Perceptions Int'l

<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International">http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International</a>

Perceptions International, Inc. In 1989 <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Jan_Reber&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Jan Reber (page does not exist)">Jan Reber</a> was president of both this security firm and <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_Press&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Perceptions Press (page does not exist)">Perceptions Press</a>.

"<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Jan_R._Reber&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Jan R. Reber (page does not exist)">Jan R. Reber</a>, Perceptions CEO, says his company is a consulting firm that "among other things does research on coercive trends and movements that affect business." One of the company's subsidiaries is Perceptions Press, also in Stratford, which publishes "Animal Rights Reporter," a newsletter that monitors and reports on the animal rights movement's activities." (Driscoll, 1989)

In 1988 animal rights activist Fran Trutt, was "charged with attempting to plant a bomb she says was meant to scare an offical of the U.S. Surgical Corporation which uses animals for medical tests and sales demonstrations. Her accomplices, not charged with any crime, turned out to be private security agents hired by U.S. Surgical. Trutt's attorney, John Williams, says there is "absolutely no question that Trutt was enticed" into considering the bombing by agents from Perceptions International. Furthermore, several months prior to the attempted bombing, according to Williams "the entire situation was reviewed at a meeting that included representatives of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, the Connecticut States Attorney's office, the security director of U.S. Surgical and at least one representative of Perceptions International...and the topic of the meeting was Fran Trutt."" <a href="http://www.publiceye.org/liberty/greenspy.html" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.publiceye.org/liberty/greenspy.html" rel="nofollow">[1]</a>

"The president of Perceptions International in Connecticut states, "We look at the animal-rights movement in general." This includes certain "philosophical and tactical trends" of interest to clients (Boston Globe, 9 July 1989). One such client was U.S. Surgical Corporation, a group that was criticized for using anesthetized dogs to demonstrate its surgical staples. But the intelligence firm also gets specific. One of its employees infiltrated an animal-rights group and befriended a woman who was later arrested for planting a bomb in the parking lot of U.S. Surgical." <a href="http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/recent.html" class="external autonumber" title="http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/recent.html" rel="nofollow">[2]</a>

In the mid-1980s <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Joel_Carlinsky&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Joel Carlinsky (page does not exist)">Joel Carlinsky</a> "began hanging around Earth First! meetings, acting in concert with <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Mary_Lou_Sapone" title="Mary Lou Sapone">Mary Lou Sapone</a> of Perceptions International, a private Wackenhut-styled security firm. Functioning as an agent provocateur--some Earth Firsters thought he worked for the FBI--he tried to enlist them in a plot to "take out every nuclear reactor on the East Coast." Dave Foremen and other EF! activists were arrested in a similar framed-up scheme." <a href="http://www.orgonelab.org/carlinsky.htm" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.orgonelab.org/carlinsky.htm" rel="nofollow">[3]</a>

Court case brought against: <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Mary_Lou_Sapone" title="Mary Lou Sapone">Mary Lou Sapone</a>, Perceptions International, Inc. and <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Jan_Reber&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Jan Reber (page does not exist)">Jan Reber</a>. <a href="http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=2nd&navby=case&no=976067&exact=1" class="external autonumber" title="http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=2nd&navby=case&no=976067&exact=1" rel="nofollow">[4]</a>

Also see <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Marcus_Mead&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Marcus Mead (page does not exist)">Marcus Mead</a>

<tr>

<td>

<h2>Contents</h2>

[<a href="javascript:toggleToc()" class="internal" id="togglelink">hide</a>]</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International#Related">1 Related</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International#Publications">2 Publications</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International#Related_SourceWatch_pages">3 Related SourceWatch pages</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Perceptions_International#External_links">4 External links</a></li>

</ul>

</td>

</tr>

</tbody></table>

<h2>Related</h2>

"In a lucrative and clandestine business, a handful of private firms are scrutinizing the thoughts and actions of the nation's social activists. Environmentalists, animal-rights workers and skeptics of biotechnology are all targets of this trade, which ranges from reading newsletters to full-fledged undercover operations, complete with paid spies.

"Only 10 to 15 firms, most of them small, do that kind of work exclusively, according to an estimate by Ronald Duchin, senior vice president of <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Mongoven,_Biscoe_and_Duchin" title="Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin" class="mw-redirect">Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin</a>, a Washington firm. Duchin, who has a military and public relations background, said some big public relations companies also watch certain groups in the course of doing business. ...

"For a fee, perhaps in the neighborhood of $3,500 a month, Duchin's firm will analyze groups or movements that might pose a threat to their clients. Duchin and others in the business say they build their reputation on their ability to advise companies of current trends in certain movements." (Alters, 1989)

<h2>Publications</h2>

<ul>

<li>Jan Reber and Paul Shaw, "Executive Protection Manual", Schiller Park, IL: MTI Telegrams Inc., 1980.</li>

</ul>

<h2>Related SourceWatch pages</h2>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Amcor" title="Amcor">Amcor</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Mongoven,Biscoe%26_Duchin" title="Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin">Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin</a></li>

</ul>

<h2>External links</h2>

<ul>

<li>Diane Alters, "Shhhhh . . . some firms are busy spying on the nation's social activists environmentalists, animal-rights workers and skeptics of biotechnology are targets of a lucrative trade", The Boston Globe, July 9, 1989.</li>

<li>Lisa McGurrin Driscoll, "A Corporate Spy Story", New England Business, May 1, 1989.</li>

<li>Chip Berlet, "<a href="http://www.publiceye.org/liberty/greenspy.html" class="external text" title="http://www.publiceye.org/liberty/greenspy.html" rel="nofollow">Attacks On Greenpeace and Other Ecology Groups</a>", Publiceye.org, August 22, 1991.</li>

<li>Gary T. Marx, "<a href="http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/recent.html" class="external text" title="http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/recent.html" rel="nofollow">Recent Developments In Undercover Policing</a>", In T. Blomberg and S. Cohen, Punishment and Social Control: Essays in Honor of Sheldon Messigner, 1995.</li>

<li>Jim Martin and Kenn Thomas, "<a href="http://www.orgonelab.org/carlinsky.htm" class="external text" title="http://www.orgonelab.org/carlinsky.htm" rel="nofollow">TOXIC DISINFORMATION: Joel Carlinsky, CSICOP & Orgonomy</a>", www.orgonelab.org, 1997.</li>

<li>"<a href="http://www.animalpeoplenews.org/97/2/business.html" class="external text" title="http://www.animalpeoplenews.org/97/2/business.html" rel="nofollow">Insurer settles in FoA vs. U.S. Surgical</a>", Animal People, March 1997.</li>

</ul>

<div id="mw-normal-catlinks"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Special:Categories" title="Special:Categories">Categories</a>: <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Category:Activism" title="Category:Activism">Activism</a> | <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Category:Private_intelligence-gathering_firms" title="Category:Private intelligence-gathering firms">Private intelligence-gathering firms</a></div>

</div>

<div id="mod-article-section" class="mod-nytimesarticlesection"><a onclick="parent.recordOutboundLink(this, 'ap-NYT-P section', 'http://www.nytimes.com/1989/03/03/nyregion/animal-rights-case-terror-or-entrapment.html?src=pm');return false;" target="_new" href="http://www.nytimes.com/">Archives</a></div>

</div>

<h1>Animal-Rights Case: Terror or Entrapment?</h1>

</div>

By CELESTINE BOHLEN

Published: March 03, 1989

</div>

In the early hours of Nov. 11, the police arrested a Queens woman, saying she had planted a bomb at the Norwalk headquarters of the United States Surgical Corporation. The bomb plot - called a protest against the company's use of dogs in surgical training - was quickly condemned by the company as an example of growing fanaticism in the animal-rights movement.

But the crude device placed that night turned out to be a bombshell of a different sort. Subsequently, United States Surgical confirmed that it had been keeping close tabs on the suspect, Fran Stephanie Trutt, since last May, recording her phone calls and observing her movements.

The day before she was arrested, Ms. Trutt was on the telephone three times with an undercover agent working for the company; a second agent drove her from Queens to Norwalk with the bomb in the back of his van.

These revelations have prompted a furious debate that cuts through the volatile issue of animal rights to questions about the propriety of aggressive corporate spying, especially against protest movements.

</div>

Was United States Surgical taking sensible measures to protect itself, or did it cross the line into entrapment? Were the two undercover agents heroes, as they themselves maintain? Or were they overzealous amateurs who promoted a crime? The Trutt case is unfolding as animal-rights groups are already drawing national attention with new, aggressive campaign tactics, from spray-painting fur coats to infiltrating medical research laboratories.

Spokesmen for United States Surgical contend that repeated threats by Ms. Trutt against Leon C. Hirsch, the company's president, in more than 30 hours of recorded conversations provide ample justification for their acts.

They say the company and its security consultant, Perceptions International, informed state, Federal and local authorities of the undercover operation when United States Surgical first had evidence of a bomb threat last June. The operation, the spokesmen say, was turned over to the Norwalk police on Nov. 9, as soon as the company's agents realized Ms. Trutt intended to carry out her plans. ''When the facts are out, you will see that everything was done for the protection of myself and my people, with the full cooperation of the police,'' said Mr. Hirsch. ''Don't forget: This lady tried to premeditatively murder me.''

But lawyers for Ms. Trutt, who has been indicted on state and Federal charges, argue that she was set up and that any statements by her about harming Mr. Hirsch or his company were simply the musings of a woman gripped by outrage over what she saw as needless animal abuse.

''U.S. Surgical agents scoped Fran Trutt out with considerable care over an extended period of time,'' said John Williams, a New Haven lawyer who is representing her against attempted murder charges in Connecticut. ''It was their operation; that is the centerpiece of our defense.''

Mr. Williams said company agents not only encouraged Ms. Trutt to obtain the bombs, but even provided money to buy them. He says he has further evidence that after Ms. Trutt was in jail, the agents continued to tape conversations with her secretly and even entered her apartment in Brooklyn and seized the contents of her desk.

Finally, Mr. Williams argues, the company's use of double agents went far beyond the requirements of the case and that in its search for violent offenders, the company actually tried to undermine a legitimate movement by sowing misinformation and even deploying agent provocateurs.

The Angry Dog Lover And a Harried Company

Much in the case turns on the character of Fran Trutt, a 33-year-old science tutor who lived alone in a basement apartment without a phone in Jackson Heights, Queens. She had on-again, off-again jobs at local yeshivas and attended animal-rights protests, but her associates say that much of her emotional life was invested in her ''babies,'' as she called the four dogs she cared for in a nearby garage.

Ms. Trutt's love of dogs led her to United States Surgical, for the last eight years the target of animal-rights advocates protesting its use of dogs to give surgeons experience in the operation of its patented surgical stapler. Friends of Animals, a Norwalk-based organization that has spearheaded the protests since 1981, has said Ms. Trutt, otherwise unknown to them, attended one protest outside the company in 1986.

''I remembered her because she was the one trampling the azaleas,'' said Priscilla Feral, president of the organization.

But there was another side to Fran Trutt. The police said a search of her apartment after her arrest turned up more weapons - two pipe bombs in an attache case under a sink, a sawed-off shotgun and a pipe gun.

Two young men from Queens - Darrell Benvenuto, 20, and Marc Anagnos, 21 - have been charged with supplying Ms. Trutt with three bombs, including the one transported to Norwalk. The two men have not yet been indicted.

It is not clear when Ms. Trutt began to focus on United States Surgical and Leon Hirsch. The first the company knew of her enmity was at a demonstration in May 1988, when she volunteered to one of the company's agents that she intended to kill Mr. Hirsch, as well as a former lover who had jilted her. People who have heard the tapes say Ms. Trutt's desire for revenge in her personal life predated and seemed to take precedence over her intentions against Mr. Hirsch.

In the years since animal-rights protesters fastened on his company, Mr. Hirsch has received a number of threats, some personal, vitriolic and anti-Semitic. The company's public-relations office keeps color snapshots of vociferous demonstrators, their placards and slogans, like one in 1982 scrawled in red paint across the company driveway: ''Kill Hirsch.'' The Company Agents Who Acted as Informers ''You have to take stuff like this seriously,'' Mr. Hirsch said in a recent interview, accompanied by John Scanlon, a New York media consultant he had hired to help weather the storm of publicity. ''We have felt since the early 1980's that the animal-rights movement was edging toward violence, and to protect our property and our people, we started developing surveillance systems,'' he said. ''If you know someone wants to kill you, any prudent person has to take steps. Look, I would not be sitting here talking tonight if it were not for Mary Lou Sapone.''

Mary Lou Sapone, 42, who lives in Ridgefield, Conn., and has worked for Perceptions International within the animal-rights movement since June 1987, was the agent who met Ms. Trutt at the demonstration in 1988 and reported the threat to Mr. Hirsch. Ms. Sapone said Ms. Trutt struck her then as ''persistent and focused.''

In the next seven months, the two women met twice, both times in Queens near La Guardia Airport. Most of their contact was through phone calls made by Ms. Trutt from several phone booths.

In September, two months before the reputed bombing attempt, another agent - Marcus Mead, owner of a window-washing company in Westport, Conn. - was dispatched by Perceptions to befriend Ms. Trutt, according to an interview Mr. Mead gave to The Westport News in January in which he blew the cover of the secret operation. Mr. Mead's lawyer, Richard Meehan Sr., has since barred his client from talking to the press.

Again, dogs provided the link, as Mr. Mead, approaching Ms. Trutt in a pizzeria, asked for advice about his dog's puppies. According to the printed account, Ms. Trutt told Mr. Mead on Nov. 8 that she planned to attack Mr. Hirsch.

According to United States Surgical, the Norwalk police took control of the operation a day later, instructing Mr. Mead to drive Ms. Trutt and the bomb to Connecticut on Nov. 10. The Chief of the Norwalk police, Carl La Bianca, declined to comment on the case.

Ms. Trutt - now in jail in Connecticut, her bail set at $500,000 - has contended since her arrest that she was set up, but her suspicions about Mary Lou Sapone were apparently late in coming. Ms. Trutt's lawyers say she continued to talk to Ms. Sapone after her arrest, even trusting the informer to look after her beloved dogs.

''I would say she trusted me - on certain levels,'' Ms. Sapone said in an interview last week in Mr. Scanlon's office, where she was accompanied by a company spokeswoman and lawyer. ''At other times she did not. She never told me where she lived. She told me she had two bombs, but she didn't say where.

''I felt from that first day she was serious, and as we talked that summer, I knew she was serious about killing at least two people.''

Since Ms. Sapone's role in the case became public, animal-rights campaigners across the country have been retracing her activities in the animal-rights movement.

''She was at every meeting of at least three people, always milking people for information,'' said Wayne Pacelle, now executive director in Boston of the Fund for Animals. ''She spared no expense, no amount of boredom to keep up.''

Although most of her activities were in Connecticut, Ms. Sapone also attended demonstrations in Washington and pursued groups on the West Coast.

Ms. Sapone insists she remained passive in all of her contacts, but others remember it differently. ''She served not only as an informant,'' Mr. Pacelle recalled, ''but as a provocateur, often suggesting illegal activities.'' Questions About Roles Of Police and Company The growing strength of the animal-rights movement has been an undercurrent in the Trutt case, although no one has argued that Ms. Trutt was acting on behalf of any group. The bitterness on both sides has given the debate another dimension, both personal and ideological.

Ms. Feral, who argues that Friends of Animals has been a target of infiltrators and has been bugged by microphones planted by United States Surgical, thinks that an early attempt by people who opposed the animal-rights movement to capitalize on the attempted bombing has backfired.

''They want to be the victims and make out that we are the violent fringe,'' she said.

The police role in the Trutt case has also raised questions - in particular whether law-enforcement agents should not have stepped in earlier. The Norwalk Police Department is examining how officers handled the information from Perceptions International, based in Stratford, Conn. The Federal Bureau of Investigation last week declined to comment on the case. Now the Protesters Are Being Watched Mr. Hirsch says other companies that have become targets of animal-rights protesters have applauded his handling of the case.

Tom Riley, vice president of the Fur Retailers Information Council, which keeps track of animal-rights protests for the fur industry, said the council routinely supplied the Justice Department with photographs of demonstrators outside fur shops. The demonstrators, he argued, ''may be the same people who slash fur coats with razor blades or shoot at shop windows.''

But he said the council has never used informers.

The president of Perceptions International, Jan Reber, argues that his work is not investigative but ''information gathering,'' which is why he has not sought a private investigator's license from the State of Connecticut.

Speaking in an office heavily decorated with animal skins, imitation elephant tusks and African artifacts -many gifts from an earlier career as a security adviser in Africa - Mr. Reber stressed that he kept his distance from law-enforcement agencies.

''We are not a front for the government,'' he said. He described his concern's specialty as ''social issues that have a coercive element.'' The animal-rights movement, he said, is not the major focus of his company.

But that field appears to be growing. Late last year another concern headed by Mr. Reber, Perceptions Press, came out with a controversial newsletter, The Animal Rights Reporter, which covers government regulations on medical research but also highlights the potential threat posed by animal-rights groups.

In an article in the December issue, before the revelations about the activities of Perceptions' employees, the newsletter said:

''Just as the shooting down of a civilian Rhodesian airline by a local terrorist group in the 1970's created an environment in which murderous attacks like the Achille Lauro incident could be conceived and implemented, so might Trutt's action stand as a milestone for the animal-rights movement.''

</div>

ummmm....

Tales from the crypt

(From ANIMAL PEOPLE, January/February 2000.)

Bill Wewer, the far-right tax attorney and direct mail

fundraiser who formed the Doris Day Animal League in 1986 and the

anti-animal rights group Putting People First with his wife Kathleen

Marquardt in 1990, was reported dead in San Francisco on April

Fool's Day 1999.

ANIMAL PEOPLE has repeatedly identified Cetacean Freedom

Network founder Rick Spill as apparently being a Wewer alter ego,

based on clues that Wewer himself provided in a taunting 1997 fax,

many eyewitness identifications of photographs of each one as the

other, and much other circumstantial and behavioral evidence.

But Spill reportedly appeared during the late November/early

December protests against the World Trade Organization meeting in

Seattle, helping longtime close associate Ben White and others to

build sea turtle costumes.

If Wewer is dead but Spill is alive, ANIMAL PEOPLE must be

wrong, right?

Right, but looking into the circumstances of the alleged

Wewer death, ANIMAL PEOPLE found that the San Francisco Medical

Examiner's office never actually saw or identified a body.

The death report was recorded as having been telephoned to

the Medical Examiner's office by one nurse Carolyn Schultz at the

Coming Home Hospice, and the death certificate was signed--or

appeared to be--by oncologist Bertrand Tuan, M.D., of San

Francisco. Having no reason to consider the death suspicious, the

Medical Examiner accepted it as " official " without asking questions.

However, the death certificate makes no mention of Schultz,

identifying Marquardt as the " informant " that death had occurred.

The remains were allegedly then cremated, leaving nothing for anyone

else to identify.

Neither Tuan, addressed at his office, nor Schultz,

written to in care of the Coming Home Hospice, responded to a

request to identify photos of the alleged deceased from among packets

of photos of both Wewer and Spill sent by ANIMAL PEOPLE with prepaid

reply envelopes on November 19, 1999.

ANIMAL PEOPLE meanwhile found writings by Wewer and

Marquardt, published in the early 1990s, taking strong positions

against the establishment of world trade regulation on the theory

that it could lead to global bans on whaling, sealing, and fur

trapping.

Having clashed often with the IRS, Wewer and Marquardt

might

have found an incentive to feign Wewer's demise in the IRS

Restructuring and Reform Act of 1998. Better known as the " innocent

spouse act, " the law enables spouses whose absent or deceased

partners cheated on joint returns to escape responsibility for

resultant tax debts.

----------------------------

This came in on December 1, 1999 via the Cetacean Freedom

Network, founded by Rick Spill. The Cetacean Freedom Network folks

didn't know, at the time, that I got it.

>This message comes to you courtesy of the CFN-Views Maillist.

>---------------------------

>Cetaceans & WTO - News From the Front

>

>Through the tireless and occasionally heroic efforts of several CFN

members

>and dozens of volunteers, animals were put on the agenda of the

World Trade

>Organization which has been meeting this week in Seattle. Two

hundred and

>fifty demonstrators in sea turtle costumes and Mark Berman and his

>inflatable dolphin made sure of it!

>Animal groups' efforts were coordinated by Ben White of Animal

Welfare

>Institute and Lisa Wathne of the Humane Society of the U.S. Both

these

>individuals and their organizations should be praised for their

cooperation

>in this project and for the vast amount of resources that they

committed to

>this campaign. Other local, national and international groups sent

>representatives to help. As well, Rick Spill, founder of CFN, showed

up for

>several days of turtle construction and demonstrating.

-----------------------------

Bill Wewer and Kathleen Marquardt openly hated the WTO and

NAFTA, and attacked WTO and NAFTA with considerable vitriol in their

writings. The far right position is consistent with the position of

the demonstrators in Seattle, albeit for largely different reasons.

The next item, below, is a footnote from the December 1999

ANIMAL PEOPLE " Who Gets The Money? " feature on the budgets, assets,

and top salaries paid by animal protection groups, mailed earlier

this week. It more-or-less brings you up-to-date on the identity

issues involving Mr. Spill:

>The Humane Society of Ventura County was legally represented in

>1997-1998 by >Bill Wewer, of Helena, Montana. A report that he

>had died in San Francisco >was telephoned to the city medical

>examiner on April Fool's Day 1999. Founder >of the National

>Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, Wewer was >in

>1984-1985 investigated by Congress and reprimanded by the Justice

>Department >for his direct mailing practices. Leaving the NCPSSM,

>Wewer formed the Doris >Day Animal League in 1986, but left it in

>early 1990 to join the anti-animal >rights group Putting People

>First, begun by his wife Kathleen Marquardt in >1989. He largely

>dropped out of sight after ANIMAL PEOPLE editor Merritt >Clifton

>exposed his history in April 1991. PPF became Putting Liberty

>First, >then merged with the American Policy Center. After Wewer

>boasted in early 1997 >that he was under deep cover within an animal

>protection group, we identified >a person whom we suspect was

>Wewer, employed as " Rick Spill " by the Animal >Welfare Institute

>since 1993. He had cofounded the Cetacean Freedom Network in >1995.

>The name " Rick Spill " was also used in 1986 by a spokesperson for

>a >conservative political group Wewer was associated with. " Spill "

>left AWI in >May 1997 and all but vanished. A rumor that he had

>resurfaced reached us in >mid-November 1999, but was not

>substantiated.

-----------------------------

I checked with the San Francisco medical examiner's office,

and got a copy of Wewer's death certificate. The medical examiner's

office never saw the body and never did any identification. The

telephoned death report supposedly came from a nurse Carolyn Schultz

and the death certificate was signed, possibly sight unseen, by a

Dr. Bernard Y. Tuan.

Schultz and Tuan did not respond to my request that they

identify the person who died from photos I sent them (assuming there

really is a Schultz. I have doubts.)

Wewer's alleged body was officially identified by Kathleen

Marquardt, who as well as being Wewer's wife is herself a career

wise-use wiseguy. The only published obituary was in the newsletter

of the outfit she works for, the Tom DeWeese Report--and the

obituary did not appear in the online edition of the DeWeese Report.

Neither has any mutual acquaintance been able to confirm having heard

of Wewer's death. We didn't have a whole lot of mutual

acquaintances, but there were a few whom I think would tell the

truth.

The April 1 death date for Wewer would be suspicious by

itself, but there is more: Rick Spill had a history of using dead

people's SSN. Wewer was intimately familiar with the SSN system via

his work with the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and

Medicare. Changing identity when things got hot was/is a consistent

pattern with both of them.

Coming Home, the hospice where Wewer supposedly died, is a

nonprofit facility, and I was able to get a little bit of

information about it. It has a rather odd profile, combining

hospice care with legal and financial services, and is ridicuously

small, in normal hospice terms, in dollar volume coming and going.

Bluntly, it could be a false front set up expressly for the purpose

of facilitating I.D. changes--for example, either in connection with

criminality or the federal witness protection program. About all I

can say for certain is that I've looked at the financial profiles of

other nonprofit hospices, and this one stands out as different.

Possibilities, previously mentioned:

1) Wewer faked his own death somehow, switching I.D. with

someone else who died. He had a motive [tax evasion] in the recently

passed Innocent Spouse Act.

2) Spill is not Wewer, in which case there are a heck of a

lot of coincidences involving their personal quirks, appearance,

and whereabouts left to explain. Why have they never both been

visible at the same time? Why did Spill disappear and Wewer reappear

when we began investigating Spill? Why didn't either one of them

directly challenge my identification of one as the other? How does

it happen that they have virtually identical eating habits,

prejudices, hobbies, talents, and phobias?

Paranoid as ever,

Merritt Clifton, editor, ANIMAL PEOPLE.

U.S. Surgical CEO is not exactly retiring, despite sale

(July/August 1998.)

NORWALK, Ct.--U.S. Surgical Corporation founder and CEO

Leon

Hirsch, 70, on May 24 sold the firm to Tyco International Ltd., in

a deal expected to close in September. Whether the sale will reduce

the role of U.S. Surgical in anti-animal rights work is uncertain.

" We don't really anticipate any effect, " Americans for

Medical Progress director of public affairs Jacquie Calnan told

ANIMAL PEOPLE. U.S. Surgical personnel founded AMP, and in 1992

$980,000 of the $985,000 AMP budget came from U.S. Surgical, but

Calnan said that " Over the past few years, as AMP grew and developed

a broad base of support among the research community, U.S. Surgical

gradually reduced its financial backing. Today, " Calnan said, " AMP

has over 90 corporate and institutional partners, including U.S.

Surgical. But as of this year, " she added, " USSC is no longer the

majority, or even the largest, contributor among AMP's members. "

However, Calnan also said, " Under the terms of the sale,

Leon Hirsch will continue in his role and we look forward to

continuing our partnership with U.S. Surgical for many years to come. "

A longtime target of animal rights protest, for using dogs

in sales demonstrations of surgical products, Hirsch via U.S.

Surgical in 1987-1989 hired the now defunct private security firm

Perceptions International to spy on Friends of Animals and other

activist groups. One undercover Perceptions operative, Mary Lou

Sappone, was elected president of the Connecticut Animal Rights

Alliance, nominated by former CARA president Wayne Pacelle, who is

now a senior vice president for the Humane Society of the U.S.--even

though CARA cofounder Kim Bartlett, now ANIMAL PEOPLE publisher,

had already identified her as an informer.

In January 1988, Sappone tried unsuccessfully to interest

ANIMAL PEOPLE editor Merritt Clifton in a plot to " blow up " Hirsch,

apparently unaware that Clifton was not an activist but a newspaper

reporter, who mistook her for a raving drunk, told her the bombing

plot was a " half-assed idiotic idea, " and told others present that

she was talking crazy.

In April 1988, Sappone met New York City dog rescuer Fran

Trutt, whom she encouraged and financially assisted in placing a

bomb in Hirsch's parking space at the U.S. Surgical headquarters in

Norwalk, Connecticut. In November 1988, Trutt was driven to the

scene, with the bomb, by another Perceptions undercover operative,

Marc Mead, who had arranged for her to be arrested in a police

ambush.

Spy vs. spy

Trutt served a year in prison. Sappone and Perceptions

International founding partner Jan Reber may still be involved in

surveillance and disruption of animal rights activity, under new

aliases. Their whereabouts as Sappone and Reber are not presently

known, but former associates have tentatively identified their

presence in photographs and covert video taken of marine

mammal-related activism during the past two years. Their possible

appearances have occurred in proximity to an individual whom ANIMAL

PEOPLE believes may be Bill Wewer, best known as legal counsel for

the anti-animal rights front Putting People First, which in 1997

renamed itself Putting Liberty First.

Responding in February 1997 to questions from ANIMAL PEOPLE,

Wewer said he had " moled into a movement organization using an

identity which, although assumed, does contain a humorous clue to

my real identity, if you know how to look for it. "

In archaic Germanic languages a " wewer " may be a weir, a

small stream or spillway, a pitcher or basin--or a werewolf.

An individual of self-professedly mysterious background in

military intelligence named Rick Spill, with physical resemblance to

Wewer, was marine mammal consultant for the Animal Welfare Institute

from 1993 until May 1997, when he left abruptly and was replaced by

longtime controversial marine mammal activist Ben White. Spill

denied being Wewer, supported by affidavits from Doris Day Animal

League president Holly Hazard, Animal Legal Defense Fund attorney

Valerie Stanley, and several Washington D.C. housemates.

One housemate later told EnviroWatch investigator Carroll

Cox, however, that contrary to the affidavit, Spill could not be

definitively placed at that address at a time when Wewer was making a

public appearance in Montana....

http://www.indiadivine.org/showthread.php?t=1330811

----

<h1 class="print-title" style=" margin-bottom: .2em;">There's Something About Mary: Unmasking a Gun Lobby Mole</h1>

<div class="dek" style=" font-style: italic; margin-bottom: .5em;">Mary McFate was a prominent gun control activist. Mary Lou Sapone was a freelance spy with an NRA connection. They are the same person. A Mother Jones investigation.</div>

By <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/authors/david-corn" rel="author">David Corn</a>, <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/authors/james-ridgeway" rel="author">James Ridgeway</a>, and <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/authors/daniel-schulman" rel="author">Daniel Schulman</a> | Wed Jul. 30, 2008 12:00 AM PDT

This is the story of two Marys. Both are in their early 60s, heavyset, with curly reddish hair. But for years they have worked on opposite ends of the same issues. Mary McFate is an advocate of environmental causes and a prominent activist within the gun control movement. For more than a decade, she volunteered for various gun violence prevention organizations, serving on the boards of anti-gun outfits, helping state groups coordinate their activities, lobbying in Washington for gun control legislation, and regularly attending strategy and organizing meetings.

Mary Lou Sapone, by contrast, is a self-described "research consultant," who for decades has covertly infiltrated citizens groups for private security firms hired by corporations that are targeted by activist campaigns. For some time, Sapone also worked for the National Rifle Association.

But these two Marys share a lot in common—a Mother Jones investigation has found that McFate and Sapone are, in fact, the same person. And this discovery has caused the leaders of gun violence prevention organizations to conclude that for years they have been penetrated—at the highest levels—by the NRA or other pro-gun parties. "It raises the question," says Paul Helmke, the president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, "of what did she find out and what did they want her to find out."

Using her maiden name, McFate, Sapone began posing as a gun control activist in the mid-1990s. Bryan Miller, the executive director of Ceasefire New Jersey, a grassroots gun control group, recalls first meeting her in the summer of 1998. The NRA was holding its annual convention in downtown Philadelphia, and the event drew the usual bevy of protesters. Among them was a middle-aged woman then living in Pennsylvania who made a point of introducing herself to Miller. In the following years, Miller would remember this encounter well, as he watched McFate rise from a street protester to a figure known nationally within his movement. She became a leader of Pennsylvanians Against Handgun Violence and later a board member of Ceasefire Pennsylvania. According to staffers at several gun violence prevention groups, she worked on the Million Mom March in 2000, when hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated in Washington, DC, to demand stricter gun laws. She joined the board of Freedom States Alliance, a network of nine state-based gun control organizations. At States United to Prevent Gun Violence, a nationwide coalition of anti-gun groups, she was the director of federal legislation, an unpaid position that placed her in charge of the outfit's lobbying efforts in Washington. In that role, she collaborated with national organizations including the Brady Campaign and the Violence Policy Center.

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In 2005, McFate ran for a board position at the Brady Campaign, which would have placed her in the inner sanctum of the nation's most prominent gun control group. On her ballot statement, she described herself as a "community activist and motivational speaker," "a former presidential scholar," and a recipient of the "Public Service Council's Community Champion Award in 1999." And she pitched her credentials for the position: "I believe my volunteerism over 30 years to nonprofit organizations with disparate program goals has given me practical insights on what strategies are most effective…My experience with broad coalitions working together for societal change has proven to me that our organization is on the right track to make our neighborhoods safer and to give our children their full life potential."

McFate lost the election, but she did not give up. Several months ago, she told Paul Helmke that she was interested in an appointed board position for the Brady Campaign. (Helmke recalls that he was concerned about placing her on his board because she was already deeply connected to other groups. "I didn't push the idea," he says.) In 2007, she attended a summit convened by the International Association of Chiefs of Police that aimed to develop a strategy for reducing gun violence. As an advocate working with both state and national groups, she was privy to the gun control movement's community's internal deliberations and in a position to know what was happening throughout the movement. "She's been active in everything and involved in every single major gun violence prevention organization," says Barbara Hohlt, executive director of States United to Prevent Gun Violence.

Despite her supposed commitment to the cause, her friends and colleagues in the gun control community considered McFate something of a curiosity. Among other things, she had a tendency to drop in and out of contact, explaining away her absences by saying she had been vacationing aboard luxury cruise liners. When the Brady Campaign's communications director, Paul Hamm, occasionally asked her to talk to the media about gun issues, she adamantly refused. "I would say, 'Please, Mary.' She would say, 'No, no, no, I don't want to.'"

Looking back, gun control advocates who worked with McFate can now see what might have been faint warning signs. A few weeks ago, Hohlt says, she had what she considered an odd encounter with McFate when the pair was making preparations to take part in a conference call with other gun control advocates. Rather than face a long-distance charge for the call, McFate, who lives in Florida but was in New York City at the time, insisted on dropping by the offices of New Yorkers Against Gun Violence to participate in the discussion. Given that McFate appeared to be well off financially—she was always offering to travel to meetings and conferences, including NRA conferences, with no concern for cost—Hohlt couldn't understand why she was demanding to come to this office for the call just to save a few bucks. Nor could she fathom why McFate often pushed to share a hotel room with other gun control advocates at conferences and events when she seemed able to afford accommodations of her own. Hohlt also thought it unusual that McFate served on the boards of several organizations simultaneously, since there was, as Hohlt puts it, "a certain amount of competition between all the groups." But she never doubted McFate's devotion to gun control.

</div>

Though McFate's colleagues viewed her as a friend, some found it strange that they knew virtually nothing about her life outside the movement. She never explained the source of her personal wealth. And Toby Hoover, the executive director of the Ohio Coalition Against Gun Violence and an activist who worked with McFate since the mid-1990s, says, "She never talked about what she had done prior to this work. I didn't even know if she had a husband or kids." Ceasefire New Jersey's Bryan Miller adds, "She doesn't talk about her family. I know nothing about her personal life other than that she lives in Sarasota, Florida. For my closest friends in this movement, who also know Mary, it was a matter of low-level discussion that we didn't know anything about her."

There was good reason for that.

Outside the gun control world, Mary Lou Sapone was, as Mother Jones has <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/04/firm-spied-on-environmental-groups.html">previously reported</a> [1], a for-hire operative who spied on citizens' groups for corporate clients. Property and phone records indicate that the two names belong to the same person. Last week, a reporter for Mother Jones called the Sarasota phone number that McFate had given her gun control allies and asked the woman who answered if she was Mary Lou Sapone. "Yes," she responded. But Sapone then refused to answer any questions about Mary McFate or her work for gun control. She quickly hung up—and did not respond to subsequent calls and emails.

During Sapone's ascent through the ranks of the gun control movement, she worked for the NRA, according to a business associate. In a 2003 deposition, Tim Ward, who had been president of the Maryland-based security firm Beckett Brown International, said that the NRA had been "a client" of Sapone's. (As a subcontractor for BBI, Sapone had <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/05/environmental-espionage-chemical-company-spy-op.html">planted an operative</a> [2] within an environmental group in Lake Charles, Louisiana.) According to Ward, at his request Sapone had introduced BBI to the NRA in early 1999. And that introduction quickly paid off. Billing records obtained by Mother Jones indicate that between May 1999 and April 2000, the NRA paid BBI nearly $80,000 for various services.

In another 2003 deposition, Jay Bly, a former Secret Service officer who worked for BBI, was asked what type of work the security firm had done for the NRA, and he responded, "Those are very sensitive issues, and I'm just not comfortable going into it. I'm really not." Later in the deposition, Bly said, "I did a number of different things for the NRA in the area of investigation, the area of personal protection, in the area of event security, in the area of intelligence gathering, okay?"

Ward, during his own deposition, explained what a typical BBI intelligence-gathering operation would entail: "We used informants that we would send to public rallies that these people were holding, public demonstrations. These informants developed relationships where they could pick up a phone up and call in to find out where the next event was, where it was going to be held…They are usually very eager to have somebody come and tote banners and scream and shout." According to Bly's testimony, he and Ward continued their intelligence-gathering operations for the NRA after BBI acrimoniously disbanded around 2001 and Ward opened his own security firm, Chesapeake Strategies. (These depositions were taken during a lawsuit filed against former BBI officials by John Dodd, the firm's primary investor.)

In his deposition, Ward identified Sapone's contact at the NRA as Patrick O'Malley. From the late 1990s until 2002, O'Malley was the deputy executive director of the Institute for Legislative Action, the NRA's political arm. And according to billing records from BBI (which in 2000 changed its name to S2I Corporation), O'Malley was BBI's liaison at the NRA. Recent emails indicate that in 2007 and 2008 Sapone was working with O'Malley, who lobbied for the NRA after leaving the ILA and went on to work for a government relations firm retained by his former employer. In recent years, O'Malley has served as the executive director of the Ballot Issues Coalition, an organization composed of hunting-rights groups, including the NRA.

O'Malley did not respond to numerous messages left at his office and home. Asked about Sapone, James Jay Baker, who was executive director of the NRA's ILA when O'Malley was its deputy executive director, says, "I don't have anything to say about any vendors at the NRA." Baker notes, "We got information from whatever sources we can," but he maintains that he was not aware of any infiltration of the gun control movement. Baker, now managing director of Ogilvy Government Relations, a high-powered lobbying shop, is currently registered as a lobbyist for the NRA. (After leaving the NRA in 2002, both O'Malley and Baker joined the Federalist Group, a lobbying firm that was acquired by Ogilvy in 2005.) Contacted repeatedly, the NRA declined to comment on its past or present relationship with Sapone, BBI, or Chesapeake Strategies.

Informed of McFate's true identity, her friends and associates in the gun control community expressed shock and anger. "That astounds me," says Barbara Hohlt. Of McFate's ability to maintain her cover, she adds, "She was very, very good. Everybody knew her for years and trusted her." Brian Malte, director of state legislation at the Brady Campaign, says, "Oh my…Of all the people." Kristen Rand, legislative director of the Violence Policy Center, remarks, "This is totally bizarre." And she adds, "I would find it hardest to believe this about her. She comes across as kind of dense—or she's putting on a good act."

McFate's (now former) colleagues note that she was well-positioned for many years to provide the NRA—or any other gun rights groups—the plans, secrets, and inside gossip of practically the entire gun violence prevention movement. "She had access to all the legislative strategy for every major issue for years," says Rand. Another gun control advocate who worked with McFate and asked not to be identified recalls, "She was one of those rare people. As a volunteer, she wanted to know more and more about what people were working on." With intelligence gathered by McFate, Ceasefire New Jersey's Miller says, the gun lobby could "learn a lot: what the grassroots of the gun violence prevention movement intended; where our priorities are shifting; which legislation we would be promoting or fighting against and what sort of effort we would be putting into that; who our targeted legislators would be; what states and districts we deemed important enough to put an effort into; our messaging, what our messaging would be before we put it out there."

Hohlt recalled several recent episodes in which McFate maneuvered to place herself in the middle of issues important to the NRA and others in the gun lobby. One occurred this spring, when the London-based International Action Network on Small Arms was trying to persuade American gun control groups to attend a July meeting at the United Nations on small-arms control. (A 2001 UN conference ended up establishing a program weaker than gun control advocates had desired, thanks to the intervention of the Bush administration, which had been lobbied by the NRA.) States United to Prevent Gun Violence had never before been involved with international gun control issues. And to participate in the UN meeting, it had to apply for credentials. Hohlt says McFate pushed her to file for them. Hohlt did so, and McFate ended up being able to learn what the anti-gun forces were planning for the UN session—including the delegates they intended to lobby, and the arguments they would highlight.

McFate also took a keen interest in a gun matter currently under consideration by the Department of the Interior, Hohlt says. At the urging of the gun lobby, the agency has been mulling whether to change its regulations to allow people to carry loaded and concealed guns into national parks under certain circumstances. (At the moment, a gun carried into a national park must be unloaded and kept apart from ammunition.) The National Parks Conservation Association and current and former National Park Service officials have been fighting the proposed rule change. "When Mary heard about this," Hohlt recalls, "she immediately asked to be on the email list [of the opponents] and she also got on the phone calls. So she now knows the strategy of the people trying to fight this." Similarly, when Mayors Against Illegal Guns, a group organized by New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg, mounted a campaign against the NRA-backed Tiahrt amendment—legislation advanced by Rep. Todd Tiahrt (R-Kan.) and first passed by Congress in 2003 that prevents the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives from sharing gun-tracing data—McFate, according to Hohlt, made certain to participate in conference calls during which strategy for beating back the bill was discussed. "Whenever an issue comes up, she manages to get on the email list," Hohlt says.

The McFate operation, says Miller, "would confirm for me the way that the gun lobby works, which is no rules, no question of fairness or honesty. Anything that they can do they will do to protect the profits of the gun industry." He notes that his organization has experienced low-level attempts at penetration in the past—a pro-gun advocate once posed as a would-be volunteer to get on his group's mailing list—but nothing on this scale.

</div>

Shocked to learn that McFate was a spy, gun control advocates have pondered the obvious questions: How did she manage to fool everyone for so long? How much money did she earn for being a mole? To whom in the gun lobby did she report? The NRA? The firearms manufacturing industry? Did her covert effort extend beyond mere intelligence gathering? Did she manage to shape the decisions and actions of anti-gun groups to the gun lobby's liking? And was she the only one?

While Sapone was a spy with a big secret, as McFate she led a relatively high-profile life. In Sarasota, Florida, McFate heads the local chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution. She has served as a substitute teacher at a local military academy, and once joined a coalition of residents who fought to save a 112-acre forest from development. Several years ago, McFate cofounded an organization called Lead Our Leaders, which boasted the "audacious mission" of changing "the way politics is done in America" by creating "a mechanism for the American electorate to effectively communicate their policy instructions to our elected leaders." A 2005 profile of her in the Sarasota Herald-Tribune began, "Mary McFate wants to save the world." (She told the paper, "I'm an optimist by nature.") During a short-lived attempt at <a href="http://mcfate.blogspot.com" target="new">blogging</a> [3], she wrote a small number of postings using the handle "SolutionGal" and touted her Lead Our Leaders effort. (She stopped blogging in February 2006, and the website of Lead Our Leaders is no longer active.)

Sapone's earliest known private intelligence operation occurred in the mid-1980s, when she served as an operative for Perceptions International, a Connecticut-based security firm. Working for Perceptions, which has since been shuttered, she infiltrated the animal rights community for US Surgical Corporation, a target of activists who objected to its testing on dogs. According to a 1989 article in New England Business, Sapone appeared on the animal rights scene in 1986 and quickly became "involved in at least a half dozen animal rights groups." She "made a point of getting to know all of the key people in the movement," and "traveled around the country to most protests, meetings and conferences." At meetings, activists would later say, Sapone advocated taking illegal or violent action to advance the movement. She befriended a 33-year-old activist named Fran Trutt, who in November 1988 would be arrested for planting a remote-controlled pipe bomb near the parking space of US Surgical chairman Leon Hirsch. According to Trutt, on her way to carry out the bombing she lost her nerve and placed a call to Sapone, who convinced her to follow through with the plan—a fact that prompted activists to accuse Sapone of acting as an agent provocateur. (Another Perceptions International operative, Marcus Mead, drove Trutt to US Surgical on the day of the attempted bombing.)

In the 1990s—while working within the gun control community as McFate—Sapone formed her own intelligence-gathering business. And she enlisted family members for its operations. "In our business, it's my daughter-in-law, Montgomery Sapone [who] does all the analytic reports, forecasting, and white papers," Sapone wrote to a client in an August 1999 email obtained by Mother Jones. "She produces a very professional product." Sapone continued, "We are warning our clients that activist groups are moving towards ballot initiatives…And it's easy for groups like Greenpeace to emotionally shape a looming crisis in a 10 second TV spot 2 days before a referenda election. My daughter Shelley specializes in that aspect of our business. We are doing a lot of work now to help clients in the 2000 election."

A resume that Montgomery Sapone used around 1999 describes her role within Mary Lou's business: "Collect and analyze intelligence on European activities of major international environmental organization for a company specializing in domestic and international opposition research, special investigations, issues management and threat assessment. Write weekly intelligence update on European animal rights and eco-terrorist activity. Assist in confidential litigation support research." Sapone's son Sean, a Brown- and Harvard-educated paratrooper who served with the 82nd Airborne Division, was managing director of this firm, which at one point was called Strategic Solutions Group LLC and maintained an office in Washington, DC. According to a Strategic Solutions Group invoice sent to BBI in November 2000, Montgomery Sapone—a Harvard law school grad and Yale-trained anthropologist—once billed the security firm $400 for four hours of her time, which included a "visit to target's office."

Sapone made her gun control work a family affair as well. Around 2003, Montgomery volunteered at the Brady Campaign, according to Becca Knox, the group's research director. Occasionally, Montgomery would also sit in for her mother-in-law at Washington strategy meetings attended by officials of the gun control movement, according to the Violence Policy Center's Kristen Rand. And Sean Sapone once offered to help Rand's group on a campaign against the civilian use of .50 caliber rifles, Rand recalls. But after attending one meeting, Sean Sapone never followed through.

These days, Sean and Montgomery Sapone are better known as Sean and Montgomery McFate, a successful Washington couple whose current bios make no mention of any past intelligence-gathering or opposition-research work. Sean is currently the program director of the national security initiative at the Bipartisan Policy Center, a Washington think tank boasting an advisory board composed of four former Senate majority leaders: Howard Baker, Bob Dole, George Mitchell, and Tom Daschle. An expert on military affairs, he previously worked for Amnesty International and for military contractor DynCorp. According to an online biography, he helped to organize "the first major legal arms shipment to Liberia in 15 years." Montgomery has made a name for herself as one of the primary architects of the US military's human terrain program, which teams social scientists with military units in Iraq and Afghanistan to help soldiers better understand the local culture. (The controversial program has been sharply criticized by the American Anthropological Association, which fears it may cross an ethical line, and has been described by detractors as "mercenary anthropology.") Now a top Pentagon adviser, Montgomery also contributed to the Army's Counterinsurgency Field Manual drafted under the guidance of General David Petraeus.

Montgomery McFate did not respond to an email request for comment. Nor did Mary Lou Sapone's daughter, Shelley McGonnigal. During a brief phone call, Sean McFate told Mother Jones, "I'm familiar with what you are doing. But I don't want to talk to the media." Asked to explain his mother's double life as Mary McFate and Mary Lou Sapone, he said, "You have to talk to Mary Lou." Then he hung up.

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<div class="print-source_url">Source URL: <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2008/07/theres-something-about-mary-unmasking-gun-lobby-mole">http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2008/07/theres-something-about-mary-unmasking-gun-lobby-mole</a></div>

Links:

[1] http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/04/firm-spied-on-environmental-groups.html

[2] http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2008/05/environmental-espionage-chemical-company-spy-op.html

[3] http://mcfate.blogspot.com

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