-style: none; line-height: 17.92px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="mw-headline" id="Payments_by_the_Participating_Manufacturers_.28PMs.29"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Payments by the Participating Manufacturers (PMs)</font></span></h4><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==</font>

<a href="http://www.desmog.uk/2015/02/21/what-you-ve-always-been-getting-wrong-about-big-tobacco-funding-climate-deniers"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.desmog.uk/2015/02/21/what-you-ve-always-been-getting-wrong-about-big-tobacco-funding-climate-deniers</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">capture 6/13</font>

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<div class="byline environment" style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="field field-name-field-sources field-type-node-reference field-label-hidden">The Huffington Post</span> / <em>By</em> <em><a href="http://www.alternet.org/authors/margo-t-oge" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">Margo T. Oge</a> <span class="print-footnote">[1]</span></em></font></div>

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<h1 property="dc:title" datatype="" class="node-title"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Politicians Resort to Pseudoscience to Deny Climate Change</font></h1>

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<div class="story-date"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><em><span class="field field-name-field-date field-type-date field-label-hidden"><span class="field-items"><span class="field-item even"><span class="date-display-single" property="dc:date" datatype="xsd:dateTime" content="2014-10-21T16:56:00-07:00">October 21, 2014</span></span></span></span> </em> |  </font></div>

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In 1993, my office at the Environmental Protection Agency released a <a href="http://www.epa.gov/smokefree/pubs/strsfs.html" target="_hplink" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">landmark study</a> <span class="print-footnote">[2]</span> that created panic among tobacco industry executives. A result of years of scientific research, the report determined that secondhand smoke was a deadly threat to non-smokers, killing at least 3,000 Americans from lung cancer every year. Cigarette companies were terrified that major regulation would follow.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Today, the report's findings are hardly shocking. The vast majority of Americans understand the risks of second-hand smoke. Over half the states have bans on public smoking. It is, in fact, more incredible that prohibitions on smoking didn't exist earlier. The U.S. Surgeon General had declared a link between cancer and smoking way back in 1964. Countless studies over the proceeding decades verified this huge public health risk. The 1993 EPA report expanded upon this growing body of knowledge with overwhelming medical evidence about the risks of second hand smoke. Yet no state banned public smoking until California in 1998. And most states' anti-smoking laws didn't take effect until over a decade after the EPA report was issued. How did the tobacco industry stave off major public smoking regulation for so long?</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Unfortunately, there is another prominent example of an industry successfully dodging the repercussions of overwhelming scientific evidence that its products create a deadly health risk. For decades, climate scientists have released report after report about the risks of man-made climate change, a phenomenon driven by the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere from burning fossil fuel. Over the past few decades, thousand of scientists, government agencies, health authorities and non-profits have compiled an enormously broad and comprehensive picture of the threat posed by climate change. And yet Congress has still not passed a single law to addresses it.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">This is no coincidence. The success of the fossil fuel industry in stalling government action relies on techniques the climate change deniers learned at the feet of the cigarette companies. By the time the EPA report on secondhand smoke came out, the cigarette companies were already decades-long veterans of a war against facts.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Since at least the 1960s, the tobacco industry had refined an innovative technique to counter the overwhelming medical evidence linking their products with death and poor health. Faced with the threat of regulation, the conventional route for affected companies would be to argue that the proposed rules would cost jobs and make their companies uncompetitive. The tobacco industry knew they wouldn't win this battle. If they admitted that their products were killing thousands of people, they couldn't successfully argue against regulation. Instead, they declared war on the science itself.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">By repeatedly questioning and obfuscating proven medical facts with pseudo-science, selective editing of medical reports and simply repeating what they knew were lies about their products' negative health impacts, the cigarette companies hoped to seed doubt in Americans' minds. In 1978, for example, Philip Morris claimed "scientists have not determined what causes cancer ...cigarettes have never been proven unsafe." Twelve years later -- in 1990! -- RJ Reynolds sent a letter to an elementary school principal claiming that "scientists do not know the cause" of any smoking-associated chronic diseases.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">These techniques undergirded the deadliest public relations campaigns in American history. And, one that was a huge success. For 40 years, they managed to scuttle the medical science and stave off the most serious regulatory action -- while contributing to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans.

If this sounds familiar, it's because the fossil fuels companies and industry-associated climate change deniers now occupy the same science-denying echo chamber. In 2010, for example,<b>Indiana's Representative Larry Bucshon </b>followed the lead of R.J. Reynolds and Philip Morris when he <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/06/26/house-science-committee-c_n_5533992.html" target="_hplink" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">asserted</a> <span class="print-footnote">[3]</span>, "The data does not support the premise that carbon dioxide emissions are playing a significant role in the world temperature variations." That statement is false, flying in the face of a scientific consensus based on decades of data. But Bucshon is undaunted by such details. He is also far from alone in the House.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The claims coming from the mouths of our elected representatives showcase an incredibly wide array of pseudo-scientific criticism directed at the contemporary understanding of climate change. Some use science against scientific consensus: "we have a lot of science that tells us they're not basing [theories of climate change] on real scientific facts." Others pick and choose which science they like: climate change exists, but "the jury is still out" on whether it is man-made. Some refuse to believe any of it: the modern theory of climate change "is a hoax." Still others refuse to even read any of it: "I could read [climate change science], but I don't believe it." The tobacco industry -- or at least its media-relations people -- must be proud.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Unfortunately, climate change deniers have also successfully seeded doubt about the overwhelming science supporting climate change in the minds of many Americans. Largely as a result, action on the global threat has been suspended for years. Concern over global warming was already a headline-grabbing issue in the '80s, but Congress has yet to pass any legislation targeting climate change. Meanwhile, climate change-related events like prolonged droughts or extreme flooding continue to increase, claiming or disrupting millions of lives while causing billions of dollars in damage every year.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In 1993, after the EPA report came out, Philip Morris' public relations company APCO further refined this long-running war on medical science by pioneering two new techniques. The first was "astroturfing." Using corporate resources<b>, APCO </b>created what appeared to be organic grassroots action by local citizens concerned about regulatory overreach. APCO knew that pushback on government-funded science by "ordinary citizens" would seem much more authentic than arguments associated with Philip Morris.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The second innovation was a next generation front group. Cigarette manufacturers had long funded front groups -- reputedly neutral think tanks and institutions -- to give third-party credibility in their propaganda war against the "anti-smoking forces." Years later, the fossil fuel industries gladly followed the lead, funding organizations with important-sounding names like the Competitive Enterprise Institute and Manhattan Institute for Policy Research to advance the industry's agenda.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Now APCO further obscured the link between a <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/The_Advancement_of_Sound_Science_Coalition" target="_hplink" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">new group</a> <span class="print-footnote">[4]</span>, <b>the Advancement of Sound Science Coalition, and its cigarette company patrons. TASSC'</b>s communications would be radically expanded. They didn't just cast doubt on the links between smoking and fatal diseases, but attacked all sorts of science. APCO hoped that dealing with a greater range of topics would help throw off the public from the corporate money trail.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">For example, TASSC claimed that secondhand smoke, cellphones and pesticides were all subject to unfounded health concerns. The group also questioned the studies regarding nuclear waste disposal, biotechnology and... climate change. In fact, the Philip Morris-launched group became so effective at labeling the evidence on global warming "junk science" that TASSC eventually received funding from Exxon. In 2002, the group's former president, Steven Milloy, became a science correspondent for FOX News, providing him with an enormous audience to debunk health and environmental concerns like global warming as "junk science."</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">But by the beginning of the century, the tobacco industry finally ran out of public relations tricks. <b>In 2002, the EPA won a tobacco industry lawsuit that attempted to repress the 1993 findings on secondhand smoke. The following year, New York City joined California in a ban on smoking including bars and restaurants. Over the rest of the decade, over half of the states established public smoking bans. As those bans were implemented, cigarette companies saw their sales in the United States drop precipitously.</b></font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">There are signs that climate change denial is also reaching the end of its rope. Last month, over 400,000 people from all walks of life took to New York's streets demanding action on the global threat. President Obama has promised the United States' leadership on the issue in a 2015 international climate conference in Paris. Perhaps even more importantly, a<b> 2014 Gallup Poll shows that young people between 18 and 29 are more than twice as likely to consider climate change a man-made phenomenon that will seriously impact their quality of life in coming years. The poll also showed that over half of those who don't consider climate change a real problem are over 50. </b>Climate change denial has already lost the long-term generational war.</font></p>

</div>

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Despite holding sway in some parts of federal and state governments, as well as media outlets, the climate change deniers' success in staving off regulation has also been dealt a serious blow. In 2009 U.S. and foreign automakers agreed to the first-ever regulations limiting greenhouse gas emissions on new cars and trucks. Another, tougher agreement followed in 2011. Over the life of this program, these regulations will </span><a href="http://www.epa.gov/climatechange/ghgemissions/sources/transportation.html" target="_hplink" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">reduce greenhouse gas</a><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"> </span><span class="print-footnote" style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">[5]</span></b><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><b> emissions by six billion metric tons, equivalent to the total amount of carbon dioxide emitted by the United States in all of 2010. By 2025, the program will also be reducing oil consumption by more than two million barrels daily -- half as much as we import from OPEC nations. Next year the EPA will take final actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from power plants</b>. Once those regulations are in place, the two most climate damaging sectors of our economy will begin to be reeled in. Just like the tobacco industry, climate change deniers are finally being overwhelmed by facts.</span></font>

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_packaging_warning_messages</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">master settlement/RICO</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><b style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement</b><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(</span><b style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">MSA</b><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">) was entered in </span><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important;"><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">November 1998, </span></b></span><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">originally between the four larges t</span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States" title="United States" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">United States</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_industry" title="Tobacco industry" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">tobacco companies</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(</span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Altria" title="Altria" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">Philip Morris Inc.</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R.J.Reynolds_Tobacco_Company" title="R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Company" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">R. J. Reynolds</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brown_%26_Williamson" title="Brown & Williamson" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">Brown & Williamson</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorillard_Tobacco_Company" title="Lorillard Tobacco Company" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">Lorillard</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>– the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><i style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">original participating manufacturers</i><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">) and the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attorney_general" title="Attorney general" style="text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);">attorneys general</a><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>of 46 states. T</span></font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">he states settled their Medicaid lawsuits against the tobacco industry for recovery of their tobacco-related health-care costs, and also </span><span style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">exempted the companies from private</span><span class="Apple-converted-space"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;"> </span></span></span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tort" title="Tort" style="text-decoration: none; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">tort</span></a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Legal_liability" title="Legal liability" style="text-decoration: none; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: none rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">liability</span></a><span style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span class="Apple-converted-space"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;"> </span></span><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">regarding harm caused by tobacco use</span></span><span style="color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 22.4px; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; display: inline !important; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">.</span><sup id="cite_ref-MSA_1-0" class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate; font-weight: normal; font-style: normal; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-variant: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_Master_Settlement_Agreement#cite_note-MSA-1" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;"><span>[]</span></a></sup><sup class="reference" style="line-height: 1; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate; font-weight: normal; font-style: normal; color: rgb(37, 37, 37); font-variant: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; white-space: nowrap; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">:25</sup></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1994, the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attorney_general" title="Attorney general" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Attorneys General</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>of four states—<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mississippi_Attorney_General" title="Mississippi Attorney General" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Mississippi</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minnesota_Attorney_General" title="Minnesota Attorney General" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Minnesota</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florida_Attorney_General" title="Florida Attorney General" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Florida</a>, and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Texas_Attorney_General" title="Texas Attorney General" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Texas</a>—separately filed lawsuits against the tobacco industry in an effort to secure reimbursement for health care expenditures arising from tobacco-related illnesses. During the course of this litigation, 42 other states joined in similar legal actions. In 1998, a<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Master_Settlement_Agreement" title="Master Settlement Agreement" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Master Settlement Agreement</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(MSA) was signed by the Attorneys General of 46 states and the nation's five major tobacco companies:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Morris_USA" title="Philip Morris USA" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Philip Morris</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R.J.Reynolds" title="R. J. Reynolds" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">R. J. Reynolds</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorillard" title="Lorillard" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Lorillard</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brown_%26_Williamson" title="Brown & Williamson" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Brown & Williamson</a>, and the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Tobacco_Company" title="American Tobacco Company" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">American Tobacco Company</a>. The MSA effectively settled the outstanding lawsuits by requiring yearly payments by the tobacco companies to the states and placing restrictions on the advertising and marketing of tobacco products. The MSA provisions also created and currently fund the<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Legacy_Foundation" title="American Legacy Foundation" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">American Legacy Foundation</a>, an anti-smoking advocacy group, which in turn funded the creation of the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library as well as its ongoing maintenance and collection activities.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">As part of this Master Settlement Agreement, the U.S. tobacco companies were ordered to release the internal documents produced for the case for public access in both a physical depository in Minnesota and on their own document websites. The international tobacco company,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_American_Tobacco" title="British American Tobacco" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">British American Tobacco</a>, was not mandated to provide a document website but they were required to deposit documents into a physical depository in<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guildford" title="Guildford" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Guildford</a>,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/England" title="England" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">England</a>. The<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Association_of_Attorneys_General" title="National Association of Attorneys General" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">National Association of Attorneys General</a>(NAAG) provides oversight and enforcement of this operation. In 2006, U.S. District Judge<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gladys_Kessler" title="Gladys Kessler" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Gladys Kessler</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>ruled in a separate case that the nation's top tobacco companies violated<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racketeering" title="Racketeering" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">racketeering</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>laws, misleading the public for years about the health hazards of smoking. These companies were convicted under the<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racketeer_Influenced_and_Corrupt_Organizations_Act" title="Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act</a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(RICO Act). Philip Morris and R.J. Reynolds filed an appeal but Judge Kessler's ruling was upheld. As a result of this case and its appeals, the companies are now obliged to make available any documents produced for litigation on smoking and health until 2021.<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference" style=" line-height: 1em; unicode-bidi: -webkit-isolate; font-weight: normal; font-style: normal;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Legacy_Tobacco_Documents_Library#cite_note-2" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background-image: none; white-space: nowrap; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"><span>[</span>2<span>]</span></a></sup></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Big picture: Tobacco co's were early target b/c they have a product whose only purpose is to kill; as with chemical industry (and later fossil fuel) they had own research of harm they kept secret.  Also pioneer in creating doubt of science strategy.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">m o d

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by early 60's tob co's knew cancer, addictive etc 21, brit co admitted no controv</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">busted for <font color="#FF0000">racketeering RICO</font> 31</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by end of 90's most ppl know tob harmful, but 30% could not name specific illness 33, 25% said no harm p 33</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font color="#FF0000"><b>Lawsuit: </b></font>

 </font></p>

<h1 style=" clear: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco Litigation and Enforcement</font></h1>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In <font color="#FF0000">1998</font>, landmark litigation by California and dozens of other states against the major U.S. tobacco companies, over decades of allegedly <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">deceitful advertising and marketing of tobacco to children,</span> produced far-reaching changes in the way cigarettes and smokeless tobacco products are advertised and promoted in California and across the nation.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The changes resulted from the historic Master Settlement Agreement, or “MSA”, in which the four largest tobacco companies agreed to restrictions on their marketing practices and to pay billions of dollars annually to the states.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gone now are cartoon characters in cigarette ads, like the infamous Joe Camel, that appealed to youngsters, along with cigarette ads on billboards along our highways and T-shirts, caps and gear bags adorned with tobacco brand names. These and many other marketing restrictions now apply to an overwhelming majority of U.S. tobacco companies, as over 40 other tobacco companies have joined the MSA since 1998. Health experts confirm that most people can avoid becoming addicted to the nicotine in tobacco products if they can stay tobacco-free during adolescence and young adulthood.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Through April 2010, tobacco companies have paid more than $74 billion to California and 45 other states, with California’s $9.3 billion share being divided between the state and the state’s counties and four largest cities.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Attorney General's Tobacco Litigation and Enforcement Section holds the tobacco industry accountable for strict compliance with the MSA’s marketing restrictions and payment obligations. In addition, the Tobacco Section enforces a number of state laws and programs that regulate the promotion and sale of cigarettes and other tobacco products in the state, including the state’s Tobacco Directory, which lists the brands of cigarettes that may lawfully be sold in California.</font></p>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===

nolo:

 </font></p>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Smokers, their families, and government entities have been filing lawsuits against tobacco companies for more than half a century. Over the years, tobacco litigation has seen a number of changes -- from the theories of liability used by plaintiffs to the legal defenses mounted by cigarette manufacturers. Read on to learn the history of tobacco litigation and to get an idea of the types of smoking-related lawsuits being brought today. <span class="bizdev">(To learn about other products and chemicals that have been the subject of litigation, see Nolo's article <a href="http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/toxic-torts-overview-32204.html">Toxic Torts Overview</a>.)</span></font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The First Lawsuits Against Cigarette Manufacturers</font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When the first reports emerged linking cigarettes to cancer emerged in the 1950s, plaintiffs began suing cigarette manufacturers. Plaintiffs in these early cases -- usually smokers with lung cancer -- typically employed several legal theories in their lawsuits:</font></p>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">negligent manufacture - the tobacco companies failed to act with reasonable care in making and marketing cigarettes</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">product liability - the tobacco companies made and marketed a product that was unfit to use</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">negligent advertising - the tobacco companies failed to warn consumers of the risks of smoking cigarettes</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">fraud, and</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">violation of state consumer protection statutes (most of which prohibit unfair and deceptive business practices).</font></li>

</ul>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco manufacturers <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">responded in full force, fighting each lawsuit and refusing to settle out of court. </span>They relied on several defense strategies, arguing that:</font></p>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco was not harmful to smokers.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Smokers' cancer was caused by other factors.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Smokers <a href="http://www.nolo.com/dictionary/assumption-of-risk-term.html">assumed the risk</a> of cancer when they decided to smoke.</font></li>

</ul>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco companies prevailed in all of these early lawsuits. <span class="bizdev">(To learn more about product liability, negligence, and fraud, see Nolo's articles <a href="http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/article-32208.html/">Toxic Torts: Legal Theories of Liability</a> and <a href="http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/defective-product-claims-theories-of-30044.html">Defective Product Claims: Theories of Liability</a>.)</span></font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font color="#FF0000">Second Wave</font> of Tobacco Litigation: Addiction Introduced</font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the <font color="#FF0000">1980s</font>, a new wave of lawsuits emerged. In the landmark case of that time, <em>Cipollone v. <font color="#FF0000">Liggett</font></em><font color="#FF0000">, </font>the plaintiff and her family alleged that cigarette manufacturers knew -- but did not warn consumers -- that smoking caused lung cancer and that cigarettes were addictive. Although Rose Cipollone's husband was awarded $400,000, an appellate court reversed the decision. Other plaintiffs also sued, claiming that tobacco companies knew cigarettes were addictive and caused cancer.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In defending these lawsuits, the tobacco companies argued that smokers had knowingly assumed the risks of cancer and other health problems when they began smoking. The companies also argued that various <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">state laws </span>were <a href="http://www.nolo.com/dictionary/preemption-term.html">preempted</a> by federal laws. That is, that federal laws governing tobacco advertising superseded state laws regarding the same thing, and plaintiff's couldn't sue under the state law. For the most part, the tobacco industry was successful in these lawsuits.</font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Third Wave: Plaintiff Successes & Lawsuits by the States</font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the 1990s, plaintiffs began to have limited success in tobacco lawsuits, partly because some cigarette company documents were leaked showing the companies were aware of the addictive nature of tobacco. The<font color="#FF0000"> first big win </font>for plaintiffs in a tobacco lawsuit occurred in February 2000, when a<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> California jury ordered Philip Morris to pay $51.5 million to a California smoker with inoperable lung cancer.</span></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Around this time, more than <font color="#FF0000">forty states sued </font>the tobacco companies under state consumer protection and antitrust laws. These states argued that cigarettes contributed to health problems that triggered significant costs for public health systems. In these lawsuits, the tobacco companies could not use the defense that had proven so successful in lawsuits brought by individuals -- that the smoker was aware of the risks and decided to smoke anyway.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In November 1998, the attorneys general of 46 states and four of the largest tobacco companies agreed to settle the state cases. Terms of the settlement are referred to as the Master Settlement Agreement. Highlights include:</font></p>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco companies agreed to refrain from engaging in certain advertising practices, particularly ad campaigns that marketed cigarettes towards kids.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco companies agreed to <b>pay annual sums of money to the states to compensate them for health-care costs</b> related to smoking (a minimum of $206 billion over the first twenty-five years).</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The settlement created and funded the National Public Education Foundation, dedicated to reducing youth smoking and preventing diseases associated with smoking.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco companies <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">dissolved three of the biggest tobacco industry organizations.</span></font></li>

</ul>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Recent Developments in Tobacco Litigation</font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In recent years, several key court decisions have <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">paved the way for a raft of individual lawsuits against tobacco companies and have opened the door for class action lawsuits</span> that focus on light cigarettes.</font></p>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Individual Lawsuits in Florida</font></h4>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2006, the Florida Supreme Court threw out a class action lawsuit</span> brought on behalf of 700,000 smokers and their families against tobacco companies. In its ruling, the court found that tobacco companies knowingly sold dangerous products and kept smoking health risks concealed, <font color="#FF0000">but</font> that the case could not proceed as a class action. Instead, the court ruled that each case must be proven individually.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This ruling paved the way for over 8,000 smokers and their families to bring individual lawsuits against the tobacco companies. In these lawsuits, plaintiffs need only prove that the individual plaintiff was harmed by an addiction to cigarettes. In the first of these cases to go to trial, the jury found that the death of a long-time smoker, Stuart Hess, was caused by his addiction to cigarettes.</font></p>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Light Cigarettes</font></h4>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The newest batch of tobacco lawsuits focus on light cigarettes. Light cigarettes have special filters designed to dilute the smoke inhaled by smokers. Plaintiffs in these cases allege that tobacco companies advertise light cigarettes as being healthier than regular cigarettes, when in fact they are no safer than non-light cigarettes.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco companies respond that "light" refers to the taste of the cigarettes, not the amount of nicotine ingested, and that consumers should understand what "light" means. They have also raised federal preemption as a defense against state class action lawsuits, arguing that federal legislation regarding cigarette advertising supersedes state laws that prohibit deceptive advertising practices.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font color="#FF0000">In December 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court threw out the tobacco companies' preemption arguments</font> in a class action light cigarette lawsuit brought in Maine. In allowing the Maine case to proceed, the Supreme Court ruled that federal legislation does not preempt plaintiffs from suing under certain state unfair business practice laws. This will open the door for similar lawsuits against tobacco companies. <font color="#FF0000">The Supreme Court, however, didn't rule on any of the underlying claims</font> -- plaintiffs will still have to prove that the cigarette companies violated Maine's consumer protection laws. (To learn more about the legal theories underlying light cigarette litigation, see Nolo's article <a href="http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/tobacco-litigation-light-cigarettes-32203.html">Tobacco Litigation: Claims Involving Light Cigarettes</a>.)</font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Getting Help and More Information</font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Any type of tobacco litigation involves complex legal theories, detailed and intricate scientific analyses, and often aggressive defendants. If you want to explore whether you or a loved one can bring a claim against a cigarette manufacturer, talk to a lawyer that specializes in this field and knows the status of tobacco litigation in your particular state.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="bizdev">For help on choosing a good personal injury attorney, read Nolo's article <a href="http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/finding-personal-injury-lawyer-29840.html">Finding a Personal Injury Lawyer</a>.</span> You can go to Nolo's <a href="http://www.nolo.com/ldir/browsebyresults.do?specialtyId=1&specialtyName=Personal%20Injury"><font color="#006699">Lawyer Directory for a list of personal injury attorneys</font></a> in your geographical area (click on the "Types of Cases" and "Work History" tabs to learn about a particular lawyer's experience, if any, with tobacco litigation).</font></p>

</div>

<p><strong class="authors"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by: <a href="http://www.nolo.com/law-authors/kathleen-michon.html" rel="author" class="authorLink">Kathleen Michon</a>, J.D.</font></strong></p>

</div>

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">front group for flame retardant chemicals</font>

<a href="http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/watchdog/flames/ct-met-flame-retardants-20120506,0,3214816,full.story"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/watchdog/flames/ct-met-flame-retardants-20120506,0,3214816,full.story</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">property rights as scam (// wise use?)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Americans for Prosperity opposed a proposed Texas smoking ban in 2005</b>. According to the Fort Worth <i>Star-Telegram</i>, “A proposed statewide smoking ban appears all but dead, supporters acknowledged Monday as they waged a frantic battle to bring the bill up for a vote in the Senate. ‘I think the bill is dead,’ said<span style=" color: #ED1C24;"> </span><a title="Peggy Venable" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Peggy_Venable"><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">Peggy Venable</span></a><span style=" color: #ED1C24;">, Texas director of Americans for Prosperity</span><span style=" color: #FFF200;">,</span> which opposed the legislation, arguing that it is an intrusion on private-property rights." The strategy of<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> portraying <a class="external text" title="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Smoking_as_a_Property_Right" rel="nofollow" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Smoking_as_a_Property_Right">smoking as a "property right"</a> can be traced to <a class="mw-redirect" title="Philip Morris" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Philip_Morris">Philip Morris</a> </span>which, in the mid-1990s, introduced bills in state legislatures nominally to protect property rights as a means of fighting smoking bans.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The tobacco industry hasn't confined its counteroffensive against the FDA to the courts. "Quietly, behind the scenes, the industry is helping to support a much broader attack on the FDA,</b>" says Cliff Douglas, a longtime anti-tobacco activist.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The attack has three major components:</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The industry has provided generous support to a host of Washington <b>think tanks</b> and advocacy groups that have led the effort to gut the FDA. The Competitive Enterprise Institute, for example, has received $50,000 to $100,000 or more from tobacco companies, according to the group's general counsel, Sam Kazman. Tobacco has also contributed hundreds of thousands of dollars to <b>Citizens for a Sound Economy,</b> and has made substantial donations to <b>Gingrich's Progress & Freedom Foundation and the Washington Legal Foundation</b>.mojo 1996

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==

 </font>

<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This article was first published as "<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a href="http://www.prwatch.org/prwissues/1994Q3/smoke.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow" title="http://www.prwatch.org/prwissues/1994Q3/smoke.html">Smoke and Mirrors: How Tobacco and PR Grew Up Together</a>"</span>, <i>PR Watch</i>, volume 1, number 3, Third Quarter 1994. The original article was authored by John Stauber and is used here with permission. As with all SourceWatch articles, feel free to edit and revise.</font></p>

<hr />

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The recent public controversy over tobacco companies and their role in misleading the public about the effects of smoking looks remarkably similar to the controversies of 40 years ago.</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The first scientific studies documenting tobacco's role in cancer and other fatal illness began to appear in the early 1950s. Internal memos from the industry-funded Tobacco Institute refer to the PR fallout from this discovery as the "1954 emergency."</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fighting desperately for its economic life, the tobacco industry launched what must be considered the costliest, longest-running and most successful PR 'crisis management' campaign in history. In the words of the industry itself, the campaign was aimed at "promoting cigarettes and protecting them from these and other attacks," by "creating doubt about the health charge without actually denying it, and advocating the public's right to smoke, without actually urging them to take up the practice."<a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/quo14e00" class="external autonumber" rel="nofollow" title="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/quo14e00">[1]</a></font></p>

<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contents</font></h2>

</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#Welcome_to_the_20th_Century"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Welcome to the 20th Century</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#What_Do_Women_Want.3F"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">What Do Women Want?</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#The_Truth_Hurts"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">The Truth Hurts</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#Bringing_in_the_Sheaves"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">Bringing in the Sheaves</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#External_links"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=How_Tobacco_and_PR_Grew_Up_Together#Sourcewatch_resources"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">Sourcewatch resources</span></font></a></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<h2><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Welcome to the 20th Century</font></span></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The symbiotic relationship between cigarettes and PR goes back even further than the 1950s, to the early 20th century when both were fledgling industries, and the tobacco companies used PR's psychological marketing skills to first 'hook' women and then <font color="#FF0000">children</font> to their drug.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a title="Edward Bernays" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Edward_Bernays">Edward Bernays</a>, <a title="Ivy Lee" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Ivy_Lee">Ivy Lee</a> and <a class="new" title="John Hill (page does not exist)" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=John_Hill&action=edit&redlink=1">John Hill</a> today are legends within the PR profession<b>. Bernays</b> in particular is often referred to as the "father of PR." All three worked on PR for tobacco, pioneering techniques</span> that today remain the PR industry's stock in trade: third party advocacy, subliminal message reinforcement, <a title="Junk science" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Junk_science">junk science</a>, phony <a title="Front groups" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Front_groups">front groups</a>, advocacy advertising, and buying favorable news reporting with advertising dollars.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During the Roaring Twenties, the <a title="American Tobacco Company" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=American_Tobacco_Company">American Tobacco Company</a> turned to PR to develop a vast new market--<font color="#FF0000">American women</font>--for sales of its Lucky Strike cigarettes. The company first hired adman A.D. Lasker, whose advertisements featured female opera stars, their soprano voices somehow unaffected by their love for Luckies.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lasker portrayed Lucky Strikes as a healthy cigarette by concocting surveys using spurious data to claim that doctors preferred Luckies as the "less irritating" brand. However, his most effective campaign urged women to "Reach for a Lucky instead of a sweet." The campaign increased Lucky sales threefold in just twelve months. (The message, "cigarettes help keep you thin," reverberates today in the brand name Virginia Slims.)</font>

<h2><a name="What_Do_Women_Want.3F" id="What_Do_Women_Want.3F"><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What Do Women Want?</font></span></a></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It was <font color="#FF0000">Edward Bernays</font>, however, who built both the theoretical and practical foundation of modern public relations, beginning with his promotion of women's smoking. Bernays was a nephew of Sigmund Freud who how to apply psychology on a mass scale while serving on the World War I Committee on Public Information. He never disguised the purpose of PR, saying those "who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses ... pull the wires which control the public mind."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On behalf of Lucky Strike, Bernays sought the advice of the psychoanalyst A.A. Brill. Brill's message to Bernays and the American Tobacco company was "freedom": sell cigarettes to women as a symbol of liberation.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Following this advice, Bernays staged a legendary publicity event that is still taught as an example in PR schools. He hired beautiful fashion models to march in New York's prominent Easter parade, each waving a lit cigarette and wearing a banner proclaiming it a "torch of liberty." Bernays made sure that publicity photos of his smoking models appeared world-wide.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">To his credit, an older Bernays <b>expressed regret</b> at his work, saying if he'd known of the dangers of tobacco he would have refused the account. <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">His admission and opinion remains rare </span>among PR practioners.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Thanks to Bernays and other early pioneers of public relations, cigarettes built a marketing juggernaut upon an unshakeable identification with sex, youth, vitality and freedom. The work for the tobacco industry, in turn, earned PR widespread credibility and launched the rise of today's multi-billion dollar public relations industry.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Decades of saturation cigarette advertising and promotion continued into the 1950s via billboards, magazine, movies, TV and radio.</font>

<h2><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Truth Hurts</font></span></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1952, smoking's link to lung cancer began receiving major media attention. Reader's Digest [Carson?] ran an influential article titled, <a class="external text" rel="nofollow" title="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bcm92f00" href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bcm92f00">"Cancer by the Carton."</a> A 1953 report by Dr. Ernst L. Wynder heralded to the scientific community a definitive link between cigarette smoking and cancer. Over the next 24 months, dozen of articles appeared in the <i>New York Times</i> and other major public publications: Good Housekeeping, the New Yorker, Look, Woman's Home Companion. Sales of cigarettes went into an unusual, sudden decline. [good escalator? but RD was pop and mainstream]

 </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco czars were in a panic. For help, they turned to <a class="new" title="John Hill (page does not exist)" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=John_Hill&action=edit&redlink=1">John Hill</a>, the founder of the PR megafirm, <font color="#FF0000"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a title="Hill & Knowlton" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Hill_%26_Knowlton">Hill & Knowlton</a></span>.</font> Hill designed a brilliant and expensive campaign that the tobacco industry is still using today in its fight to save itself from public rejection and governmental action.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hill is remembered today as a<b> shrewd but ethical businessman</b> who tried to keep "quacks" out of the PR profession. In a letter, he once stated, "It is not the work of public relations ... to outsmart the American public by helping management build profits."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Yet Hill's work to save tobacco in the 1950s is such an egregious example of "outsmarting the American public ... to build profits" that his company is still in court today answering criminal charges. Hill & Knowlton's role is described as follows in a 1993 lawsuit, State of Mississippi vs. the Tobacco Cartel:</font></p>

<dl>

<dd><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The presidents of the leading tobacco manufacturers ... hired the public relations firm of Hill & Knowlton. ... As a result of these efforts, the <b>Tobacco Industry <font color="#FF0000">Research Committee</font></b><font color="#FF0000"> </font>(TIRC), an entity later know as The <a title="Council for Tobacco Research" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Council_for_Tobacco_Research">Council for Tobacco Research</a> (CTR), was formed.</font></dd>

</dl>

<dl>

<dd>

<dl>

<dd><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <a title="Tobacco Industry Research Committee" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Tobacco_Industry_Research_Committee">Tobacco Industry Research Committee</a> immediately ran a full-page promotion in more than 400 newspapers aimed at an estimated 43 million Americans ... entitled "A <b>Frank </b>Statement to Cigarette Smokers."...</font></dd>

</dl>

</dd>

</dl>

<dl>

<dd>

<dl>

<dd><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In this advertisement, the participating tobacco companies recognized their "special responsibility" to the public, and promised to learn the facts about smoking and health. The participating tobacco companies promised to sponsor independent research on the subject. ... The participating tobacco companies also promised to cooperate closely with public health officials....</font></dd>

</dl>

</dd>

</dl>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After thus beginning to lull the public into a false sense of security concerning smoking and health, the Tobacco Industry Research Committee continued to act as a front for tobacco industry interests. Despite the initial public statements and posturing, and the repeated assertions that they were committed to full disclosure and vitally concerned, the TIRC did not make the public health a primary concern....</font></p>

<dl>

<dd>

<dl>

<dd><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In fact, there was a coordinated, industry-wide strategy designed actively to mislead and confuse the public about the true dangers associated with smoking cigarettes. Rather than work for the good of the public health as it had promised, and sponsor independent research, the tobacco companies and consultants, acting through he tobacco trade association, refuted, undermined, and neutralized information coming from the scientific and medical community.</font></dd>

</dl>

</dd>

</dl>

<p><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There is no question that the tobacco industry knew what scientists were learning about tobacco. The TIRC maintained a library with cross-indexed medical and scientific papers from 2,500 medical journals; as well as press clippings, government reports and other documents. TIRC employees culled this library for scientific data with inconclusive or contrary results regarding tobacco and the harm to human health. These were compiled into a carefully selected 18-page booklet, titled "A Scientific Perspective on the Cigarette Controversy," which was mailed to over 200,000 people, including doctors, members of Congress and the news media.</font></span>

<h2><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Bringing in the Sheaves</font></span></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>During the 1950s, tobacco companies more than doubled their advertising budgets</b>, going from $76 million in 1953 to $122 million in 1957. The TIRC spent another $948,151 in 1954 alone, of which one-fourth went to Hill & Knowlton, another fourth went to pay for media ads, and most of the remainder went to administrative costs. Despite TIRC's promise to "sponsor independent research," Only $80,000, or less than 10% of the total budget for the year, actually went to scientific projects.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hill's work on behalf of tobacco was successful. <font color="#FF0000">For forty years now, thanks to Hill and the PR industry, the tobacco manufacturers have staved off serious regulation</font>. Even today, as the annual global carnage amounts to millions of tobacco deaths, the modern tobacco barons are sitting pretty.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sitting pretty? Yes, because smoking's bottom line is that the <font color="#FF0000">industry makes more money off tobacco than ever,</font> and is now opening up the vast Asian market to its deadly addiction. The future for tobacco profits are bright, thanks in very large part to public relations.</font>

<h2><a name="External_links" id="External_links"><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">External links</font></span></a></h2>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Scott M. Cutlip, "The Tobacco Wars: A Matter of Public Relations Ethics," <i>Journal of Corporate Public Relations</i>, 1992-93, Volume 3.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Richard W. Pollay, "Propaganda, Puffing and the Public Interest," <i>PR Review</i>, Fall, 1990.</font></li>

</ul>

<h2><a name="Sourcewatch_resources" id="Sourcewatch_resources"><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sourcewatch resources</font></span></a></h2>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">MoD  germans proved cancer in 30's but tainted by nazi assoc (antismoke campaign, hitler forbade in presence </font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">co's met to plan stategy 1953, reacting to tar on mice study, created "research body" , hired CC little</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">discoverd create doubt just by asking questions (even if you know answer not helpful or irrelevant 18</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">p 22 dropped 'industry' from name</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">used <font color="#FF0000">fairness doctrine</font> to get = time! </font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">met with publishers, Luce, scripps, hearst etc 16</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">created ties to medical schools , public health officals etc 20</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by early 60's tob co's knew cancer, addictive etc 21, brit co admitted no controv</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">busted for racketeering<font color="#FF0000"> RICO</font> 31</font></span>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by end of 90's most ppl know tob harmful, but 30% could not name specific illness 33, 25% said no harm p 33</font></span>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Merchants of Doubt</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">epi: ad stev;  the trouble w/ Americans is that they haven't read the minutes of the previous mtg</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">IPCC partner is world meteor soc p 2, exceptionally inclusive and peer rev p3</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">MoD  germans proved cancer in 30's but tainted by nazi assoc (antismoke campaign, hitler forbade in presence </font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">co's met to plan stategy 1953, reacting to tar on mice study, created "research body" , hired CC little</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">discoverd create doubt just by asking questions (even if you know answer not helpful or irrelevant 18</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">p 22 dropped 'industry' from name</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">used fairness doctirine to get = time! </font></b>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">met with publishers, Luce, scripps, hearst etc 16</font></b>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">created ties to medical schools , public health officals etc 20</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by early 60's tob co's knew cancer, addictive etc 21, brit co admitted no controv</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">busted for racketeering RICO 31</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by end of 90's most ppl know tob harmful, but 30% could not name specific illness 33, 25% said no harm p 33</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">acid rain 1979, some int'l action and bi-lat Carter 73, undermined by RR</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Nierenberg RR, pete wilson acoustic anti-sub res p 79, Scripps did defense work</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">edison inst inserted prop into comm? 89</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fortune mag ran version of singer written by hudson inst 94  Liken ~ in sci mag, but not pop --> pattern p 100</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">singer claimed fix acid rain difficult, expensive, hurt economy, opposite has happened  103  bush1 cap and trade?</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">regulation drives innovation 105</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">OZone Hole: blame volcanos</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">hole found 4 yrs abefore, but no one could believe data so thrown out 118</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">panel included DuPont, which decided to quit cfc's 123</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">RR sec of int hodel proposed shirts to protect, canned (for Watt?!)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">all thinktaknks anti eco, pro biz but Heritage grew out of SST controv p 125  coors, scaife, GM, Chase mAN BANK AND mOBIL</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">sci bs on ozone to bump funding charge 126, twist sci 127</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">pattern: sci uncertain, sci corrupt, hard and $ to fix 129</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">singer's SEPP affil w/ Moon funded IVPP 130</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ch 5 secondhand smoke</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brown and Wm paid .5 mil to stallone to smoke in 4 films 139</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">sietz and singer ~ 142</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">scam: fake conf endrun peer review 154</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1995 PM had record profits, best yield on dow 162</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FOREST thatcherite UK group smoking = freedom</font>

 </font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a name="Sourcewatch_resources" id="Sourcewatch_resources">In 2010, spending on advertising was estimated at more than $300 billion in the United States</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Advertising#cite_note-0"><span>[</span>1<span>]</span></a> and $500 billion worldwide<sup class="Template-Fact" title="This claim needs references to reliable sources from September 2010" style=" white-space: nowrap;">[<i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed" title="Wikipedia:Citation needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Internationally, the largest ("big four") advertising conglomerates are <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interpublic" title="Interpublic" class="mw-redirect">Interpublic</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Omnicom" title="Omnicom" class="mw-redirect">Omnicom</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Publicis" title="Publicis">Publicis</a>, and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WPP_Group" title="WPP Group">WPP</a>.</font>

<span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2006 report gen'l on public events 360M <a href="http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:QanDXlkwTQsJ:cancercontrol.cancer.gov/tcrb/monographs/19/m19_6.pdf+annual+revenue+public+relations+advertising+industry&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESgv96Ygv4RbNFOCUhY1jZjyylA3o00WsmedCjUeAo4HGz3OlAvcnv1ZLg1ujTt-FnXttfAY0--iPMy-37CqmBgY92n_fhm9wXQvhyZlnikRDH1xVcxjZAk2YN0kI84HXyToHzUy&sig=AHIEtbRBf1_QWEdFSqcJbgIJyS_hSYsB9w">http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:QanDXlkwTQsJ:cancercontrol.cancer.gov/tcrb/monographs/19/m19_6.pdf+annual+revenue+public+relations+advertising+industry&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESgv96Ygv4RbNFOCUhY1jZjyylA3o00WsmedCjUeAo4HGz3OlAvcnv1ZLg1ujTt-FnXttfAY0--iPMy-37CqmBgY92n_fhm9wXQvhyZlnikRDH1xVcxjZAk2YN0kI84HXyToHzUy&sig=AHIEtbRBf1_QWEdFSqcJbgIJyS_hSYsB9w</a></font></span>

<h1 class="headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco industry interference with tobacco control</font></h1>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>Publication date</strong>: <span>2009</span>

<strong>Languages</strong>: <span>English</span>

 </font></p>

<h3 class="box_subtitle"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Downloads</font></h3>

<li class="disc"><a href="http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241597340_eng.pdf" class=""><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Download the full document</font></a></li>

</ul>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco industry has historically employed a multitude of tactics to shape and influence tobacco control policy. The tobacco industry has used its economic power, lobbying and marketing machinery, and manipulation of the media to discredit scientific research and influence governments in order to propagate the sale and distribution of its deadly product.  Furthermore, the tobacco industry continues to inject large philanthropic contributions into social programs worldwide to create a positive public image under the guise of corporate social responsibility.  This document describes the spectrum of tobacco industry practices that interfere with tobacco control.  As an outcome of the first meeting of tobacco industry monitoring experts convened by WHO at the offices of PAHO in October 2007, this report exposes these practices and provides the Contracting Parties to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and other WHO Member States the background and contextual information that may assist in implementing the WHO FCTC Article 5.3 guidelines against tobacco industry interference with tobacco control.</font>

<a href="http://www.who.int/tobacco/surveillance/ti_monitoring/publications/en/index.html"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.who.int/tobacco/surveillance/ti_monitoring/publications/en/index.html</font></a></p>

</div>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://ajph.aphapublications.org/cgi/content/abstract/99/1/45</font>

DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.2007.130740 

 </font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FRAMING HEALTH MATTERS</font></h3>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<p><strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco Industry Efforts to Undermine Policy-Relevant Research</font></strong>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><nobr>Anne Landman, BA</nobr> and <nobr>Stanton A. Glantz, PhD</nobr></font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">At the time of this study, Anne Landman was with the Center for Tobacco Control Research, University of California, San Francisco. She is also with the Center for Media and Democracy, Madison, WI. Stanton A. Glantz is with the Department of Medicine, University of California, San Francisco.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Correspondence: Reprint requests should be addressed to Stanton A. Glantz, Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education, Mail Stop 1390, University of California, San Francisco, CA 94143–1390 (e-mail: <span id="em0"><a href="mailto:glantz@medicine.ucsf.edu">glantz@medicine.ucsf.edu</a></span>).</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The tobacco industry, working through third parties to prevent<sup> </sup>policy-relevan<font color="#ff0000">t research that adversely affected it between<sup> </sup>1988 and 1998, used coordinated, well-funded strategies in repeated<sup> </sup>attempts to silence tobacco researcher Stanton A. Glantz</font>. Tactics<sup> </sup>included advertising, litigation, and attempts to have the US<sup> </sup>Congress cut off the researcher's National Cancer Institute<sup> </sup>funding. Efforts like these can influence the policymaking process<sup> </sup>by silencing opposing voices and discouraging other scientists<sup> </sup>from doing work that may expose them to tobacco industry attacks.<sup> </sup>The support of highly credible public health organizations and<sup> </sup>of researchers’ employers is crucial to the continued<sup> </sup>advancement of public health.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">How a PR Firm Helped Establish America's Cigarette Century [28], Allan M. Brandt, AlterNet, April 16, 2007

    The tobacco industry had successfully used public relations since the 1920s to shape the meanings and cultural contexts of tobacco use. It was not surprising that in a moment of crisis, the industry would again deploy public relations as the antidote. But now these techniques were used not to change mores and social convention, but to distort and deny important scientific data. In the winter of 1953-54, the industry crossed a legal and moral line by entangling itself in the manipulation of fundamental scientific processes. There would be no easy route back to legitimacy.

    [. . .] His strategy for ending the "hysteria" was to insist that there were "two sides." ... This strategy -- invented by Hill in the context of his work for the tobacco industry -- would ultimately become the cornerstone of a large range of efforts to distort scientific process in the second half of the twentieth century.

  </font>

<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span id="article-slug-jnl-abbr"><abbr title="Tobacco Control" class="slug-jnl-abbrev">ob Control</abbr> </span><span title="10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815" class="slug-doi">doi:10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815 </span></font></cite></p>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Research paper</font></li>

</ul>

<h1 id="article-title-1" itemprop="headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">‘To quarterback behind the scenes, third-party efforts’: the tobacco industry and the Tea Party</font></h1>

<li class="contributor" id="contrib-1" itemprop="author" itemscope="itemscope" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="name" itemprop="name"><a class="name-search" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/search?author1=Amanda+Fallin&sortspec=date&submit=Submit">Amanda Fallin</a></span>,</font></li>

<li class="contributor" id="contrib-2" itemprop="author" itemscope="itemscope" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="name" itemprop="name"><a class="name-search" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/search?author1=Rachel+Grana&sortspec=date&submit=Submit">Rachel Grana</a></span>,</font></li>

<li class="last" id="contrib-3"><span class="name" style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a class="name-search" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/search?author1=Stanton+A+Glantz&sortspec=date&submit=Submit"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Stanton A Glantz</font></a></span></li>

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<p class="affiliation-list-reveal"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#" class="view-more">+</a> Author Affiliations</font></p>

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<address><a id="aff-1" name="aff-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">          <span class="addr-line">Department of Medicine</span>, University of California San Francisco, Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education, <span class="addr-line">San Francisco, California</span>, USA</font></a></address>

<li class="corresp" id="corresp-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="corresp-label">Correspondence to</span> Stanton A Glantz, Department of Medicine, University of California San Francisco, Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education, Room 366 Library, 530 Parnassus, San Francisco, CA 94143-1390, USA; <a href="mailto:glantz@medicine.ucsf.edu">glantz@medicine.ucsf.edu</a></font></li>

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<li class="received"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="received-label">Received </span>1 October 2012</font></li>

<li class="accepted"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="accepted-label">Accepted </span>29 January 2013</font></li>

<li class="published-online"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="published-label">Published Online First </span>8 February 2013</font></li>

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<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Abstract</font></h2>

<p id="p-1"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>Background</strong> <font color="#FF0000">The Tea Party,</font> which gained prominence in the USA in 2009, advocates limited government and low taxes. Tea Party organisations, particularly Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks, oppose smoke-free laws and tobacco taxes.</font></span></p>

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<p id="p-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>Methods</strong> We used the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, the Wayback Machine, Google, LexisNexis, the Center for Media and Democracy and the Center for Responsive Politics (<a href="http://opensecrets.org">opensecrets.org</a>) to examine the tobacco companies’ connections to the Tea Party.</font></p>

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<p id="p-3"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><strong>Results</strong>: <b>Starting in the 1980s, tobacco companies worked to create the appearance of broad opposition to tobacco control policies by attempting to create a grassroots smokers’ rights movement. Simultaneously, they funded and worked through third-party groups, such as Citizens for a Sound Economy, the predecessor of AFP and FreedomWorks, to accomplish their economic and political agenda.</b> There has been continuity of some key players, strategies and messages from these groups to Tea Party organisations. As of 2012, the Tea Party was beginning to spread internationally.</font></p>

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<p id="p-4"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font color="#FF0000"><strong>Conclusions</strong> Rather than being a purely grassroots movement that spontaneously developed in 2009, the Tea Party has developed over time, in part through decades of work by the tobacco industry and other corporate interests</font>. It is important for tobacco control advocates in the USA and internationally, to anticipate and counter Tea Party opposition to tobacco control policies and ensure that policymakers, the media and the public understand the longstanding connection between the tobacco industry, the Tea Party and its associated organisations. [venable?]

 </font></p>

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<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Introduction</font></h2>

</font><p id="p-5"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Tea Party, a loosely organised network of grassroots coalitions at local and state levels, is a complex social and political movement to the right of the traditional Republican Party that promotes less government regulation and lower taxes.<a id="xref-ref-1-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1–4</a> It is often characterised as a grassroots movement that spontaneously arose in 2009.<a id="xref-ref-4-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-4">4–5</a> However, it has also been cited as an example of corporate ‘astroturfing,’<a id="xref-ref-5-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-5">5</a> defined as a movement that ‘appears to be grassroots, but is either funded, created or conceived by a corporation or industry trade association, political interest group or public relations firm.’<a id="xref-ref-8-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-8">6–8</a> National organisations funded by corporations, particularly <font color="#FF0000">Americans for Prosperity (AFP) and FreedomWorks</font>, played an important role in structuring and supporting the Tea Party in the initial stages.<a id="xref-ref-5-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-5">5</a> They provided training, communication and materials for the earliest Tea Party activities, including the first ‘Tea Party’ on 27 February 2009.<a id="xref-ref-1-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-9-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-9">9</a> FreedomWorks organised the nationwide Tea Party tax protests in April 2009,<a id="xref-ref-10-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-10">10</a> the town hall protests about the proposed healthcare reform in August 2009<a id="xref-ref-1-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> and the Taxpayers’ March on Washington the following September 2009.<a id="xref-ref-11-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-11">11</a> They continued to facilitate and support many of the local chapters and leaders that arose from the early events in 2009.<a id="xref-ref-5-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-5">5</a> AFP and FreedomWorks continued to facilitate local Tea Party activities by co-sponsoring rallies,<a id="xref-ref-1-4" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-12-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-12">12</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-13-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-13">13</a> creating talking points and organisational tips for supporters,<a id="xref-ref-14-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-14">14</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-15-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-15">15</a> supplying literature for local Tea Party groups<a id="xref-ref-16-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-16">16</a> and providing training sessions.<a id="xref-ref-1-5" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-3-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-3">3</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-17-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-17">17</a> FreedomWorks was a founding partner of the 2010 Contract from America (recalling the Republican Party's 1994 Contract with America).<a id="xref-ref-18-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-18">18</a></font></span>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As of 2012, AFP and FreedomWorks were supporting the tobacco companies’ political agenda by mobilising local Tea Party opposition to tobacco taxes and smoke-free laws.<a id="xref-ref-19-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-19">19</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-20-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-20">20</a> This support for the tobacco companies’ agenda continues the tobacco industry use of AFP and FreedomWorks’ predecessor organisation, Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), as a third-party ally since at least 1991 (<a id="xref-fig-1-1" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>). Moreover, starting in the 1980s, major US tobacco companies attempted to manufacture an astroturf citizen ‘smokers’ rights movement’ to oppose local tobacco control policies. These smokers rights’ groups had grassroots membership in several localities, but were created, coordinated and funded by the cigarette companies.<a id="xref-ref-21-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-21">21</a></font></p>

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<div class="fig-caption"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fig-label">Figure 1.</span>

</font><p id="p-7" class="first-child"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Connections between the tobacco industry, third-party allies and the Tea Party, from the 1980's (top) through 2012 (bottom). The thick black line connects CSE with its direct successor organisations. Online supplementary tables S1 and S2 provide more details on the linkages depicted in this figure.</font></p>

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<p id="p-8"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Although the Tea Party is widely considered to have started in 2009,<a id="xref-ref-9-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-9">9</a> this paper presents a historical study of some of the tobacco companies’ early activities and key players in the evolution of the Tea Party. Many people in the smokers’ rights effort or the tobacco companies went on to Tea Party organisations. Moreover, while the Tea Party started in the USA, it is beginning to spread internationally.<a id="xref-ref-22-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-22">22–26</a> In 2012 FreedomWorks expanded the movement internationally, training activists in 30 countries, including Israel, Georgia, Japan, Nigeria and Serbia.<a id="xref-ref-22-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-22">22</a> This international expansion makes it likely that Tea Party organisations will be mounting opposition to tobacco control (and other health) policies as they have done in the USA.</font></p>

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<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Methods</font></h2>

<p id="p-9"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">We conducted a standard snowball search<a id="xref-ref-27-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-27">27</a> of the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, an online archive of over 80 million pages of previously secret tobacco industry documents. Initial search terms included: CSE, tobacco tax, Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and tobacco (1993–1996), Racketeer Corrupt and Influenced Organisations (RICO), Kessler (1999–2006), Department of Justice (DOJ) (1999–2006) and lawsuit (1999–2006). We used the Wayback Machine (<a href="http://archive.org">archive.org</a>) to access old versions of the CSE, AFP and FreedomWorks’ websites (since 1997) and Google, LexisNexis, the Center for Media and Democracy (<a href="http://sourcewatch.org">sourcewatch.org</a> and <a href="http://PRwatch.org">PRwatch.org</a>), Center for Responsive Politics (<a href="http://opensecrets.org">opensecrets.org</a>) and AFP (<a href="http://americansforprosperity.org">americansforprosperity.org</a>) and FreedomWorks’ (<a href="http://freedomworks.org">freedomworks.org</a>) websites’ internal search engines. Internal Revenue Service Form 990s were obtained from 2002 to 2010 using Guidestar and Foundation Finder for CSE, CSE FreedomWorks, FreedomWorks and AFP. Searches were conducted from September 2011 to March 2012. We refer to CSE and Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation as ‘CSE,’ AFP and Americans for Prosperity Foundation as ‘AFP,’ and FreedomWorks and FreedomWorks Foundation as ‘FreedomWorks.’</font></p>

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<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Results</font></h2>

<p id="p-10"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a id="xref-fig-1-2" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">Figure 1</a> provides an overview of the connections the tobacco industry has with organisations and key players in the Tea Party. Online supplementary table S1  provides details of key organisations involved with the tobacco industry and the Tea Party and online supplementary table S2 provides histories of key individuals.</font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Historical context for tobacco industry third-party efforts</font></h3>

<p id="p-11"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco industry historically worked through ‘third-party’ allies<a id="xref-ref-28-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-28">28–32</a> because of its low credibility with the public. By the late 1980s, confronted with increasing success of the local grassroots non-smokers’ rights movement, RJ Reynolds (RJR) and Philip Morris began creating and facilitating ‘smokers’ rights’ groups to oppose smoke-free laws.<a id="xref-ref-28-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-28">28</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-33-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-33">33</a> The smokers’ rights groups were an important component of the tobacco industry's third-party advocacy efforts in the 1980s and early 1990s.<font color="#FF6666"> A July 1993 Philip Morris draft plan to create what became the National Smokers Alliance <b>(</b></font><b>NSA)</b> described the political environment: <q id="disp-quote-1">Lobbying efforts are facing increasing difficulty. Even national representatives from tobacco states are losing heart for defending smokers’ rights and sustaining the tobacco industry. The power of the vested interest of the tobacco industry has not been fully brought to bear in sustaining smokers [sic] rights.<a id="xref-ref-34-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-34">34</a></q></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As of 2012, <font color="#FF0000">key personnel from the smokers’ rights groups had founded or worked at firms that consulted for Tea Party groups</font> (<a id="xref-fig-1-3" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the 1990s, RJR's smokers’ rights groups were organised through a network of field coordinators who recruited members, held meetings and provided meeting agendas, letters to editors and elected officials, a telephone script for contacting elected officials and petitions.<a id="xref-ref-33-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-33">33</a> By the mid-1990s, RJR was using public relations firms <font color="#FF0000">Ramhurst and Walt Klein & Associates</font> to help coordinate their smokers’ rights groups. Ramhurst was formed in 1993 with support from RJR and run by former RJR smokers’ rights group coordinators, James Ellis and Doug Goodyear<a id="xref-ref-35-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-35">35</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-36-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-36">36</a> (past vice president of Walt Klein & Associates in North Carolina, see online supplementary table S2). By 1994 Ramhurst was coordinating RJR's smokers’ rights groups, providing ‘the field personnel necessary to implement and execute various programmes and activities related to RJR's national grassroots programme,’<a id="xref-ref-37-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-37">37</a> with Walt Klein & Associates providing ‘ancillary services necessary to support the field force.’<a id="xref-ref-37-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-37">37</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another smokers’ rights group, NSA, was created in 1993 by Philip Morris.<a id="xref-ref-34-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-34">34</a> Philip Morris worked with its PR firm,<font color="#FF0000"> Burson-Marsteller</font> to create and plan the implementation of the NSA.<a id="xref-ref-38-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-38">38</a> They positioned the NSA as independent of the industry, even though Philip Morris conceived the idea and provided almost all the funding<a id="xref-ref-34-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-34">34</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-39-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-39">39</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-40-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-40">40</a> (<a id="xref-fig-1-4" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>). NSA leadership was tied heavily to Philip Morris. NSA president Tom Humber (<a id="xref-fig-1-5" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a> and online supplementary table S2) had been a Burson-Marsteller senior vice president where he handled the Philip Morris account and, before that, Brown & Williamson director of government affairs. Gary Auxier, who also worked on the Philip Morris account at Burson-Marsteller, became NSA vice president.<a id="xref-ref-41-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-41">41</a> The NSA participated in promoting the ‘Enough is Enough’ campaign led by (Roger) Ailes Communication that advocated the full range of tobacco industry policy positions.<a id="xref-ref-42-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-42">42–44</a></font>

<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The smokers’ rights groups’ publications disputed the health effects of second-hand smoke, promoted ‘choice’ and individual rights and encouraged smokers to defend their rights and freedoms.<a id="xref-ref-45-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-45">45</a> <b>Some of these appeals made direct reference to the Boston Tea Party</b>. For example, a 1989 issue of <em>Philip Morris Magazine</em> included a section on excise taxes that compared that kind of taxation with the taxes being opposed during the Boston Tea Party.<a id="xref-ref-46-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-46">46</a> In 1993, Massachusetts smokers’ rights groups distributed a mailing entitled ‘Protect your right to smoke!’ that included ‘Tea Party’ language to describe opposition to tobacco taxes: ‘New Englanders don't like unfair taxes—remember the Boston Tea Party?—and they're fighting mad over proposals in Washington to raise the federal tax on cigarettes from 24 cents a pack to $1.24 or maybe even $2.24 a pack.’<a id="xref-ref-47-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-47">47</a> The tobacco industry and their allied organisations have been using the ‘Tea Party’ metaphor to oppose taxation since at least the 1980s.</font></span>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The smokers’ rights groups proved ineffectual at protecting tobacco industry interests, particularly at stopping local smoke-free laws and they were phased out in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In a parallel effort, the industry broadened its reach by funding and collaborating with existing third-party advocacy organisations and institutes under a unified theme of freedom, choice and less government. <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 1990,<font color="#FF0000">Tim Hyde</font>, RJR director of national field operations, outlined a strategy for RJR to create ‘a movement’ resembling what would later emerge as the Tea Party by <q id="disp-quote-2">build[ing] broad coalitions around the issue-cluster of freedom, choice and privacy…</q> <q id="disp-quote-3">…coalition-building should proceed along two tracks: a) a grassroots, organizational and largely local track; b) and a national, intellectual track within the D.C.-New York corridor. Ultimately, we are talking about a “movement,” a national effort to change the way people think about government's (and big business’) role in our lives. Any such effort requires an intellectual foundation–a set of theoretical and ideological arguments on its behalf.<a id="xref-ref-48-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-48">48</a></q></span></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Another RJR field coordinator later described the company's motivation for involving and organising third-party organisations: ‘In about the third year [of the RJR smokers’ rights groups], there was an emphasis on coalition building—anti-tax groups were a natural. You didn't have to defend your position on tobacco because a tax is a tax is a tax to these guys.’<a id="xref-ref-33-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-33">33</a> In 1992, Auxier, then at Burson-Marsteller</span>, submitted a public relations strategy proposal to the Coalition Against Regressive Taxation,<a id="xref-ref-49-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-49">49</a> an industry effort to fight tobacco and other excise taxes.<a id="xref-ref-50-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-50">50</a> It read, ‘Grounded in the theme of “The New American Tax Revolution” or “The New Boston Tea Party”, the campaign activity should take the form of citizens representing the widest constituency base mobilised with signage and other attention-drawing accoutrements such as lapel buttons, handouts, petitions and even costumes.’<a id="xref-ref-49-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-49">49</a></font></p>

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<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Citizens for a Sound Economy</font></h3>

<p id="p-21"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE, one of the third-party ‘anti-tax’ tobacco industry partners, was a think tank dedicated to free market economics. CSE (which split into AFP and FreedomWorks in 2004) was co-founded in 1984 by David Koch, of Koch Industries, and <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 0, 0);">Richard Fink, former professor of economics at George Mason University,</span> who has worked for Koch Industries since 1990.<a id="xref-ref-3-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-3">3</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-51-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-51">51</a> CSE supported the agendas of the tobacco and other industries, including oil, chemical, pharmaceutical and telecommunications, and was funded by them.<a id="xref-ref-52-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-52">52</a><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> In 2002, before Tea Party politics were widely discussed in the mainstream media, CSE started its US Tea Party</span> (<a href="http://www.usteaparty.com">http://www.usteaparty.com</a>) project, the website of which stated ‘our US Tea Party is a national event, hosted continuously online and open to all Americans who feel our taxes are too high and the tax code is too complicated.’<a id="xref-ref-53-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-53">53</a> Between 1991 and 2002 the tobacco companies, mainly <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Philip Morris, provided CSE with at least US$5.3 million</span> (see online supplementary table S3). Philip Morris gave CSE US$250 000 annually in the early 1990s to start six state chapters.<a id="xref-ref-41-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-41">41</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Philip Morris (PM) designated CSE a ‘Category A’ public policy organisation for funding.<a id="xref-ref-54-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-54">54</a> ‘Category A’ organisations were ‘the largest and most important/sustained relationships’ that were assigned a ‘PM senior relationship manager’ to put them at the <font color="#FF0000">‘centre of a network of information-sharing among PM people </font>involved with the organisation’ and ‘[assure] systematic and ongoing relationship activities’.<a id="xref-ref-54-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-54">54</a> In response to an internal 1999 email asking whether CSE was worth its current level of funding, Philip Morris’ vice president of federal government affairs replied: <q id="disp-quote-4">They are adding this level of value. They have provided significant grassroots assistance, in the nature of several thousand calls to the Hill on the lawsuit [likely the federal <font color="#FF0000">RICO lawsuit </font>against the major cigarette companies discussed below] direct lobbying on the lawsuit, some media as well as continuing a very useful level of activity on FET [federal excise tax]/prescription drugs [a proposal to expand Medicare and fund prescription drugs with a tobacco tax]. Throughout the August [Congressional] Recess they have been very active on our behalf in the field in key states with key Members.<a id="xref-ref-55-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-55">55</a></q></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During the<b> 1990s,</b> the tobacco industry was facing a multitude of threats. CSE helped the industry oppose these challenges (see online supplementary table S4), including the<b> </b><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) second-hand smoke risk assessment (1992), the Clinton healthcare reform plan</b> which included a tobacco tax (1993–1994), the Occupational Safety and Health Administration's <b>(OSHA)</b> proposal to regulate workplace smoking (1994–2001), FDA regulation of tobacco products (1994–1996) and the <font color="#FF0000">DOJ RICO case against the tobacco industry (filed in 1999</font>), as well as tobacco taxes (throughout the 1990s)</span>.</font></p>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing the <font color="#FF0000">EPA</font> report on second-hand smoke</font></h4>

<p id="p-25"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the early 1990s, the tobacco companies made a major effort to block the EPA risk assessment that designated second-hand smoke a Class A (human) carcinogen.<a id="xref-ref-29-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-29">29–30</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-56-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-56">56</a> One strategy was to advocate new risk assessment standards that would make it impossible to identify second-hand smoke as a carcinogen.<a id="xref-ref-30-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-30">30</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-57-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-57">57</a> In August 1992 CSE sponsored a conference with an ‘over-regulation’ message, with other industry allies and it featured Vice President Dan Quayle,<a id="xref-ref-30-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-30">30</a> who had previously expressed interest in the effort to change the risk assessment requirements.<a id="xref-ref-58-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-58">58</a> <font color="#FF0000">Humber wrote to Philip Morris vice president </font>of corporate affairs ‘to outline … unified and synergistic recommendations for dealing with the ongoing battle over ETS [environmental tobacco smoke, what the tobacco companies call second-hand smoke]’ reporting that ‘B-M was involved in both concept and execution of a strategy that made sure that media coverage of the [CSE conference's] message regarding <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">over-regulation</span> superseded the political noise surrounding the VP's appearance’.<a id="xref-ref-57-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-57">57</a> Despite the efforts of the industry and their allies, the EPA released the report in December 1992 identifying second-hand smoke as a Class A carcinogen.<a id="xref-ref-59-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-59">59</a></font></p>

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<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing healthcare reform</font></h4>

<p id="p-26"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco industry waged a major campaign between 1993 and 1994 to <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">oppose President Bill Clinton's healthcare reform</span> efforts, particularly the US$0.75 cigarette tax to help finance it.<a id="xref-ref-32-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-32">32</a> The tobacco industry worked with a broad coalition against the proposed reform, which included CSE and RJR's smokers’ rights groups (coordinated by Ramhurst) and others. According to a document that appears to be a report to Philip Morris CEO Mike Miles, <q id="disp-quote-5">To fight Clinton's proposed $.75 per pack excise tax increase, we are also working behind the scenes to oppose the Clinton package as a whole. The <font color="#FF0000">House Energy and Commerce Committee </font>will be a key battleground over the Clinton health care plan and we are giving $400 000 to Citizens For A Sound Economy—a free market based grassroots organization—to run a grassroots program aimed at “swing” Democrats on the Committee.<a id="xref-ref-60-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-60">60</a></q></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE campaigned against healthcare reform between 1993 and 1994, including media appearances, organising community events and coordinating <font color="#FF0000">protests during town hall meetings </font>(see online supplementary table S4).<a id="xref-ref-32-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-32">32</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-61-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-61">61</a></font></p>

</div>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing the OSHA regulation of smoking in workplaces</font></h4>

<p id="p-29"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the mid-1990s, RJR hired the public relations firm<font color="#FF0000"> Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin</font> to run the ‘Get Government Off Our Back’ (GGOOB) coalition primarily to oppose OSHA regulation of workplace second-hand smoke (as well as FDA regulation of tobacco products).<a id="xref-ref-31-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-31">31</a> CSE was one of 39 GGOOB members, 18 of which were tobacco industry-funded and three more that had split off from tobacco industry-funded groups. GGOOB promoted an October 1994 resolution calling for smaller government and fewer regulations and fought smoke-free laws (see online supplementary table S4).</font></p>

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<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing the FDA</font></h4>

<p id="p-30"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In February 1994, the FDA started investigating regulating nicotine as a drug and cigarettes and smokeless tobacco as drug-delivery devices.<a id="xref-ref-62-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-62">62</a> In March 1994 Philip Morris CEO Miles recognised that ‘The Administration has emerged as clearly anti-tobacco. … [including FDA Commissioner David] <font color="#FF0000">Kessler's</font> recent trial balloon on FDA regulation on the industry. This will also get worse…it seems to me that we need to seriously reconsider whether our current passive defence strategy is the right strategy, or whether we have ‘less to lose’ by being more ferocious’.<a id="xref-ref-63-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-63">63</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The political landscape changed after the November 1994 mid-term elections, when Republicans took control of Congress. A Philip Morris October 1995 draft action plan established the long-term goal of ‘creat[ing a] political environment where “moderates” of both parties on the Hill can vote for legislation that divests FDA of any power to regulate tobacco because they are convinced that FDA is already failing miserably in accomplishing its “core mission.”<a id="xref-ref-64-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-64">64</a> They partnered with CSE ‘to <em>quarterback behind the scenes</em>, <em>third-party efforts</em> to launch, publicise and execute a broad <em>non-tobacco-based attack</em> on the many failings of the FDA with respect to its currently authorised statutory activities [emphasis added]’.<a id="xref-ref-64-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-64">64</a><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> CSE and the<b> Washington Legal Foundation</b> </span>(another tobacco industry-funded think tank) were the primary third-party groups designated ‘to monitor and help direct multi-front action plan.’<a id="xref-ref-64-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-64">64</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Throughout 1995 CSE worked to discredit the FDA and push for major limitations on its authority. CSE published critical commentary about the FDA,<a id="xref-ref-65-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-65">65</a> and ran full page ads in <em>Congressional Monitor</em> and the <em>Washington Times.</em><a id="xref-ref-66-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-66">66</a> Their ‘Death by Regulation’ radio ads accused the FDA of being slow to approve drugs, thus leading to unnecessary death<a id="xref-ref-67-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-67">67</a> (see online supplementary table S4). CSE also opposed funding a modernised FDA building, one of Kessler's priorities.<a id="xref-ref-67-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-67">67</a> CSE chairman, C Boyden Gray, testified against the building in Congress, citing the FDA's ‘overregulation’ and ‘growing bureaucracy,’ and attacked FDA's slow approval of drugs.<a id="xref-ref-67-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-67">67</a> CSE also tried to reallocate FDA resources to ‘product approval process’ by partnering with former CSE fellow representative David McIntosh (R-IN) to freeze the Office of the Commissioner's budget.<a id="xref-ref-68-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-68">68</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 2000, after a tobacco industry lawsuit, the Supreme Court ruled that the FDA did not have authority to regulate tobacco products.<a id="xref-ref-69-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-69">69</a></font></p>

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<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing the federal RICO lawsuit against the tobacco industry</font></h4>

<p id="p-34"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">President Clinton announced in his 1999 State of the Union address that the DOJ was planning a case against the tobacco industry to recover smoking-induced Medicare funds under the RICO Act.<a id="xref-ref-70-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-70">70</a> In February 1999, Philip Morris's vice president of federal government affairs outlined three strategic goals for fighting the lawsuit: (1) to fight the US$20 million dollar appropriation for the lawsuit; (2) ‘bar consideration or defeat any legislation that enhances the ability of the DOJ to successfully bring a cause of action against the tobacco industry;’ (3) exert ‘political pressure’ to block filing of the lawsuit.<a id="xref-ref-71-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-71">71</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE supported these goals during 1999 (see online supplementary table S4). CSE president Paul Beckner wrote to senate majority leader <font color="#FF0000">Trent Lott (R, MS) and house speaker Dennis Hastert</font> (R, IL), ‘On behalf of our 250 000 grassroots members, I urge you to oppose the federal government's proposed lawsuit as well as any legislation to facilitate this unprecedented action.’<a id="xref-ref-72-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-72">72</a> CSE members and staff contacted policymakers,<a id="xref-ref-73-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-73">73</a> drafted commentaries,<a id="xref-ref-73-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-73">73</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-74-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-74">74</a> aired ads<a id="xref-ref-75-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-75">75</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-76-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-76">76</a> and sent out action alerts against the case.<a id="xref-ref-73-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-73">73</a> (see online supplementary table S4)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On 22 July 1999 Congress rejected DOJ's appropriation request.<a id="xref-ref-70-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-70">70</a> (The lawsuit was then funded by the Departments of Defense, Health and Human Services and Veterans Affairs.) The industry and its third-party allies failed to stop the lawsuit, which the DOJ filed on 22 September 1999.<a id="xref-ref-70-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-70">70</a> The next day, CSE's<font color="#FF0000"> Michele Isele Mitola was quoted in the <em>Washington Times</em>: </font>‘We see this as a political ploy to find ways to raise more revenue to fund their [the government's] tax-and-spend agenda.’<a id="xref-ref-77-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-77">77</a> CSE continued opposition until at least 2002, encouraging supporters to ask newly elected President George W Bush to end the lawsuit.<a id="xref-ref-78-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-78">78</a> These efforts failed, with federal judge Gladys Kessler ruling in 2006 that the major cigarette companies and their affiliated organisations constituted a continuing racketeering enterprise to defraud the public.<a id="xref-ref-79-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-79">79</a></font></p>

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<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposing tobacco taxes</font></h4>

<p id="p-37"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE opposed state tobacco taxes (see online supplementary table S4). For example, in 1996, the <font color="#FF0000">Tobacco Institute </font>(then the tobacco companies’ political and lobbying arm) provided New Jersey CSE with US$40 000<a id="xref-ref-80-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-80">80</a> to fight a tobacco tax increase using mailings, radio advertisements and patch through calls.<a id="xref-ref-81-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-81">81</a> <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">A Ramhurst representative recruited industry allies including the New Jersey CSE president, New Jersey smokers’ rights group president and <b>Grover Norquist </b>of Americans for Tax Reform, to write opinion editorials opposing the tax.<a id="xref-ref-82-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-82">82</a></span></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE opposed national-level tobacco taxes including a 1999 proposed US$0.55 increase.<a id="xref-ref-83-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-83">83</a> CSE's Michele Isele Mitola sent a copy of CSE's anti-tobacco tax mailer materials to Beverly McKittrick (Philip Morris's director of federal policy, tobacco and legislative counsel and Washington relations) for review. The mailer contained CSE materials, including one-pagers entitled, ‘Big Government/Tobacco Tax’ and ‘Extinguishing Tobacco Taxes.’<a id="xref-ref-84-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-84">84</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There was also crossover in employment between CSE and the tobacco companies (see online supplementary table S2). For example, Michele Isele Mitola left CSE, where she had held several positions throughout the 1990s, to work at Philip Morris.<a id="xref-ref-85-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-85">85</a> As of 2012, she was vice president, public affairs at Forum Strategies and Communications, a communication and outreach firm; all four leaders of Forum Strategies had worked at Altria/Philip Morris.<a id="xref-ref-86-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-86">86–89</a></font></p>

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<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CSE becomes Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks</font></h3>

<p id="p-40"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Between 2003 and 2004, CSE (a 501(c)4) and CSE Foundation (a 501(c)3) reorganised and changed names. CSE Foundation became AFP. CSE merged with Empower America to become FreedomWorks. Empower America was an organisation ‘devoted to ensuring that government actions foster growth, economic well-being, freedom and individual responsibility’<a id="xref-ref-90-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-90">90</a> (see online supplementary table S1). According to the late former Senator Jack Kemp, the last chair of Empower America, the merger occurred because ‘by merging the policy expertise of Empower America with CSE's grassroots machine, FreedomWorks provides the freedom movement with an organisation that has unprecedented scale, reach, experience and impact.’<a id="xref-ref-91-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-91">91</a></font>

<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Both AFP and FreedomWorks included senior CSE leaders. <font color="#FF0000">Dick Armey</font>, former Republican house majority leader, was the FreedomWorks chairman as of 2012. He had also been CSE chairman,<a id="xref-ref-92-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-92">92</a> and served as an AFP consultant in 2003.<a id="xref-ref-93-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-93">93</a> FreedomWorks president as of 2012,<font color="#FF0000"> Matt Kibbe,</font> was a CSE vice president for 8 years.<a id="xref-ref-94-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-94">94</a> AFP was first led by president <font color="#FF0000">Nancy Pfotenhauer,<a id="xref-ref-93-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-93">93</a> a CSE vice president,<a id="xref-ref-95-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-95">95</a> and since 2006,<b> Tim Philips</b></font><b>.</b><a id="xref-ref-96-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-96">96</a> Philips came from Century Strategies, a company he helped to form with Ralph Reed (of the Christian Coalition) (see online supplementary table S1).<a id="xref-ref-97-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-97">97</a> Pfotenhauer later led MediaSpeak Strategies,<a id="xref-ref-98-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-98">98</a> an AFP consultant group<a id="xref-ref-99-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-99">99</a> (<a id="xref-fig-1-6" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>). There was also staff continuity between CSE, AFP and FreedomWorks. For example, Peggy <b>Venable</b> and Slade O'Brien who led the Texas and Florida CSE chapters, became AFP state directors.<a id="xref-ref-76-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-76">76</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-100-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-100">100</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-101-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-101">101</a></font></span>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">AFP and FreedomWorks maintained policy continuity with CSE and were using ‘Tea Party’ rhetoric before 2009.<a id="xref-ref-102-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-102">102</a> For example, in 2007, FreedomWorks’ chairman Dick Armey and president Matt Kibbe, proposed ‘the Boston Tea Party as a model of grassroots pressure on an overbearing central government.’<a id="xref-ref-103-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-103">103</a> <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Tea Party rhetoric was also espoused by other libertarian-oriented groups including Ron Paul's Campaign for Liberty, which has state chapters, and the Sam Adams Alliance.<a id="xref-ref-104-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-104">104</a></span></font></p>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Consultants to AFP and FreedomWorks</font></h4>

<p id="p-43"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The public relations firms FLS Connect<a id="xref-ref-105-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-105">105</a> and DCI Group, co-founded in part by Tom Synhorst,<a id="xref-ref-106-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-106">106</a> consulted for AFP and FreedomWorks<a id="xref-ref-107-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-107">107</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-108-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-108">108</a> (<a id="xref-fig-1-7" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a> and online supplementary table S2). DCI Group's leadership as of 2012 included Synhorst, Hyde and Goodyear,<a id="xref-ref-109-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-109">109</a> all of whom were with RJR's smokers’ rights programme in the 1990s.<a id="xref-ref-36-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-36">36</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-110-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-110">110</a> Dan Combs, a DCI Group partner as of 2012, had been CSE's director of grassroots and mobilisation.<a id="xref-ref-111-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-111">111</a> DCI Group also lobbied the New York City Council for Altria (Philip Morris) in 2011 and 2012.<a id="xref-ref-112-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-112">112</a></font></p>

</div>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">AFP and FreedomWorks oppose tobacco taxes and smoke-free laws</font></h3>

<p id="p-44"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As of 2012, AFP and FreedomWorks were continuing to support the tobacco industry's broad policy agenda (see online supplementary table S4), including opposing the EPA<a id="xref-ref-113-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-113">113</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-114-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-114">114</a> and healthcare reform.<a id="xref-ref-115-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-115">115</a> These organisations have been fighting state tobacco taxes and smoke-free laws since at least 2006 (see online supplementary table S4).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Both organisations mounted grassroots efforts in opposition to tobacco taxes in the states and in 2012 were participating in the campaign against a proposed tobacco tax initiative in California.<a id="xref-ref-116-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-116">116</a> AFP and FreedomWorks have advanced standard industry arguments against tobacco taxes,<a id="xref-ref-117-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-117">117</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-118-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-118">118</a> including tobacco taxes are regressive,<a id="xref-ref-119-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-119">119</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-120-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-120">120</a> adversely affect business<a id="xref-ref-20-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-20">20</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-121-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-121">121</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-122-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-122">122</a> and shift sales to surrounding states, the internet, or the black market.<a id="xref-ref-123-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-123">123</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-124-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-124">124</a> In 2009, FreedomWorks fought a proposed tobacco tax increase in Arkansas with an ‘Enough is Enough!’ advertisement, recalling the tobacco industry campaign from the late 1980s and 1990s.<a id="xref-ref-42-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-42">42</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-125-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-125">125</a> AFP used the same message to oppose a tobacco tax initiative (Proposition 29) in California in 2012.<a id="xref-ref-126-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-126">126</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font color="#ff0000">AFP and FreedomWorks have opposed smoke-free laws across the country since at least 2006</font></span> (see online supplementary table S4). AFP and FreedomWorks credited their grassroots members with defeating the 2007 North Carolina smoke-free law.<a id="xref-ref-19-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-19">19</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-127-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-127">127</a> Echoing well-established tobacco industry arguments and the patriotic rhetoric of the smokers’ rights groups,<a id="xref-ref-45-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-45">45</a> they argued for private property rights,<a id="xref-ref-127-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-127">127</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-128-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-128">128</a>consumer choice<a id="xref-ref-129-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-129">129</a> and limited government.<a id="xref-ref-130-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-130">130–132</a></font></p>

</div>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Other third-party groups: tobacco industry and Tea Party affiliations</font></h3>

<p id="p-47"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In 2001, Humber announced that the NSA would be dissolved, with some of its funds being transferred to the<b> Center for Individual Freedom</b> (CFIF, </span><a id="xref-fig-1-8" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>),<a id="xref-ref-133-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-133">133</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-134-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-134">134</a> which Humber founded in 1998.<a id="xref-ref-135-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-135">135</a> Its mission is to <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">‘protect and defend individual freedoms and individual rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution</span>.’<a id="xref-ref-136-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-136">136</a> As of 2012, CFIF's president was former NSA spokesperson Jeffrey Mazzella<a id="xref-ref-137-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-137">137</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-138-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-138">138</a> and CFIF's corporate counsel and senior vice president was former NSA attorney Renee Giachino.<a id="xref-ref-139-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-139">139</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-140-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-140">140</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font color="#FF0000"><b>The National Center for Public Policy Research</b> (NCPPR</font>, <a id="xref-fig-1-9" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>), which promotes ‘principles of a free market, individual liberty and personal responsibility [as] the greatest hope for meeting the challenges facing America in the 21st century,’<a id="xref-ref-141-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-141">141</a> has been a longstanding tobacco industry ally</span> and employs or collaborates with individuals who worked for the tobacco industry. Philip Morris funded NCPPR in the 1990s,<a id="xref-ref-142-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-142">142–144</a> and NCPPR was a member of RJR's GGOOB.<a id="xref-ref-31-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-31">31</a> NCPPR also opposed FDA regulation of tobacco<a id="xref-ref-145-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-145">145</a> and the DOJ RICO lawsuit against the tobacco industry.<a id="xref-ref-146-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-146">146</a> In 2012 NCPPR was continuing efforts, such as its ‘<font color="#FF0000">Occupy Occupy</font> D.C. Smoke-in’ to protest about taxes on smokeless tobacco and e-cigarettes.<a id="xref-ref-147-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-147">147</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Thomas Borelli</span>, also an NCPPR senior fellow and his spouse, Deneen Borelli, an NCPPR fellow (as well as a FreedomWorks’ fellow<a id="xref-ref-148-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-148">148</a>) worked for Philip Morris for over 20 years and have spoken at Tea Party events (<a id="xref-fig-1-10" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a> and online supplementary table S2). While at Philip Morris, Thomas Borelli served on its public policy advisory council, which reviewed and prioritised public policy grants for funding and designated CSE a Category A public policy organisation for funding.<a id="xref-ref-54-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-54">54</a> Dana Joel Gattuso, a NCPPR senior fellow, had been CSE's deputy director of regulatory affairs.<a id="xref-ref-149-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-149">149</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b><font color="#ff0000">Steve Milloy,</font></b></span> who served as co-director of NCPPR's Free Enterprise Project with Tom Borelli,<a id="xref-ref-150-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-150">150</a> helped the industry contest the link between second-hand smoke and disease.<a id="xref-ref-29-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-29">29</a> Milloy directed The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition<a id="xref-ref-151-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-151">151</a> (TASSC, <a id="xref-fig-1-11" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>), which was created for Philip Morris in 1993 by the public relations firm APCO Associates, as part of the effort to undermine the EPA's second-hand smoke risk assessment.<a id="xref-ref-29-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-29">29</a> Though TASSC was eventually disbanded, Milloy maintained <a href="http://junkscience.com">http://junkscience.com</a> as of 2012<a id="xref-ref-152-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-152">152</a> (see online supplementary table S2).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Center for Consumer Freedom (CCF) is another example of a Tea Party-related organisation with strong roots in the tobacco industry. In 2002, Guest Choice Network became the CCF to oppose efforts by ‘the anti-consumer forces [to] expand their reach beyond the restaurants and taverns, going into your communities and even your homes.’<a id="xref-ref-153-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-153">153</a> Lobbyist <font color="#FF0000">Richard Berman</font> created Guest Choice Network in 1995, with US$600 000 in startup funds,<a id="xref-ref-154-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-154">154</a> as well as continued funding from Philip Morris.<a id="xref-ref-155-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-155">155–157</a> It was meant to appear as ‘a restaurant-driven programme’ to oppose smoke-free restaurants that was not ‘owned’ by Philip Morris.<a id="xref-ref-158-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-158">158</a></font></p>

</div>

<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Discussion</font></h2>

<p id="p-52"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco companies have refined their astroturf tactics since at least the 1980s and leveraged their resources to support and sustain a network of organisations that have developed into some of the Tea Party organisations of 2012 (<a id="xref-fig-1-12" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>). In many ways, the Tea Party of the late 2000s has become the ‘movement’ envisioned by <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Tim Hyde, RJR director of national field operations in the 1990s,<a id="xref-ref-48-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-48">48</a> which was grounded in patriotic values of ‘freedom’ and ‘choice’ to change how people see the role of ‘government’ and ‘big business’ in their lives, particularly with regard to taxes and regulation</span>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While it is well known that corporations can influence policy, this case study demonstrates the extent to which a particular industry has leveraged its resources to indirectly affect public policy. <b>The tobacco companies funded one of the main Tea Party predecessor organisations, CSE, as well as other conservative organisations, including the Cato Institute,<a id="xref-ref-159-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-159">159</a> American Enterprise Institute,<a id="xref-ref-160-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-160">160</a> Americans for Tax Reform,<a id="xref-ref-161-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-161">161</a> the Washington Legal Foundation<a id="xref-ref-162-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-162">162</a> and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)</b><a id="xref-ref-163-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-163">163</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-164-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-164">164</a> to support the companies’ broader economic and political agendas. In parallel to the Tea Party's expansion outside the USA, in 2012, ALEC advanced tobacco industry arguments to campaign against cigarette plain packaging policies in Canada, Australia and the UK and the European Union's ban on snus.<a id="xref-ref-165-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-165">165</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The tobacco companies amplified the benefit of funding these individual organisations by integrating them into coalitions to fight on behalf of favourable tobacco industry positions</b> (ie, GGOOB, which included CSE), a prime example of astroturfing.<a id="xref-ref-31-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-31">31</a> In addition, this tactic has continued, as the Tea Party organisations, AFP and FreedomWorks (descendants of CSE; <a id="xref-fig-1-13" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>) were part of a coalition called Californians Against Out Of Control Spending, which received a majority of funding from tobacco companies. As such, they served as a public face for Philip Morris and Reynolds American's campaign against the tobacco tax initiative in California (Proposition 29).<a id="xref-ref-166-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-166">166</a> The leadership of the California AFP chapter appeared on campaign materials and publicly represented the No on 29 campaign in the media.<a id="xref-ref-116-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-116">116</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-126-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-126">126</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-167-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-167">167</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco companies were not the only source of corporate support for CSE. Other corporate interests have funded and influenced the network of organisations that support the Tea Party. For example, David Koch was a co-founder of CSE and AFP Foundation,<a id="xref-ref-3-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-3">3</a> and Koch foundations have supported these groups.<a id="xref-ref-168-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-168">168</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-169-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-169">169</a> <font color="#FF0000">Koch</font> Industries is a conglomerate, with multiple industries including chemical and refining.<a id="xref-ref-170-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-170">170</a> Both CSE and AFP have campaigned for fewer governmental restrictions on environmental policies.<a id="xref-ref-171-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-171">171</a> <span class="xref-sep">,</span><a id="xref-ref-172-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-172">172</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Another example of broader corporate support for a Tea Party-related organisation is through the CCF (<a id="xref-fig-1-14" class="xref-fig" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#F1">figure 1</a>), which has received funding from the food, restaurant and agribusiness industries, including Coca-Cola, Monsanto and Wendy's International.<a id="xref-ref-173-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-173">173</a> This organisation has opposed the Institute of Medicine's strategies to prevent obesity, including taxing sweetened beverages, incentivising opening grocery stores in ‘food deserts’ and implementing restaurant zoning laws.<a id="xref-ref-174-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-174">174</a> In June 2012, the CCF ran a full-page advertisement in the <em>New York Times</em> opposing New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg's proposal to end the sale of super-sized sugary drinks in New York City as a policy to fight childhood obesity. Echoing rhetoric used years earlier to oppose smoke-free restaurants, the headline proclaimed, ‘The nanny: you only thought you lived in the land of the free.’<a id="xref-ref-175-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-175">175</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It is important for policymakers to be aware of the corporate funding sources for organisations that work to influence public policy. AFP and FreedomWorks are registered as public charities and social welfare organisations under the US tax code sections 501(c)3 or 501(c)4, which, as of 2012, do not have to disclose their donors.<a id="xref-ref-176-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-176">176</a> Greater transparency of funding sources for these organisations would allow policymakers and the public to evaluate more critically messages and activities of these organisations. Requiring groups to disclose corporate funding sources before engaging in lobbying activities would be one way to improve transparency.</font>

<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Because of the lack of transparency in funding for third-party advocacy groups and coalitions, members of the general public, the media and policymakers, may not know who funds and coordinates the coalitions and may unwittingly aid a corporate agenda. Although AFP and FreedomWorks oppose smoke-free laws, a 2011 survey on support for smoke-free laws found that the proportion of people who favour smoke-free laws was similar among those who identify with, and those who oppose, the Tea Party<a id="xref-ref-177-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-177">177</a> (72% and 75%, respectively, in states without smoke-free laws, p=0.145 by χ<sup>2</sup> and 77% and 87% in states with smoke-free laws, p=0.139). Tea Party supporters also favour preserving Medicare,<a id="xref-ref-1-6" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> which does not align with AFP and FreedomWorks’ opposition to government-run healthcare.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many factors beyond the tobacco industry have contributed to the development of the Tea Party.<a id="xref-ref-9-3" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-9">9</a> Anti-tax sentiment has been linked to notions of patriotism since the inception of the USA when the colonies were protesting against taxation by the British.<a id="xref-ref-178-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-178">178</a> In addition, the Tea Party has origins in the ultra-right <font color="#FF0000">John Birch Society </font>of the 1950s, of which Fred Koch (Charles and David Koch's father) was a founding member.<a id="xref-ref-9-4" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-9">9</a> Often, social movements gain prominence from complicated connections with established political institutions.<a id="xref-ref-179-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-179">179</a> Although the Tea Party is a social movement, it has been affiliated closely with, and somewhat incorporated into, the Republican Party.<a id="xref-ref-9-5" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-9">9</a> This may be due in part to the increased conservatism of politically active Republicans since 1970s and the increased polarisation of American politics.<a id="xref-ref-180-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-180">180</a> <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Although AFP and FreedomWorks have campaigned for very conservative policies since the 1980s (as CSE), they capitalised on the changing political realities following President Barack Obama's election in 2008. In particular, they harnessed anti-government sentiment arising from the confluence of the mortgage and banking bailout, President Barack Obama's stimulus package and the Democratic push for healthcare reform, which provided them with the opportunity for more successful grassroots-level Tea Party organising.<a id="xref-ref-1-7" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a> In addition, the conservative media, including Fox News and the network of conservative talk radio hosts and bloggers, provided a unified forum to amplify these messages.<a id="xref-ref-1-8" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-1">1</a><b> The tobacco industry has played a part in building this network, both by working with Roger Ailes<a id="xref-ref-181-1" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-181">181–184</a> (who subsequently became Fox News CEO) and funding the National Journalism Center which ‘train[s] budding journalists in free market political and economic principles.’<a id="xref-ref-56-2" class="xref-bibr" href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full#ref-56">56</a></b></span></font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Limitations</font></h3>

<p id="p-60"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This paper focuses on only one of the multiple industries with connections to the Tea Party. In addition, it would be difficult to assess and record the full extent of corporate connections, because they reach beyond disclosed contributions and industry lobbyists. Another limitation is that a major source for this paper was the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, which is not a complete collection and is limited to documents produced in litigation against the tobacco industry.</font></p>

</div>

<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Conclusion</font></h2>

<p id="p-61"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The tobacco companies have created third-party allies, front groups and used public relations firms to foment the appearance of popular public opposition to tobacco control policies for decades. Tea Party strategy and leadership has important roots in these tobacco industry efforts. AFP and FreedomWorks, national organisers of the Tea Party, grew out of CSE, an organisation with strong ties to the tobacco industry. AFP and FreedomWorks continue to mobilise grassroots opposition to tobacco control policies despite the evidence that Tea Party supporters favour such policies. It is important for policy-makers, the health community and people who support the Tea Party to be aware of these complex and often hard-to-track linkages.<span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Rather than being purely a grassroots movement, the Tea Party has been influenced by decades of astroturfing by tobacco and other corporate interests to develop a grassroots network to support their corporate agendas, even though their members may not support those agendas. Greater transparency of organisation funding is needed so that policymakers and the general public—including people who identify with the Tea Party—can evaluate claims of political support for, and opposition to, health and other public policies.</span> It is important for tobacco control advocates, in the USA and internationally, to anticipate and counter Tea Party opposition to tobacco control policies and to ensure that policy makers, the media and the public understand the longstanding intersection between the tobacco industry and the Tea Party policy agenda.</font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What this paper adds</font></h3>

<p id="p-62"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rather than being a grassroots movement that spontaneously developed in 2009, the Tea Party organisations have had connections to the tobacco companies since the 1980s. The cigarette companies funded and worked through Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), the predecessor of Tea Party organisations, Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks, to accomplish their economic and political agenda. There has been continuity of some key players, strategies and messages from these groups to Americans for Prosperity, FreedomWorks and other Tea Party-related organisations.</font></p>

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<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Footnotes</font></h2>

<ul>

<p id="p-63"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fn-label">Contributors</span> ATF and RG collected the data and drafted the paper. All three authors participated in the analysis of the data and preparation of the final paper.</font></p>

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<p id="p-64"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fn-label">Funding</span> This research was funded by National Cancer Institute grants CA-113710 and CA-087472. The funding agency played no role in the selection of the research topic, conduct of the research or preparation of the manuscript. SAG is American Legacy Foundation Distinguished Professor in Tobacco Control.</font></p>

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<p id="p-65"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fn-label">Competing interests</span> None.</font></p>

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<p id="p-66"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fn-label">Provenance and peer review</span> Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.</font></p>

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<p id="p-67"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="fn-label">Data sharing statement</span> All source materials are publicly available.</font></p>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Presentation to the Board of Directors</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">24 June 1992</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kgr52e00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kgr52e00</a> (accessed 29 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">United States Environmental Protection Agency</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">Respiratory health effects of passive smoking: lung cancer and other disorders</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1992</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">[no author]</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">DPN January Miles Report. 1993/E</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/iyv72e00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/iyv72e00</a> (accessed 16 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">Citizens for a Sound Economy</span>. <span class="cit-source">The demise of ‘Clintoncare’: how Citizens for a Sound Economy fought government run healthcare</span>: <span class="cit-comment">Grassroots America, [no date]. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wpx26b00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wpx26b00</a> (accessed 4 Feb 2013).</span></font></cite></div>

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<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth"><span class="cit-name-surname">Barnett</span> <span class="cit-name-given-names">P</span></span>,</font></li>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">The Food and Drug Administration's regulation of tobacco products</span>. <abbr class="cit-jnl-abbrev">N Engl J Med</abbr> <span class="cit-pub-date">1996</span>;<span class="cit-vol">335</span>:<span class="cit-fpage">988</span>–<span class="cit-lpage">94</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Ferocious defense</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">7 March 1994</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Research. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wci76b00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wci76b00</a> (accessed 23 Apr 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">[no author]</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">Draft-for discussion purposes only: FDA -Beverly McKittrick</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1995</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/snc37c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/snc37c00</a> (accessed 9 Jan 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Issues and answers: FDA review times: the other half of the story</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">15 March 1995</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yhi35c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yhi35c00</a> (accessed 23 Apr 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Food and Drug Administration Reform activity update</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">5 April 1995</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nhi35c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nhi35c00</a> (accessed 23 Apr 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-source">A question of intent: A great American battle with a deadly industry</span>. <span class="cit-publ-loc">New York, NY</span>: <span class="cit-publ-name">Public Affairs</span>, <span class="cit-pub-date">2001</span>.</font></cite></div>

<div class="cit-extra"><a title="[opens in a new window]" target="_blank" href="http://scholar.google.com/scholar?as_q=&as_epq=A%20question%20of%20intent%3A%20A%20great%20American%20battle%20with%20a%20deadly%20industry&as_oq=&as_eq=&as_occt=any&as_sauthors=Kessler&as_publication=&as_ylo=&as_yhi=&btnG=&hl=en&sciui=1&as_sdt=0%2C5"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Search Google Scholar</font></a></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">Citizens for a Sound Economy, Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">The Food and Drug Administration: a case study in excessive regulatory burdens. A proposal of Citizens for a Sound Economy and Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1995</span><span class="cit-comment">/E. Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ihi35c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ihi35c00</a> (accessed 20 Jan 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Supreme Court rules that FDA cannot regulate tobacco industry</span>. <abbr class="cit-jnl-abbrev">BMJ</abbr> <span class="cit-pub-date">2000</span>;<span class="cit-vol">320</span>:<span class="cit-fpage">894</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth"><span class="cit-name-surname">Eubanks</span> <span class="cit-name-given-names">S</span></span>,</font></li>

<li><span class="cit-auth"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-name-surname">Glantz</span> <span class="cit-name-given-names">S</span></font></span></li>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-source">Bad acts: the racketeering case against the tobacco industry</span>. <span class="cit-publ-name">Washington, DC USA: American Public Health Association</span>, <span class="cit-pub-date">2012</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<li><span class="cit-auth"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-name-surname">Scruggs</span> <span class="cit-name-given-names">J</span></font></span></li>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Federal suit strategy outline update</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">26 February 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nyn42a00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nyn42a00</a> (accessed 12 Apr 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">[Letter from Paul Beckner with Citizens for a Sound Economy to Senator Trent Lott and Representative Dennis Hastert]</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">16 February 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nzz89h00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/nzz89h00</a> (accessed 29 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">Field Action Team</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">Field action team quality contacts Report 106th Congress Volume Iii</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">28 July 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xgb01h00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xgb01h00</a> (accessed 12 Apr 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Capitol comment: Federal Mass Tort Litigation: an insidious abuse of power</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">3 June 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment"><a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/did00i00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/did00i00</a> (accessed 4 Feb 2013)</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Texas CSE Advertising 60 Second Radio Spot</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">19 April 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tjd00i00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tjd00i00</a> (accessed 17 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">Contact: Peggy Venable</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">CSE News. Activists tell legislators lawsuit abuse must end. Texas CSE Launches Radio Ad Campaign in Four Media Markets. 19 April</span> <span class="cit-pub-date">1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dqt99h00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dqt99h00</a> (accessed 17 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">GOP Derides Justice's Tobacco Lawsuit as ‘Political Ploy</span>’. <span class="cit-comment"><em>The Washington Times</em></span> <span class="cit-pub-date">September 23, 1999</span>:<span class="cit-fpage">13</span>.</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">Citizens for a Sound Economy</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">CSE Capitol Connect: time for a priority check at the Department of Justice</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">31 January 2002</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://www.capitolconnect.com/cse/ALERTS.asp?subject=72">http://www.capitolconnect.com/cse/ALERTS.asp?subject=72</a>; <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bwx12c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bwx12c00</a> (accessed 17 May 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">U.S. V. Philip Morris, USA, Inc. Et Al 449 F</span><span class="cit-article-title">. Supp. 2d 1 (D.C.D.C. 2006), Aff'd in Relevant Part, 566 F.3d 1095 (D.C. Cir. 2009), Cert. Denied, 130 S.Ct. 3501</span> (<span class="cit-pub-date">2010</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">[Letter from Michele Isele with Citizens for a Sound Economy to Pat Donoho with the Tobacco Institute]</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1 July 1996</span>. <span class="cit-institution">Tobacco Institute</span>. <span class="cit-comment"><a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/akk16b00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/akk16b00</a> (accessed 21 Feb 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">New Jersey Citizens for a Sound Economy</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">No Title</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1996</span>. <span class="cit-comment"><a href="http://web.archive.org/web/19970109084341/http://www.cse.org/nj.html">http://web.archive.org/web/19970109084341/http://www.cse.org/nj.html</a> (accessed 9 Jan  2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="cit-auth cit-collab">[no author]</span>. <span class="cit-article-title">Field Action Team: Urgent Mobilization Report. 25 Mar</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kcu39h00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kcu39h00</a> (accessed 9 Jan 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">. <span class="cit-article-title">Tobacco mailing</span>. <span class="cit-pub-date">11 May 1999</span>. <span class="cit-comment">Philip Morris. <a href="http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gal62c00">http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gal62c00</a> (accessed 9 Jan 2012</span>).</font></cite></div>

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<div class="cit-metadata"><cite><span class="cit-comment"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Philip Morris, University of California San Francisco, & Legacy Tobacco Documents Library. Philip Morris Glossary of Names: Me-Mz. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/glossaries/pm_gloss_me.jsp (accessed 4 Feb 2013).</font></span></cite></div>

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</a><a href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full">  </a></font></font></font></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

</font></font><li style=" list-style: none;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> </font></a></font></font></li>

</font><div class="cit ref-cit ref-other" id="cit-tobaccocontrol-2012-050815v1.184"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full"> </a>

</font><div class="cit-metadata"><a href="http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full"><cite><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2013/02/07/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815.full</font></cite></a></div>

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</font></font></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

</font></font><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"> ==</font></font></font></p>

<h1 class="print-title" style=" margin-bottom: .2em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco Strikes Back</font></h1>

<div class="dek" style=" font-style: italic; margin-bottom: .5em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A MOTHER JONES INVESTIGATION</font></div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font color="#ff0000">Big Tobacco—a <span style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">$45 billion industry in the United States</span>—is in the political fight of its life</font>. It faces a hostile American president. Justice Department investigations into perjury charges against top executives. Hundreds of liability suits—including several in which the Liggett Group, the country's fifth-largest tobacco company, broke industry ranks and settled. Whistleblowers on national TV declaring that tobacco companies manipulate nicotine levels to addict smokers. And now the Food and Drug Administration proposing to regulate cigarettes as a drug. Worse, by declaring nicotine addictive, the FDA undermines Big Tobacco's key legal defense: smokers know the dangers and have no one to blame but themselves.</font></p>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But the biggest threat to Big Tobacco is you. Large numbers of Americans are no longer content to hand the next generation over to Joe Camel.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Big Tobacco never favored an open fight</b>—it has been secretly buying legislators and threatening scientists and journalists for decades—but this new public censure drives the industry deeper underground. There it can leverage the wealth and politcal savvy it has built over a century of rigging the game.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the following pages, our writers explain how tobacco executives plan to win the game once more. For them, it is a time of legal danger and political opportunity. No industry has a bigger investment or more at stake in the fall elections. Big Tobacco's covert operatives and cash are hard at work in the state capitals and on the campaign trail. Here is the strategy:</font></p>

<ol>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Win the presidency.</b> As Sheila Kaplan reports, many o<b>f Bob Dole's key political operatives </b>as well as some of his largest contributions come from tobacco lobbies (see <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1996/05/tobacco-dole">The Campaign for the Presidency</a> <span class="print-footnote">[1]</span>). In return, Dole will continue his policy of protecting the industry financially and legally. He has pledged that, if elected, <font color="#ff0000">he will fire FDA Commissioner David Kessler, tobacco's number one enemy </font>(see <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1996/05/tobacco-enemy-number-one">Tobacco Enemy Number One</a> <span class="print-footnote">[2]</span>).