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U.S. Department of Justice / Public domain

Stanley Woodward has represented clients involved in antitrust matters, including Hewlett Packard Enterprise in its acquisition of Juniper Networks, which raised concerns about the influence of lobbyists on antitrust enforcement at the Department of Justice. He is known for his role in promoting a light-touch approach to antitrust regulation during his tenure.

citizen.org Wikipedia

Stanley Woodward's Role in Antitrust Matters

Background

Stanley Woodward is an attorney known for his involvement in significant antitrust cases during his tenure at the Department of Justice (DOJ). He has represented various clients, including those in high-profile mergers and acquisitions.

Key Clients and Cases

Client	Case Description	Concerns Raised
Hewlett Packard Enterprise	Acquisition of Juniper Networks	Influence of lobbyists on antitrust enforcement
American Express Global Business Travel	Lobbying efforts related to antitrust issues	Potential conflicts of interest in DOJ's decisions

Approach to Antitrust Enforcement

Woodward is recognized for advocating a light-touch approach to antitrust regulation. This strategy has been characterized by:

Favoring settlements over aggressive litigation.
Engaging with corporate lobbyists, which has raised concerns about the integrity of antitrust enforcement.

His actions have sparked debates about the effectiveness and fairness of antitrust policies under his oversight, particularly regarding the influence of external lobbying on DOJ decisions.

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Lawyers for former Trump White House adviser Peter Navarro — Stanley Woodward, Stanley Brand and John Rowley — talk to reporters following a motion hearing on Aug. 31, 2022, in Washington, D.C. |

By Kyle Cheney

11/30/2022

Stanley Woodward wasn’t supposed to be here, at the epicenter of the most contentious legal matters facing Trump world.

But now he’s everywhere.

On Oct. 19, the veteran attorney was in court representing Oath Keeper Kelly Meggs, one of several people charged with seditious conspiracy for actions at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. That night, just before midnight, he filed a brief on behalf of Dan Scavino, the longtime aide to Donald Trump fighting a subpoena from the Jan. 6 select committee. The next day, Woodward escorted ex-Trump aide Kash Patel to a grand jury appearance related to Trump’s retention of sensitive records at his Mar-a-Lago estate.

Woodward’s eye-opening client list goes on. He represents Trump aide Walt Nauta, another figure of interest to prosecutors investigating the Mar-a-Lago documents, and Ryan Samsel, a prominent Jan. 6 rioter accused of igniting the Jan. 6 breach. He and his law partner — Tip O’Neill-era House counsel Stan Brand — filed a brief on behalf of GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy during the contempt of Congress proceedings against Steve Bannon. And he’s currently representing Peter Navarro, whose criminal trial for defying a Jan. 6 committee subpoena is slated to begin in early 2023.

“I’ll sleep when I’m dead,” Woodward said wryly when a reporter commented on his crushing workload as he entered the courthouse on that Oct. 19 morning.

A few days later, Woodward almost fulfilled his prophecy, when a car collided with the scooter he was driving, sending him to George Washington University hospital. While there, he underwent shoulder surgery. While in recovery, he was wheeled to the delivery room to witness the birth of his fourth child, who is now a month old.

Among a crew known for their big personalities and in-your-face political postures, the mild-mannered Woodward may be the most prolific Trump-world warrior you’ve never heard of. That’s exactly how he prefers it.

Tall, bespectacled and bearded, Woodward stands out in a courtroom packed with clean-cut attorneys and paralegals. In the courtroom, he speaks with the certitude of a lawyer who has done his homework. During breaks, he flits around with the harried demeanor of a man with a daunting roster of high-maintenance clients.

Those who know Woodward say Trumpian figures are drawn to him precisely because he’s what many lawyers who end up in Trump circles are not. He’s neither a bomb-thrower nor a headline-seeker. He’s a law nerd in a world of political operatives. And it’s the separation he has from the Trump loyalty-at-any-cost mentality that’s made him in demand among MAGA figures embroiled in the legal morass that followed Trump since Jan. 6.

“The usual suspects of Trump world are tired and discredited,” one Woodward associate said. “People are lucky to have him. He’s not operating with blinders on.”

Between October 2021 and Sept. 30, 2022, Trump’s Save America PAC shelled out $120,000 to Brand Woodward Law.

Prosecutors have raised questions about public news reports suggesting that several Oath Keepers, including Kelly and Connie Meggs, have had legal expenses paid by a group led by Sidney Powell, a former Trump attorney. Woodward and his co-counsel Juli Haller — a Powell ally — declined to publicly indicate whether they had accepted funds from Powell’s group but said they were in compliance with all rules pertaining to potential attorney-client conflicts.

Woodward’s actual politics are a bit of a black box. But what is known suggests someone not exactly of the MAGA mold. He works with Brand, himself a product of the Democratic-run House of the 1980s, and has eschewed overt political commentary. Woodward’s wife, Kristin McGough, is an accomplished criminal defense attorney and counsel to the Washington Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs, which is focused on reducing racial disparities in the criminal justice system.

Woodward’s still-young career has been bookended by national and international crises. After graduating from Catholic University’s Columbus School of Law in 2008 and clerking for three judges in the Washington, D.C., court system, he joined the big law firm Akin Gump in the throes of the mortgage crisis that tanked the U.S. economy. Brand said the conflicts and strictures of big law firms grated on both of them.

Woodward primarily worked on complex civil litigation — from matters stemming from the financial crisis to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. He would remain at Akin Gump until mid-2020 when, as Covid lockdowns gripped the world, he decided to take a chance on Brand, who had been cajoling him to start their own practice focused on congressional and white-collar investigations.

“The world has changed, seemingly overnight,” Woodward wrote in a social media post announcing his decision to leave Akin Gump. “What I know is that at home, with my three young boys, I am resolved to join the fray. … Am I afraid? Yes. But with Stan, I hope to make a difference.”

Prior to his foray into Trump world and Jan. 6 defendants, Brand was known as one of the most aggressive defenders of congressional prerogatives on behalf of Tip O’Neill’s House of Representatives. His expertise in congressional investigations made him in high demand after he left Congress. Scavino became a client of Brand’s prior to his departure from Akin Gump and remained with him after he joined forces with Woodward.

Today, Brand prefers to operate as the architect of legal strategies while his mentees execute those strategies in court. His tutelage has boosted the careers of several prominent attorneys who became high-profile figures during the Trump years. They include Abbe Lowell, who represented Jared Kushner during the Mueller investigation, and Stephen Ryan, who represented ex-Trump lawyer Michael Cohen. He says Woodward may be his best find of the bunch.

“This guy has extraordinary capacity to juggle balls and to understand in depth the legal concepts and issues, and pick them up very quickly,” said Brand.

But there are limits to the skills Woodward possesses and deploys in service of some of the most polarizing figures to face criminal and legal consequences following the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol. Good lawyering can only get a client so far.

Meggs, on Tuesday, became one of the first Americans convicted of seditious conspiracy in more than a decade. And after the verdict came in, a dejected Woodward declined to speak to reporters. “The fight goes on,” he said, an indication of a likely appeal for Meggs, who faces decades in jail.

Woodward also represents Samsel, who charged at police barricades on the early afternoon of Jan. 6, a moment many believe was the trigger point of the entire Capitol breach. He also represents Freddie Klein, a Trump-appointed State Department official who spent hours amid the mob at the most notorious hot spot of Jan. 6 violence, the Lower West Terrace tunnel.

Navarro, meanwhile, stands accused of defying a congressional subpoena from the Jan. 6 committee, which sought to interview him about his effort to derail the transfer of power by working with GOP lawmakers to challenge Joe Biden’s electors. And Scavino, who avoided a contempt of Congress charge despite declining to appear before the Jan. 6 committee, was a prominent surrogate for Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election results and was present for many conversations with Trump in the weeks before Jan. 6.

But whether Woodward feels a moral conflict about the clients he has chosen and the cases he’s arguing is beside the point, Brand said in an interview.

“The fact that it’s Trump is happenstantial. No one I’m aware of has asked us what our political bona fides are,” said Brand. “What they care about is, how do we practice defense? There’s no litmus test for us.”

Brand noted that throughout history, attorneys associated with one party or another have taken high-profile clients who might cut against their politics. Edward Bennett Williams, the treasurer of the DNC in the 1970s, represented mobsters. William Hundley, an ally of Robert Kennedy, went on to represent Watergate clients.

“That’s the slice of life in Washington that has always existed,” Brand noted.

Ryan described Woodward’s success as a relatively simple formula: Strong and persuasive writing, a genuinely likable persona and a willingness to take on polarizing clients, particularly after the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.

“After 1/6, there was a lot of, I think, reluctance in the white-collar bar to take some of these people,” Ryan said. “I know of lawyers who normally are fearless about taking someone who’s unpopular. I think there was a stigma after 1/6 on some of these people.”

While Trump and his allies are often known to attack the very justice system that will determine their fate, Woodward forged amicable relationships with judges and the prosecutors he litigates against, as has been on display at various moments during the Oath Keepers trial.

A few days after his late-October scooter accident, Woodward returned to the courthouse, right arm in a sling, to resume Meggs’ seditious conspiracy defense. His return was greeted by DOJ and defense attorneys, as well as U.S. District Court Judge Amit Mehta, with a warm round of applause. On Nov. 14, when Mehta and another Oath Keeper defense attorney debated whether to introduce evidence about his client’s use of the potent pain medication Opana, someone jokingly chimed in, “Mr. Woodward can testify.”

“I would characterize him as an amazingly intelligent man with a deep grasp of the rules of evidence,” said Lee Bright, a Texas-based defense lawyer for Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes. “That, compounded by a commanding presence in the courtroom, results in his being a formidable attorney to have as your advocate.”

Woodward knows he’s playing a tricky hand in some of these cases.

Jan. 6 defendants have been almost universally convicted by Washington, D.C., juries, and while jurors are vetted and selected for their pledges to be impartial, defense attorneys have repeatedly raised worries that D.C.’s antipathy for Trump could create an even greater obstacle to an acquittal. Woodward sought to blunt those issues as he appealed to jurors for an acquittal.

“I won’t ask you to agree with Mr. Meggs’ political beliefs, his preference for the president of the United States,” Woodward told the Oath Keepers jury during Nov. 3 arguments. “I will ask you to read, to hear the evidence in this case, the messages, and to decide whether the evidence was a plan, a scheme — something nefarious — or whether, as others have observed, they represent hyperbole, political rhetoric.”

Ultimately, the jury disagreed.

It’s not just his quantity of high-profile clients that has drawn murmurs among fellow lawyers and the reporters who cover the many matters Woodward is involved in. He’s also been tasked with litigating some of the most complex challenges facing Trump world, including Trump’s ability — or lack thereof — to assert executive privilege as an ex-president.

Woodward spent a recent Friday sparring with Mehta over whether a private conversation between Trump and Navarro — with no witnesses but the two men — can be enough to prove Trump attempted to assert the privilege.

Woodward noted that Navarro would be unlikely to testify about the conversation, since doing so would waive his Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination. Mehta noted that there was one other person Woodward could call to vouch for Navarro’s version of the conversation.

“I don’t want to do that,” Woodward replied, describing Trump as a witness “who I don’t want to be involved in the process.”

Woodward’s allies say it’s not lost on him that his work on these matters, though, could reverberate across history — that a man in a sling who spends his limited spare time constructing Lego sets with his kids could shape the contours of presidential power.

It’s a remarkable place for Woodward to be. And one others didn’t imagine for him.

Ryan noted that Woodward has been in contention for a D.C. Superior Court judgeship, selected in November 2020 by the district’s Judicial Nominating Commission as a finalist for a presidential nomination to fill a vacancy. But given the trajectory of his career and his decision to take on a raft of polarizing clients, he said it’s unclear whether that path will materialize again.

“These things do mark you,” Ryan said. “Life is never the same after you do these kinds of things.”

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axios

State attorneys general have become America's top antitrust cops, believing that federal regulators have become too quick to approve or settle the thorniest of deals.

Not surprisingly, the Trump administration doesn't like that too much.

Driving the news: Stanley Woodward, who oversees the Justice Department's antitrust division, sought to reassert federal primacy last week during a speech at Fordham Law School.

To be clear, this wasn't a fire-and-brimstone rant. It was academic and measured, as befitting the setting, with Woodward acknowledging overlapping regulatory authorities.

But it still took aim at state AGs he says engage in "gamesmanship" and "antitrust overenforcement."

"When a merger harms local markets, we want the states in the room," Woodward said. "When it is national, we expect to lead."

Zoom in: Woodward also took issue with those arguing that political appointees like himself are less qualified to make antitrust determinations than are career staff — arguing that both federal executive and state officials have voter-validated roles to play.

This seemed to be a direct response to a speech at Georgetown earlier in the week by Colorado AG Phil Weiser, who is among those who challenged Paramount's pending deal for Warner Bros. Discovery, the Nexstar-Tegna merger, and Kroger's failed deal for Albertson's.

State of play: All of this could come to a head in the aforementioned Paramount situation, with multiple reports that the states could be poised to settle.

If California and other states settle with significant concessions — even over the objections of progressives like Lina Khan — then it may validate their more active posture.
For example, the WSJ reports that one proposal would include Paramount investing $1.5 billion in California production. Bloomberg notes that Paramount might agree to a $30 million-per-film penalty if it "fails to make good on a promise to distribute 30 films per year in theaters."

DOJ, meanwhile, signed off on the deal without any remedies and last week filed a statement of interest in favor of Paramount's request that the state AGs put up a $1.88 billion bond.

It could view the settlement talks as an admission that the states' legal case is weak. If the states walk without a major trophy, it would help validate Woodward's argument that state AGs are choosing politics over policy.

The bottom line: When everyone thinks they're in charge, no one really is. And that makes it tougher for companies to make future plans.

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off bs

Stanley E. Woodward, Jr. was nominated by President Donald J. Trump and confirmed by the U.S. Senate to serve as the Associate Attorney General of the United States in October 2025.

As the third highest-ranking official at the Department of Justice, Mr. Woodward assists the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General with overseeing DOJ civil matters and components, including the Antitrust, Civil, Civil Rights, and Environmental and Natural Resources Divisions, as well as the Department’s grant-making components.

Prior to his confirmation as Associate Attorney General, Mr. Woodward served as Counselor to Attorney General Pam Bondi. Before his tenure at the Department of Justice, Mr. Woodward served as Assistant to the President and Senior Counselor to President Donald J. Trump at the White House.

Prior to entering federal service, Mr. Woodward was in private practice as a high-profile litigator and co-founder of Brand Woodward Law, LP where he represented numerous prestigious clients in complex, high-stakes litigation, including multiple federal jury trials.

Previously, he worked at a top international law firm where his experience included the representation of multiple international corporations in defense of alleged violations of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act as well as serving as coordinating counsel to companies involved in nationwide federal litigation.

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msnow

By Carol Leonnig and Ken Dilanian

July 9, 2026,

President Donald Trump’s Justice Department is moving to scuttle lawsuits and investigations for a string of proposed corporate mergers, which experts fear could raise prices for consumers for years to come, according to three people briefed on the plans.

Trump administration appointees have overruled moves by career attorneys who had proposed suits or launched reviews to assess how the company mergers and acquisitions might lead to unfair price gouging for both consumers and taxpayers, according to the three people, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal DOJ processes.

The veteran DOJ staff attorneys in the antitrust division were considering suing one aerospace parts company and requiring other firms proposing mergers to make standard moves to protect consumers — including selling parts of their businesses, the people said.

The division’s goal, part of its mission since it was formed in the Great Depression, has been to reduce companies’ monopoly hold on their industry sectors before allowing them to finalize their deals.

Antitrust experts told MS NOW that they predict the Trump administration’s abdication of consumer laws in these cases will likely lead to even higher prices for gas and for airline travel to Mexico.

But Trump Justice officials are instead pushing to give the government’s stamp of approval for the mergers without those full reviews and without any legal action. Three sources told MS NOW that DOJ staff have privately complained that the Trump administration is essentially deciding not to enforce antitrust laws that are critical to keeping companies from becoming single-source providers and being able to charge enormous sums for their product or service.

Antitrust experts told MS NOW that they predict the Trump administration’s abdication of consumer laws in these cases will likely lead to even higher prices for gas and for airline travel to Mexico, as well as exorbitant prices for federal military contracts for aerospace components.

“It’s unilateral surrender on antitrust enforcement; it’s absolutely unprecedented,” said Bill Baer, the former assistant attorney general for the antitrust division in the Obama administration. “It’s definitely going to hurt consumers. It means prices will go up, concentration is going to increase — and quality often diminishes when you have only a few firms operating in the same market.”

The two mergers that DOJ leaders are ramming through include two low-cost Mexican air carriers, Viva Aerobus and Volaris, who announced their plans to merge last year, and the proposed merger of the Italian firm Saipem and U.K. firm Subsea7, who together control a sizable portion of sales for equipment used for subsea oil operations.

Major oil companies, including ExxonMobil, Petrobras and TotalEnergies, have filed formal objections with federal regulators about the latter merger, arguing to antitrust regulators that the combined firms will create a subsea monopoly that will increase costs, delay critical projects and force clients into expensive, long-term contracts.

In a third case, Trump appointees at the DOJ have also blocked the antitrust division from plans to sue to prevent another corporate transaction, aerospace giant TransDigm, which is seeking to acquire another competitor.

Lawmakers, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., asked the DOJ to investigate the acquisition due to concerns that TransDigm has a pattern of buying other companies to limit competition and gouge the Defense Department in contracts for specialized military aircraft parts.

Elements of the proposed suit and the move to scuttle antitrust investigations was first reported by Bloomberg.

The DOJ did not respond to a request for comment.

Two people familiar with the matter said the main driver of this new push not to enforce antitrust laws and protections is Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward. A third person pushed back on that, saying many of the decisions are being driven by Charlie Beller, the deputy assistant attorney general for civil mergers in the DOJ’s antitrust division. That person also stressed that no final decision had been made on the Transdigm deal or other mergers at issue.

Woodward, an ardent Trump ally, represented a Trump valet who refused to cooperate in an investigation of Trump’s mishandling of classified records after he lost re-election and left office in 2021. Now seated inside the DOJ, Woodward has repeatedly told subordinates that he doesn’t want the antitrust division to sue any corporations over their proposed mergers and wants career attorneys to settle all active merger cases to let the deals go forward, two of the people told MSNOW.

More broadly and far beyond the antitrust division’s review of mergers, Woodward has raised concerns about most investigations of corporations, even where there is evidence that they engaged in criminal violations of environmental and public corruption laws, the people said.

Lawyers in the division have privately complained internally that Woodward, who has no prior experience enforcing antitrust laws, is in effect declaring open season for companies to flout antitrust laws without fear of enforcement.

“He’s taking litigation off the table, and you don’t get a settlement absent a litigation threat,” said one person with knowledge of Woodward’s pressure on the office. “I can’t think of an administration in history that would want to run anti-trust policy like this.”

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“Consumers are getting really screwed by all of this,” the person continued. “We’re talking 10 years of consumer harm that can’t be undone.”

Baer called the new DOJ push to settle and simply rubber stamp mergers “an abdication” of the department’s duty to shield consumers from avaricious companies seizing a monopoly.

Baer called the new DOJ push to settle and simply rubber stamp mergers “an abdication” of the department’s duty to shield consumers from avaricious companies seizing a monopoly.

“What Woodward seems to be doing is saying let’s not investigate or let’s settle cheaply because we want M&A (merger and acquisitions) activity to go through regardless of the anti-consumer and anti-competitive consequences,” Baer said. “There is consensus that certain mergers pose unacceptable risks to consumers, and Woodward seems to be blowing up that consensus. The signal that is sent to the business community … people will now try to do what was considered impossible.”

Charlie Beller, who works as the deputy assistant attorney general for civil mergers, told line prosecutors last month that the “fifth floor” — the floor of the DOJ where acting Attorney General Todd Blanche and top political leaders are based — does not want any civil antitrust enforcement at all, according to one person with knowledge of Beller’s warning.

According to the source, Beller added that the antitrust lawyers will no longer be allowed to formally demand that corporations turn over in-depth internal records when they are reviewing a merger or acquisition. That step, known as a “second request,” legally blocks companies from combining until they have substantially complied with DOJ requests and the agency has completed its competitive harm analysis.

Criminal prosecutors were left shocked and confused last year when Woodward said he had doubts about the government’s ability to investigate and prosecute corporate crime in several areas beyond antitrust — and remarked that there was no prison large enough to imprison a corporation, according to two other people with knowledge of his comments.

Some attorneys who heard Woodward’s remarks were flummoxed. DOJ has charged corporations and corporate officers with federal crimes in thousands of cases, often leading to prison time for officers and fines and legally required remedies for the corporations.

One of the people told MS NOW that Woodward is “allergic” to DOJ litigation against corporations because the ultimate settlements with the company are made public and can be reviewed by a judge to determine if they serve the public interest.

For example, when Hewlett Packard and the DOJ settled an antitrust lawsuit last year over the company’s $14 billion bid to purchase its main rival, Juniper, the public agreement provided a window into a concerning trend of Trump allies and MAGA influencers profiting off their access to the president and his team.

The Hewlett Packard settlement required that the company divest from one of its businesses and that the merged firm license key Juniper software to independent competitors.

A deposition in the case revealed that a top Trump ally, Mike Davis, had worked as a paid lobbyist for Hewlett Packard and angrily threatened a top antitrust official that he would “destroy her” and she could lose her job if she didn’t settle the case.

According to one person familiar with the talks, former Attorney General Bill Barr met last week with DOJ leaders on behalf of the Mexican airline merger. Barr has not responded to a request for comment by MS NOW.

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Experience

U.S. Department of Justice

Full-time · 1 yr 7 mos

District of Columbia, United States · On-site

Assistant to the President and Senior Counselor to the President

The White House · Full-time

Jan 2025 - Apr 2025 · 4 mos

Co-Founder

Brand Woodward, Attorneys at Law · Full-time

May 2020 - Jan 2025 · 4 yrs 9 mos

Washington, District of Columbia, United States

We strive to provide you with legal excellence that comes from decades of experience and more than fifteen combined years at one of the nation's leading law firms.

Who We Are

Stan has represented numerous individuals and organizations investigated by and/or called to testify before the U.S. Congress. He has a recognized expertise in the application of the separation-of-powers doctrine. And his diverse litigation and...

Adjunct Professor

Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law

Aug 2012 - Jan 2025 · 12 yrs 6 mos

Washington DC-Baltimore Area

Teaching the following courses: Pre-Trial Civil Litigation, Employment Law, Labor & Employment Law Seminar, Labor & Employment Law Capstone.

Counsel

Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP

Jan 2010 - May 2020 · 10 yrs 5 mos

Washington DC-Baltimore Area

Litigation counsel to a diverse range of domestic and international corporations in complex commercial disputes involving significant discovery and multi-state litigation coordination;

Investigations counsel to international corporations in defense of allegations of violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) with large-scale investigations conducted in Argentina, China, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan (and author of the Firm’s monthly anti-bribery current events publication, Red Notice);

Counsel to numerous corporations in defense of high-stakes complex employment-related issues including discrimination, executive compensation, workers compensation, and fiduciary duties;

Pro-Bono counsel to dozens of District of Columbia tenants in defense of eviction actions and recipient of the 2018 DC Bar Pro Bono Lawyer of the Year Award.… more

Show all

Education

The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law

Doctor of Law (JD)

2005 – 2008

American University

Master of Science (MS), Public Policy Analysis

2004 – 2005

Show all 3 educations

Volunteering

President

Alumni Council of the Columbus School of Law

Apr 2016 - Apr 2024 · 8 yrs 1 mo

The Alumni Council promotes the values, objectives and well-being of The Catholic University of America and Columbus School of Law, while building and fostering mutually beneficial relations between and among all stakeholders – students, faculty, administration, staff, alumni and friends worldwide.

While President, the Council has successfully launched a mentoring program, pairing first year students with an alumni mentor practicing in an area of interest to the student; successfully recruited sponsors for each of the monthly alumni events; launched the Distinguished Alumni Awards recognizing and honoring distinguished alumni of the law school; and launched the Barrister's Society, recognizing continuing giving by the School's alum.… more

Vice President

Alumni Council of the Columbus School of Law

Apr 2014 - Apr 2016 · 2 yrs 1 mo

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woodward stanley ass AG

Stanley Woodward's Role in Antitrust Matters

Background

Key Clients and Cases

Approach to Antitrust Enforcement

More articles

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Experience

Education

Volunteering

More profiles for you

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Early life and education

Career

Clerkships and private practice (2008–2020)

Brand Woodward (2020–2025)

Senior Counselor to the President (January–November 2025)

Associate Attorney General (2025–present)

References