Mongoven MBD

seeactivistSuppr2

:{

}:

neptune?

promoted primary, evil pending

tar sands greenpeace 2

http://www.vancouverobserver.com/environment/worst-case-scenario-tar-sands-coming-life-leaked-documents-show

==

https://newrepublic.com/article/115832/wikileaks-oil-companies-strategies-anti-keystone-activists

==

Dow Chemical Will Sponsor The London Olympics, Despite A Disaster That Left 15,000 Dead

Read more: http://www.**businessinsider**.com/london-olympics-dow-chemical-2011-11#ixzz3fRi2LfM5

(AP) — London organizers vowed Tuesday to retain Dow Chemical as the sponsor of an artistic wrap encircling the 2012 Olympic Stadium, despite concerns raised in India over the company's links to the Bhopal gas leak disaster.

Indian athletes and rights organizations wrote to the London organizing committee on Monday demanding an end to the association with Dow, which in 2001 bought the Union Carbide factory in the central India city of Bhopal where an estimated 15,000 people died following a poisonous leak in 1984.

Dow maintains it never owned or operated the Bhopal plant, and that legal claims regarding the leak were resolved when Union Carbide paid $470 million as compensation for those killed or injured.

"We are satisfied that Dow was not in ownership, operation or involved in the site at the time (of the disaster) or at the time the full and final settlement was made," LOCOG chairman Sebastian Coe said at a British parliamentary hearing.

Dow, which denies responsibility for the Union Carbide factory's Bhopal liabilities, became one of London's global sponsors last year. In addition, the American-based company is both funding and making the $11 million curtain-style wrap which will encircle the Olympic Stadium in east London.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/london-olympics-dow-chemical-2011-11#ixzz3fRhvb3VU

===

OMfG: Blackheart (guard)  Bart:

he's right to worry about students for bhopal: site has pathos pix, extensive and broad info:

2011 London Olympics (ferguson-esque riots? 3k arrested) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011_England_riots

eg

http://www.bhopal.net/old_studentsforbhopal_org/DirtyDow.htm

https://web.archive.org/web/20120711155606/http://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/404643_re-corp-bhopal-25-coming-up-.html

Bhopal update- 03-03-11

http://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/404643_re-corp-bhopal-25-coming-up-.html   404 watyback has:

On Monday February 27th, 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing The Global Intelligence Files, over five million e-mails from the Texas headquartered "global intelligence" company Stratfor. The e-mails date between July 2004 and late December 2011. They reveal the inner workings of a company that fronts as an intelligence publisher, but provides confidential intelligence services to large corporations, such as Bhopal's Dow Chemical Co., Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and government agencies, including the US Department of Homeland Security, the US Marines and the US Defence Intelligence Agency. The emails show Stratfor's web of informers, pay-off structure, payment laundering techniques and psychological methods.

Re: CORP: Bhopal 25 coming up

:{Maybe the Yes Men were the pinnacle. They made an argument in their way

on their terms -- that this is a corporate problem and a part of the a

larger whole that the Yes Men work. They're the only anti-corporate group

that has joined with the Bhopal groups.}:

Where is SCI or RAN or even Greenpeace on this? On one hand, the EHF

folks haven't found a way to branch out beyond occasional AI mentions, but

at the same time,:{ the larger anti-corporate movement has avoided Bhopal

very nicely. Will Chevron get the same pass? }:

----- Original Message -----

From: "Joseph de Feo" 

To: "Bart Mongoven" 

Cc: "Kathleen Morson" 

Sent: Monday, November 9, 2009 11:06:36 AM GMT -05:00 US/Canada Eastern

Subject: Re: CORP: Bhopal 25 coming up

The professional anti-Dow typeshave made a slight nod toward expanded

activity, but never followed through on it -- the idea of "other Bhopals"

that were the fault of Dow or others. For the past few years it has mostly

just been a spot on a website occasionally updated with a blog post about

different multinationals elsewhere in India (e.g., the SIPCOT work by the

Global Community Monitor affiliates). Now I don't even think blog posts go

up there anymore.

One area in which you might argue the Dow campaign has been successful was

in the R&D site battle outside Pune. Dow had to change its plans. But that

wasn't really a result of the Bhopal-based activists' strategic skills; it

seems they mostly provided one more weapon (the Bhopal issue) and likely

some small amount of funding that helped propel/prolong a campaign that

was going to be difficult for Dow just because of the religious

associations of the area near the site and political gain to be had by

pandering to some locals in an election year. The Dow people could try to

repeat that elsewhere, but I'm not sure they'd find the perfect storm

again.

The Yes Men had their London "B'eau Pal" stunt in London, but again, that

wasn't any indication of an expansion. Same issue and complaints,

statement urging people to check out the Bhopal Medical Appeal.

Bart Mongoven wrote:

We're only a month away from the 25th anniversary of Bhopal. The

:{objective of the Dow Campaign, as far as I can tell, has been the same

as the upcoming RAN Chevron campaign -- to make an impossible demand

upon a major multinational in order to bring attention to the

fundamental problems with laws relating to corporate accountability. }:

:{With less than a month to go, you'd think that the major players --

especially Amnesty-- would have branched out from Bhopal to make a

broader set of issues.}: I don't see any evidence of it. AI Canada

included Bhopal in a Demand Dignity release in September. The

intenrational secretariat has a small link on its website. That's all

I've seen outside of the :{dedicated anti-Dow establishment -- those

groups paid to hate Dow (PANNA, SfB). [Students for Bhopal]}:

The anger is legitimate and the campaign framing has been done pretty

well.If they can't manage to use the 25th anniversary to broaden the

issue, they probably won't be able to. :{They may as well just let Dow or

some proxy clean the sitebecause keeping the site unremediated hasn't

helped the anti-corproate cause; hasn't much helped the anti-Dow cause;

and probably isn't doing a heck of a lot of good for the Bhopalis on

whose behalf the activists claim to be working.}:

The Chevron campaign is remarkably similar in its unrealistic demand.

Is it a follow up or an admission that the first thrust failed?

Am I missing a node of activity or a major campaign that is to come? 

Has the Dow campaign been more successful than I think?

===

DOW CONFIDENTIAL: Bhopal Monitoring Report (no Friday report) Wednesday, November 23, 2011

Released on 2012-02-27 09:00 GMT

Contact AIM for more Information

Significant Activist Activity

11/22 Early Day Motion: 2 new signers, 19 total 

Commission on Sustainable London 2012: Interim statement regarding Dow's sponsorship 

Blog: T Jeory on political opposition to Dow sponsorship 

11/21 PANNA press release on PPT: videos and updates wil be available from sessions 

Media 

11/21 C&EN: Dow Olympic sponsorship; GoI sees Liveris as "too controversial" for India-US CEO Forum 

11/22 Labour Party: T. Jowell asks Sustainability Commission to release documents, decisions on Dow and Bhopal 

11/20 Economic Times: ICJB sees opportunity to "get Dow on record as an interested party"; UK MPs playing politics with sponsorship 

11/19 Asian Age: Open letter to London mayoral candidate claims Boris Johnson will loose Asian votes over Dow sponsorship 

11/22 Guardian blog: Discussion on Asian Age letter and Livingstone's response 

11/23 Guardian: Report on T. Jowell press release asking for Dow documents from Sustainability Commission 

11/23 Guardian: Coe again defended LOCOG decision on Dow as a sponsor 

11/23 PTI, IANS: MP CM Chouhan to GoI Sports Min: protest Dow sponsorship or boycott Olympics 

11/23 IBNS: T. Jowell Labour party press release 

11/21 Hackney Gazette: MP Diane Abbott slammed Olympic corporate sponsorships; credited Bhopal deaths to Dow 

11/22 Around The Rings: Reported on MP Abbott's criticisms of coporate sponsorships for Olympics 

11/20 Express on Sunday: Fabric stadium wrap panels tested; Coe and Gardiner quoted 

11/21 Daily Star: Columnist Sally Bercow - LOCOG should not have accepted Dow sponsorship 

Activist Activity

Petition: 1080 signatures 

Bhopali film screenings: Univ. of Pittsburgh;Frontline Club in London; IDFA 

Website updates: ICJB: Rail Roko instructions; SfB - change.org petition 

11/28 UW-Madison "Slow Food for Bhopal" fundraiser 

Blogs: Sporting News - Olympics activism; Jarvis - final post from Bhopal; Antinuclear blog from Australia 

Activist email: R. Dhingra - C&EN article; anti-Bayer activists - PPT case on bee deaths from Bayer pesticides 

Message boards: PAN press releases; Asian Age open letter 

Social media: BMA; anti-Dow Facebook page; Jeory; Jowell; Gardiner; Labour Party 

Yes Men: OSW drum circle for Bloomberg

11/22 Early Day Motion: 2 new signers, 19 total 

11/22 Two new signers, for a total of 19, have been added to Keith Vaz' Early Day Motion calling for Dow's sponsorship to be "reconsidered": 

• Fabian Hamilton, Labour Party Leeds North East 
• Anas Sarwar, Labour Party Glasgow Central 

Table of Contents 

Commission on Sustainable London 2012: Interim statement regarding Dow's sponsorship 

On 11/17 the Commission for a Sustainable London 2012 posted an "interim statement" regarding "concerns" about the stadium wrap sponsorship. The statement 

acknowledged "a number of stakeholders, including Amnesty International and Labour Friends of India," expressed concern, and said the commission is "speaking to key 

parties to fully understand the origins of these concerns." A further statement may be issued "in due course" if it is deemed appropriate and necessary. 

• Several activist resources posted links to the statement. The Games Monitor watchdog blog posted the entire statement with the subject: "2012 Sustainability 

notices problem with Dow!" 

http://www.cslondon.org/2011/01/commissions-official-statement-on-olympic-stadium-bid-process/ 

Table of Contents 

Blog: T Jeory on political opposition to Dow sponsorship 

11/23 Ted Jeory, Express on Sunday's Whitehall editor, posted on his blog (attached) the stadium wrap sponsorship issue "is starting to enter pretty serious political 

territory" and listed three new developments: 

"1. Lib Dem deputy leader Simon Hughes has today signed up to the cross-[arty [sic] campaign to force Locog to reconsider its decision. he has added his name to a 

letter that has been sent to Lord Coe, which I'll detail below. Tory MP Priti Patel is also on board. 

"2. Shadow Olympics Minister (& Olympics Board member) Tessa Jowell has stepped up her own rhetoric, a) by writing to the Chair of the Commission for a Sustainable 

London 2012 to demand disclosure of important tender documents around the deal; and b) asking for a meeting with Dow themselves. 

"3. Locally, Olympic host borough Tower Hamlets Council is expected to lodge a formal objection with Locog about the deal after a vote next week." 

• Hughes and Patel signed on to the BMA/Amnesty/Friends of Labour letter, not Keith Vaz' Early Day Motion. Jeory included the text of the letter and the lists of MPs 

and Indian Olympians who have signed it. 

• Jeory provided the text of the Tower Hamlets Council's resolution to "lodge a formal objection with Locog" about the Dow sponsorship, and to join and assist the 

campaign calling for LOCOG to "reverse its decision" about the sponsorship. The council plans to write to Lord Coe, Secretary of State for Culture, Jeremy Hunt MP and 

LOCOG CEO Paul Deighton. 

• Jeory promised "There will be further political developments by the end of this week, watch this space." 
• Jeory also included the text of Tessa Jowell's press release reported below. 

Table of Contents 

11/21 PANNA press release on PPT: videos and updates wil be available from sessions 

A press release from PANNA about the Permanent People's Tribunal quoted PANNA co-director Kathryn Gilje, cited the allegations of "widespread and egregious human 

rights violations" to be heard against the six agrichemical companies, and promised updates on and YouTube videos from the proceedings would be made available through 

the PAN website. 

http://www.enewspf.com/latest-news/science-a-environmental/28937-prosecutors-issue-summons-to-the-six-largest-pesticide-manufacturers-for-human-rights-violations.html 

Table of Contents 

11/21 C&EN: Dow Olympic sponsorship; GoI sees Liveris as "too controversial" for India-US CEO Forum 

Chemical & Engineering News reporter Jean-Francios Tremblay posted a short article on the Olympic stadium controversy, saying "Union Carbide acquisitions [sic] 

shadows Dow at Olympics."

In addition to briefly relating the past week's events, the piece ends with a paragraph on the Indo-US CEO Forum, reporting from an unidentified Indian source the GoI 

"is exerting pressure" for Liveris to be "removed" from the forum because the GoI "considers Liveris' membership in the forum "too controversial." Dow was said to 

have denied that is the situation. 

http://cen.acs.org/articles/89/i47/Bhopals-Legacy.html 

Table of Contents 

11/22 Labour Party: T. Jowell asks Sustainability Commission to release documents, decisions on Dow and Bhopal

The UK Labour party's website posted a report that MP Tessa Jowell wrote to Shaun McCarthy, the Chair of the Commission for a Sustainable London 2012, inquiring 

whether the commission will release for public consumption: 

• Information it received "to determine Dow's commitment to sustainability" for the London Games 
• Whether it received any information countering "the information provided by Dow about their commitment to sustainability" 
• And whether the commission discussed the Bhopal issue, its relationship to Dow, "and whether any decision was taken in relation to that." 

The article reported Jowell asked requested a meeting with Dow, reiterated the three questions Jowell says must be answered: 

• Is Dow's conduct since the 2001 UCC acquisition "consistent with the Olympics sustainability goals? 
• Did LOCOG seek other input on Dow and the Bhopal issue? 
• Is there a reputational risk to the 2012 Games in relation to the wrap sponsorship, even if Dow should win Bhopal-issue legal battles. 

Jowell said: "It's better that we have an unwrapped stadium, rather than a stadium wrapped in the continuing controversy of Dow Chemical's sponsorship." 

http://www.labour.org.uk/process-of-arriving-at-decisions-transparent,2011-11-22 

Table of Contents 

11/20 Economic Times: ICJB sees opportunity to "get Dow on record as an interested party"; UK MPs playing politics with sponsorship 

Economic Times published a report on the past week's events regarding Dow's Olympics sponsorship. 

• Rachna Dhingra was cited to support the activist case. The article said: "For Bhopal activists, it's not just an opportunity to embarass Dow, but also a chance to 

get Dow on record as an interested party." IIT Madras not allowing Dow to recruit is mentioned. Amnesty Int'l spokesperson Aloys Ligault indicated the activists want 

to meet with both Dow and LOCOG, but have not received a response to requests. 

• Scot Wheeler was quoted on Dow's position on Bhopal, its Olympic sponsorship and responsibilities, and UCC "managing its own liabilities." 
• According to unidentified UK politicians, Dow officials are expected in London next week to meet with MPs, LOCOG and activists. A LOCOG official said "it is too 

late" for the wrap deal to be cancelled. 

• The article suggested some of the UK MPs support of the call for LOCOG to drop Dow is political, with Tessa Jowell possibly aiming to embarass London mayor Boris 

Johnson during an election year, and Louise Mensch seeking to advance her career. Anti-US sentiment stemming from "harsh treatment" of BP for the Gulf of Mexico oil 

spill is also thought to play a factor in the opposition to Dow. 

Economic Times' Sunday print edition included on the article on p10. 

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/news-by-company/corporate-trends/bhopal-stretches-dow-chemicals-london-curtain/articleshow/10795100.cms 

Table of Contents 

11/19 Asian Age: Open letter to London mayoral candidate claims Boris Johnson will loose Asian votes over Dow sponsorship 

Asian Age published an open letter from Farrukh Dhondy to Ken Livingstone, a candidate for Mayor of London. Dhondy ridiculed the Olympic stadium wrap, criticized as 

"hypocritical" Dow's "sustainable" characterization of the wrap, and mentioned the Indian athletes' petition to LOCOG objecting to Dow's sponsorship. He suggested 

Livingstone has some leverage in the election, as current mayor Boris Johnson has lost popularity due to decisions regarding the Games. Dhondi suggested since 

the Games will open 60 days after the election, "A new mayor could tear down the 'wrap' or allow us Londoners to non-violently demonstrate against it." 

Dhondy is a British novelist and playwright of Parsi descent. 

http://www.asianage.com/columnists/something-s-rotten-city-london-041 

Table of Contents 

11/22 Guardian blog:Discussion on Asian Age letter and Livingstone's response 

A Guardian blog by Dave Hill discussed Farrukh Dhondy's open letter in Asian Age to London mayoral candidate Ken Livingstone. Hill described the Olympic stadium 

sponsorship "controversy" and statements by Sebastian Coe, Barry Gardiner, and Amnesty Int'l on the topic. He noted Tessa "Jowell's concern has particular 

significance in that she sits on the Olympic Board alongside Coe, culture secretary Jeremy Hunt and one Boris Johnson." 

Hill asked Livingstone's office for a reaction to the open letter, and wrote: 

"Ken's concern is that we do not have a them-and-us Games where corporate interests override other considerations. There are concerns about Dow and the Olympic 

stadium and people will want to be reassured that Locog's clear ethical, sustainable and environmental criteria are being met so that we have a Games for everyone. 

"I'm not sure how much of a "yes" that is, but it does seem to send a broader message about principles and inclusiveness - one I sense Ken might be delivering more 

frequently as next year's mayoral election draws nearer." 

Two readers commented on the blog post - one asked "What was Tessa Jowell doing on the Olympic board when the deal was approved, then?" 

The other comment, from Rosalind Hardie, mentioned Dow's production of Napalm and Latin American banana workers seeking compensation for pesticide exposure as 

additional issues. 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/davehillblog/2011/nov/22/olympic-stadium-wrap-controversy-ken-livingstone?newsfeed=true 

Table of Contents 

11/23 Guardian: Report on T. Jowell press release asking for Dow documents from Sustainability Commission 

The Guardian reported on Tessa Jowell's open letter to the Sustainability commission wanting documents on the Dow sponsorship decision process. The article included 

comments from MP Barry Gardiner that Hughes and Khan supporting the campaign "shows that momentum is building against Locog's decision," and "Locog must reverse its 

decision now, before the London 2012 reputation is irrevcoverably [sic] damaged." 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/sport/2011/nov/22/tessa-jowell-olympic-sponsorship-dow?CMP=twt_gu 

Table of Contents 

11/23 Guardian: Coe again defended LOCOG decision on Dow as a sponsor 

The Guardian reported Lord Coe has again defended LOCOG's choice of Dow as the sponsor for the stadium wrap. This was in an article on football (soccer) as an 

appropriate sport for the Olympics, after a runner had alleged "most athletes" did not believe football should be included. 

On LOCOG's sponsorship decision, Coe said the committee is not "out of step with public opinion on the issue: "We always have a good feel for public opinion. We're a 

good listening organisation. Nobody would remotely suggest that the Bhopal disaster in 1984 was anything other than a human tragedy on an extraordinary scale." 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/sport/2011/nov/23/football-london-2012-lord-coe?newsfeed=true 

Table of Contents 

11/23 PTI, IANS: MP CM Chouhan to GoI Sports Min: protest Dow sponsorship or boycott Olympics 

PTI and IANS reported MP CM Chouhan has written to India's Sports Minister Ajay Maken calling for the GoI to "lodge a strong protest" against Dow's sponsorship of the 

Olympic stadium wrap or to consider boycotting the Games. Chouhan called the sponsorship "inappropriate" and suggested the money for the wrap "would be far better 

spent in alleviating to some extent the misery suffered by the people of Bhopal." 

PTI http://ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/consider-olympics-boycott-due-to-dow-link-mp-cm-to-govt/912845.html 

IANS http://zeenews.india.com/sports/others/protest-dow-s-sponsorship-of-london-olympics-chouhan-urges-maken_732797.html 

Table of Contents 

11/23 IBNS: T. Jowell Labour party press release 

India Blooms News Service (IBNS) picked up the Tessa Jowell press release from the UK Labour Party website and noted, "in India on the other hand there is a situation 

where neither the Sports Minister or any MP in the Congress or the opposition has raised any objections to the issue of Dow sponsoring the Olympics." 

The article cited Rachna Dhingra describing the ICJB petition opposing the sponsorship that was signed by the 22 former Olympians from India, and the several 

officials to whom it was addressed. The remainder of the article quoted from Jowell's press release. 

http://www.newkerala.com/news/2011/worldnews-112293.html 

Table of Contents 

11/21 Hackney Gazette: MP Diane Abbott slammed Olympic corporate sponsorships; credited Bhopal deaths to Dow 

Hackney Gazette reporter Emma Bartholomew quoted MP Diane Abbott complaining about the "[Olympic] sponsors associated with ill health and death," i.e. Coca-Cola, 

McDonald's and Dow. Of Dow, Abbot is reported to have said it "was once responsible for killing 15,000 people" from the Bhopal gas accident. 

http://www.hackneygazette.co.uk/news/hackney_mp_diane_abbott_slams_dow_s_sponsorship_of_olympic_stadium_1_1131872

Table of Contents 

11/22 Around The Rings: Reported on MP Abbott's criticisms of coporate sponsorships for Olympics 

Around The Rings posted a brief article about MP Diane Abbott's railing against corporate sponsorships, as reported by the Hackney Gazette. 

http://www.aroundtherings.com/articles/view.aspx?id=38580 

Table of Contents 

11/20 Express on Sunday: Fabric stadium wrap panels tested; Coe and Gardiner quoted 

Express on Sunday published another short item by Whitehall editor Ted Jeory, who said some test panels of the fabric stadium wrap were put on the venue last week. He 

quoted both MP Barry Gardiner and Lord Coe on their respective stances about the wrap and Dow's sponsorship. 

http://www.express.co.uk/posts/view/284808/Fury-grows-over-2012-deal 

Table of Contents 

11/21 Daily Star: Columnist Sally Bercow - LOCOG should not have accepted Dow sponsorship 

UK tabloid media Daily Star published a commentary by columnist Sally Bercow discussing the broad issue of corporate sponsorship of the London Games.While admitting 

sponsorships are necessary to produce the Games, Bercow exclaimed "the Olympic organisers should never have agreed to jump into bed with [Dow]. Some sponsorship deals 

just shouldn't be done." 

Bercow is the wife of House of Commons Speaker John Bercow.

http://www.dailystar.co.uk/starsays/view/221641/A-word-from-our-sponsor/ 

Table of Contents 

Petition: 1080 signatures 

The Change.org petition currently has about 1080 signatures. 

Table of Contents 

Bhopali film screenings: Univ. of Pittsburgh; Frontline Club in London; IDFA 

Bhopali film screenings 

• The Bhopali documentary was shown Saturday, 11/19 at the University of Pennsylvania, sponsored by AID and the South Asia Center 
• A Jan. 30, 2012 screening is scheduled at the Frontline Club in London, a supporter of independent media, with Indra Sinha and Tim Edwards to hold a Q&A. The 

Bhopali film Facebook page had previously listed a Nov. 30 screening at the Frontline Club. There is no mention of that date on the club website. 

http://www.frontlineclub.com/events/ 

The Bhopali film was scheduled for four screenings at the IDFA (Independent Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam) from 11/19 through 11/23. The film's page on the 

festival website shows it has received no votes and no updates during its run. IDFA is one of the major global markets for documentary sales and distribution. 

Table of Contents 

Website updates: ICJB: Rail Roko instructions; SfB - change.org petition 

11/20 Bhopal.net added 2 new pages: one with instructions for participants of the Rail Roko protest on 12/3, and the other titled "We are all being poisoned," with 

lists of pesticide residues said to have been found on fruits and vegetables in India. 

• The Rail Roko instructions were given in a drawing, which is attached. Participants are to gather groups of 15-20 adults and children, march on cue to railroad 

tracks and lie down in groups on the tracks. 

The protest will be cancelled if the response from the GoI that was promised from the activists' meeting with the Chemical and Fertilizers ministry secretary is 

received before 12/3. A response to the NGOs' demands regarding the death and injury figures used in the compensation curative petition was promised in 10 days from 

the Nov. 3 meeting. No reports have been seen about the response. 

• The Bhopal.net front page also shows a new image of Olympic rings with the label "Bhopal olympics." The intent of the image is not clear. Excerpted images and 

texts are attached. 

11/19 The Students for Bhopal/ICJB North America website was updated with an image and short description of Lorraine Close's change.org petition and "why it is 

important" to sign. 

Table of Contents 

11/28 UW-Madison "Slow Food for Bhopal" fundraiser 

UWisconsin - Madison's Physcians for Social Responsibility chapter is holding a "Slow Food for Bhopal" dinner and Bhangra dance performance on Monday, Nov. 28. The 

event was spearheaded by Jasmine Wiley, a med student who spent a month "working in medical clinics in Bhopal." Drs. Ann Behrmann, a pediatrician, and Lalita du 

Perron, PhD organized the trip. The dinner event description discusses the Chingari Trust as the beneficiary of funds raised. 

Table of Contents 

Blogs: Sporting News - Olympics activism; Jarvis - final post from Bhopal; Antinuclear blog from Australia 

UK Sporting News blogger/reporter Linus Fernandes posted an update on the Dow Olympic sponsorship and the Bhopal issue. Fernandes had written on the topic in August 

soon after the wrap sponsorship was announced. The current assessment called the Amnesty International letter to Lord Coe "the only progress on the matter. 

Prefacing excerpts from the Amnesty communication, Fernandes introduced the wrap sponsorship topic, saying "Dow fail [sic] to recognize their liability towards the 

victims of the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy." He also noted "a letter" to PM Singh "has yet to be responded to. Inertia reigns." 

Fernandes mentioned Amnesty had previously protested Dow's Live Earth Run for Water sponsorship, and brought up groundwater contamination in the Bhopal factory 

vicinity. 

He ended by bringing up BMA volunteer Lorraine Close's change.org petition and asking "Can any good come from the above petition? More importantly, can any bad?" 

Sambhavna volunteer therapist Ian Jarvis wrote a final diary installment on his blog as he prepared to leave. Among other topics, Jarvis mentioned preparations for 

the Rail Roko protest on 12/3. He seemed somewhat incredulous at the lengths to which the activists are willing to go, but complimented their enthusiasm for the 

event. 

An Australian blog titled "Antinuclear" posted an open letter from Fr. Xavier Pinto in Goa to Australian PM Julia Gillard asking, "Please don't sell uranium to 

India." The post's introduction cited the Bhopal gas tragedy, saying "India has enough trouble on this front." 

Table of Contents 

Activist email: R. Dhingra - C&EN article; anti-Bayer activists - PPT case on bee deaths from Bayer pesticides 

Rachna Dhingra emailed the Chemical & Engineering News article titled "Bhopal's legacy" from the magazine's current issue to the Remember-bhopal distribution list. 

German-based anti-Bayer activists CBGnetwork emailed a document on Bayer pesticides causing bee deaths. This is part of the "case" against Bayer to be presented at 

the Permanent People's Tribunal in Bangalore. 

Table of Contents 

Message boards: PAN press releases; Asian Age open letter 

The Chennai environmental groups' message boards have posts by Rahul Muraldiharan of the PAN UK press release about the people's tribunal, and Nity Jayaraman posted 

the Asian Age open letter to Ken Livingstone. 

Table of Contents 

Social media: BMA; anti-Dow Facebook page; Jeory; Jowell; Gardiner; Labour Party 

In addition to the usual BMA Twitter and Facebook accounts having multiple new posts of links to media and activist posts, 

• Ted Jeory, Tessa Jowell, Barry Gardiner and the UK Labour Party have all posted tweets about Jowell's press release and/or the Guardian report on it. 
• One BMA link of note is to the Parliament video archive of the Culture, Media and Sport committee hearing on 11/15. The activist comment is "watch Coe squirm." 

http://www.parliamentlive.tv/Main/Player.aspx?meetingId=9440&player=silverlight 

Table of Contents 

Yes Men: OSW drum circle for Bloomberg 

The Yes Men have been busy at Occupy Wall Street activities this week, including a 24-hour drum circle session that began Sunday afternoon near Mayor Bloomberg's 

home, and designating the area near the mayor's house as a "no First Amendment zone" when protesters were kept at a distance from the residence.

The Yes Men and several other social media accounts posted on Twitter and Facebook about the drum circle announcement. 

The Yes Men's social media accounts and Yes Lab website had three blog posts reporting on the drum circle and one result of a woman being fired from her day job for 

taking part and describing Bloomberg as a "warlord." Full text available on request. 

Table of Contents 

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 

Allis Information Management, Inc.. 

Please remove me from this mailing list.

Attached Files

==

ur-TP  :

Opposing the OSHA regulation of smoking in workplaces

In the mid-1990s, RJR hired the public relations firm Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin to run the ‘Get Government Off Our Back’ (GGOOB) coalition primarily to oppose OSHA regulation of workplace second-hand smoke (as well as FDA regulation of tobacco products).31 CSEwas one of 39 GGOOB members, 18 of which were tobacco industry-funded and three more that had split off from tobacco industry-funded groups. GGOOB promoted an October 1994 resolution calling for smaller government and fewer regulations and fought smoke-free laws (see online supplementary table S4).

===

STRATFOR AND PR

Bartholomew Mongoven is the son of Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin (MBD) PR company co-founder Jack Mongoven. Bartholomew (Bart) Mongoven is known to have been an associate at MBD.

Affiliated with the Washington DC offices of :{Stratfor:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}:, also known as Strategic Forecasting Inc.

History

In 1995 Bart Mongoven sent a survey form out to a range of non-government organisations around the world requesting their assistance in providing internal information on their organisation. Download a copy of the survey here

Following a presentation to the 2004National Petrochemical & Refiners AssociationAnnual Meeting one report described Bart Mongoven's role as monitoring "non-governmental lobbying efforts for Stratfor, a private intelligence firm that consults with industry and government agencies." [1]

His presentation was part of a panel presenting one the strategic handling of environmental litigation. [2] While there are no copies of his presentation publicly available, trade association magazines reported he warned that environmentalists were seeking to form alliances with patient advocacy groups on the issues of industrial emissions. "In five years the environmental community would like to see all debates (be about) the environment and health. Right now, the environmental community doesn't have the credibility with the (American) public like it does in the Netherlands and Germany," he was reported stating.

According to the report Mongoven suggested that one option for industry in trying to defeat the emerging alliance was to portray the new lobbying initiatives as "anti-chemical" rather than supporting a public health goal. [3] ENTINE CHEMOPHOBIA

External Link

• National Mining Association (U.S.), "Environmentalists seek to align with patient advocacy groups, expert say", NMA Mining Week, Volume 10 Issue 13, April 2, 2004. (PDF format)
• Bart Mongoven, "Chemical Risk and Shareholder Activism", Strafor, March 30, 2006.
• Bart Mongoven, "Corporate Campaigns Find a Peak", Strafor, September 27, 2006.

Category: Public relations professionals

CMD:  http://www.prwatch.org/prwissues/1996Q2/spies.html = mission despicable below

led tohttp://www.prwatch.org/content/pr-watch-archives

sw

Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin is a public relations company, based in Washington D.C., that specializes in providing intelligence on activist organisations to their clients.

Principals

• Jack Mongoven, co-founder
• Alvin Biscoe
• Ronald A.Duchin, co-founder and senior Vice President

Known associates

• Bartholomew Mongoven, Jack's son
• Kara Ziegler, MBD staff
• Karen King, MBD staff

History

In 1981, Jack Mongoven helped **Nestle** fight an infant-formula boycott by producing dossiers on the groups leading the boycott. [1]

In 1994, MBD created a stealth proposal for**R.J. Reynold**s to assist them in "formulating specific long range objectives which will work to the benefit of RJR but which will not appear to have a direct linkage to RJR or to the ETS [environmental tobacco smoke] issue." The proposal contained an idea to leverage the issue of multiple chemical sensitivities to "mobilize pressure regarding indoor air pollution which will mandate greater HVAC [ventilation] capacities in all buildings, thus reducing pressure on ETS."[2]

In 1995, Bart sent a survey form out to a range of non-government organisations around the world requesting their assistance in providing internal information on their organisations. Download a copy of the survey.

In 1999, Jack Mongoven advised **Phillip Morris** on the World Health Organisation's development of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.(See Mongoven's profile for more information on this.)

Around early 2002 MBD created a new division, MBD Consulting Group. O'Dwyer's PR Daily reported the MBD Consulting Group will "address security issues at industrial infrastructure sites." According to O'Dwyers Timothy Knowlton, "previously a trader on Wall Street and liaison officer for seven of the 10 American Enterprise Funds" had been appointed as Executive Vice-President of the new division. [3]

Clients

• Philip Morris
• R.J. Reynolds
• National Pork Producers Council (NPPC)
• Chlorine Chemistry Council (CCC)

Case studies

• Race-baiting Strategy Helps Keep Shell Pumping in:{ Nigeria:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}:

This article was first published as "Race-baiting Strategy Helps Keep Shell Pumping in Nigeria"in PR Watch, Volume 3, No. 2, Second Quarter 1996. It original article was authored by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton and is used here with permission. As with all SourceWatch articles, feel free to edit and revise.

:{Shell Oil:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}: and Nigeria's military dictatorship are using a black-against-black "divide and confuse" PR strategy to deflect criticism following Nigeria's executions of writer :{**Ken Saro-Wiwa**:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}: and eight other environmental and human rights activists.

Their approach resembles the":{**Neptune Strategy**:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}:"developed a decade ago by :{Jack Mongoven:(style="background-color:#fff200"):}:'s former PR firm to defend Shell's dealings in South Africa.

Following the hanging of Saro-Wiwa in November of last year, Shell and Nigeria each launched separate massive PR campaigns claiming that they are participating in a "transition to democracy" in Nigeria.

Nigeria's $10.7 million campaign employed eight U.S. PR firms whose work included production of a 297-page book and a three-part TV documentary, plus advertisements targeting Washington policymakers. The regime funded a "fact-finding" junket of black journalists who visited Nigeria and reported back with accolades for Nigeria's ruler, General Sani Abacha. Abacha's government also bought glossy, multi-page color insert ads in black newspapers, claiming that criticisms of Nigeria are racist, "double standard treatment of Black African Nations by the United States government. If Jewish Americans can stand up for Israel we can stand up for Africa."

These efforts to enlist black support for a dictatorship that oppresses blacks are reminiscent of the 1987 "Neptune Strategy" used to counter a boycott against Shell's business dealings in apartheid South Africa.

The Neptune Strategy was developed by Pagan International, whose partners included Jack Mongoven, Alvin Biscoe and Ronald Duchin. Pagan International organized and subsidized a group composed of black clergy called the Coalition on Southern Africa (COSA), which countered calls for Shell to divest its South African holdings by talking instead of ambitious plans to promote education and training of South African blacks and develop black-black business links between South Africa and the United States. In reality, COSA was a deceptive paper front group with no resources to carry out these goals.

It's the Economy, Stupid

Following the recent executions in Nigeria, Shell has turned again to the argument that its African business activities are creating economic progress for black Africans. Its PR campaign has included full-page ads in European, American and South African newspapers, claiming that thousands of Nigerians would losejob opportunities if the company abandons its plans there to build a $4 billion liquified natural gas plant.

Shell is in fact Nigeria's largest foreign investor, earning over $312 million a year in profits from its oil operations. Ken Saro-Wiwa was the most vocal advocate for Nigeria's Ogoni tribespeople, who claim that Shell's activities are destroying their communities.

Defending Shell's failure to prevent the executions of Saro-Wiwa and the others, the company's ads criticized "campaigning groups" who "say we should intervene in the political process in Nigeria. But even if we could, we should never do so. Politics is the business of governments and politicians."

These arguments drew sharp criticism from Ken Saro-Wiwa's younger brother, Dr. Owens Wiwa. "Shell is involved in Nigerian politics up to their neck," he said. "If they had threatened to withdraw from Nigeria unless Ken was released, he would have been alive today. There is no question of that."

Owens Wiwa described his own meetings with Brian Anderson, head of Shell's Nigerian operations. According to Owens Wiwa, Anderson offered to use his influence to help Saro-Wiwa if international environmental groups would stop their protests against the company.Owens Wiwa said Anderson promised "to get Ken and the others freed if we stopped the protest campaign abroad. I was very shocked. Even if I had wanted to, I didn't have the power to control the international environmental protests."

• Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin/Behind Enemy Lines
• Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin/Women and Children First: On the Front Line of the Chlorine War
• Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin/Mission Despicable

Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin/Mission Despicable

This article was first published as "MBD: Mission Despicable" in PR Watch, Volume 3, No. 2, Second Quarter 1996. The original article was authored by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton and is used here with permission. As with all SourceWatch articles, feel free to edit and revise.

Have you ever wondered what it's like to talk to a spy? The experience is quite a bit less dramatic than the scenarios you see in Mission Impossible, according to activists who have recently been targeted by phone calls and other information-gathering efforts.

The field operativeswho gather information for Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin are typically polite, low-key and do their best to sound sympathic to the people they are interrogating. They have misrepresented themselves, claiming falsely to be journalists, friends of friends, or supporters of social change. Most of the time, however, they simply give very limited information, identifying their company only by its initials and describing MBD euphemistically as a "research group" which helps "corporate decision makers . . . develop a better appreciation of the public interest movement" in order to "resolve contentious public policy issues in a balanced and socially responsible manner."

MBD performs its services by pumping members of activist groups for information about their philosophical beliefs, funding sources, organizational structure and affiliations, and names of key personnel. Information only gets shared in one direction, however. "Our relations with our clients are confidential," stated MBD President Jack Mongoven in a June 7, 1995 memo refusing PR Watch's request for a list of MBD's corporate clients.

MBD says it is "grateful" when activists "cooperate" by answering its information requests, but don't expect the company to show its gratitude in any meaningful way, such as sending you a copy of the reports it writes about you. Those reports will be stamped confidential and delivered only to MBD's clients, who pay as much as $9,000 per month for the privilege of seeing them. Otherwise, MBD's "research" only sees the light of day on the rare occasions when a conscience-stricken corporate employee decides to turn whistleblower.

Dialing for Dollars

Environmental activist Paul Orum reports receiving a call on June 3 from MBD employee Emily Frieze, who "was interested in finding out about the environmental community's activity to keep ethylene glycol on the list of **right-to-know** chemicals (the Toxics Release Inventory, or TRI)."

Ethylene glycol is used in making common antifreeze. It is a highly toxic poison which is especially dangerous because of its enticingly sweet taste and smell. As little as two teaspoons of antifreeze can cause death or blindness, and every year it claims the lives of children and pets who drink it by accident.

Currently, antifreeze makers are petitioning the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to take ethylene glycol off the TRI list, a petition which which has drawn written opposition from dozens of environmental groups. Orum says that Frieze did not go out of her way to identify her employer during her interview with him, but she did not overtly misrepresent herself either. "She identified herself as with 'MBD' when asked. . . . I asked her if MBD was working for the ethylene glycol manufacturers. She implied yes, and said MBD likes to keep up with what's going on."

Another environmentalist, Ann Hunt, reports receiving a similar call on May 23 from "a woman who identified herself as Tanya Calamoneri." Hunt is executive director of Citizens for Alternatives to Chemical Contamination (CACC), a Michigan group located near the corporate headquarters of Dow Chemical, a leading producer of toxic chemical compounds.

Calamoneri asked Hunt to send her a list of the conference materials from "Backyard Eco Conference '96," an annual CACC-sponsored event. "She gave a DC address on Connecticut NW," Hunt says. "Knowing that there are a lot of nonprofits in that area, I asked which group she represented. Her response was 'MBD,' which she characterized as a public policy and research consulting group. I later learned that it was Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin, chief consultants and dirt-diggers for the :{Chlorine:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}: Chemistry Council. . . . It amazes me that the forces of darkness are that interested in what a little grassroots group in central Michigan is doing. Certainly an indication of our collective power!"

In fact, MBD's interrogatory net spreads worldwide. Bob Burton, the coordinator for Wilderness International in Tasmania, Australia, reports receiving a letter dated January 25, 1995 from Bartholomew Mongoven (Jack's son), seeking "assistance in a significant research undertaking" to "promote improved understanding and cooperation between major businesses and consumer- and environmentally- oriented interests throughout Asia and the world." [1] To assist in this research endeavor, Mongoven asked Burton to fill out a detailed questionnaire. Burton, however, is a PR Watch subscriber. He promptly alerted other environmental groups in Australia and neighboring countries to beware of MBD's true purposes.[2]

Contact information

(Current as of August 1999)

1100 Connecticut Avenue

Suite 300

Washington D.C. 20036

Phone (202) 429 1800

Fax (202) 429 8655

Email: mbd@cais.com

PR Watch archives

• PR Watch, 2nd Quarter 1996
  • Flack Attack
  • Women and Children First: On the Front Line of the Chlorine War
  • Behind Enemy Lines
  • The Chlorine Industry's Secrets Exposed!
  • The :{Chlorine:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}: Industry's Secrets Exposed! #2
  • Letter and Survey from MBD to the Wilderness Society
  • Talking Back to a Flack
  • Race-baiting Strategy Helps Keep Shell Pumping in Nigeria

Related SourceWatch Resources

• Diplomatic Tactical Services

External links

• "Who Is Stealing our Future, continued." Covert Action Quaterly at MediaFilter.org
• "People News", O'Dwyer's PR Daily, February 2002.
• Stacy M. Carter, "http://tc.bmjjournals.com/cgi/content/full/11/2/112," Tobacco Control #11, September 2002, pp. 112-118.
• PR Firms for Hire to Undermine Democracy Rachel's Environment & Health Weekly #361, October 1993.

Tobacco Industry

• Jack Mongoven, "Memo to Matthew Winokur: Re: Japanese Finance, Health Ministries set to battle of FCTC", Bates No 2083705302, August 18, 1999.
• Stacy M Carter, "Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin: :{destroying tobacco control activism from the inside:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}:", Tobacco Control, Number 11, 2002, pages 112-118.
• John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton,"Flack Attack", "PR Watch", 2nd quarter 1996.
• BBC, "Tobacco industry accused of foul practice", March 18, 2002

National Pork Producers Council

• Hugh Espy, "Summary of AMS Audit of NPPC", In Motion Magazine, April 12, 1999

Chlorine Chemistry Council

• PR Watch, "The Chlorine Industry's Secrets Exposed! #2", PR Watch, 2nd Quarter 1996.

‘Divide and conquer’

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The story of Stratfor begins with a short-lived but deeply influential firm called Pagan International.

If there’s a short description of the modus operandi of Stratfor’s predecessors, military-like “divide and conquer” perceptions management — or rough-and-tumble public relations — is it.

That’s not by accident. Two of Pagan’s co-founders started their careers doing covert work for the U.S. military. Modern public relations got its start in military psychological operations, or psy-ops. “Divide and conquer” is one of the tenets laid out in the “U.S. Counterinsurgency Field Manual.”

Pagan International was named after Rafael D. Pagan Jr., who joined the U.S. Army in 1951 and spent two decades doing upper-level military intelligence work. He used it as a launching point into the corporate PR world.

“A former Army intelligence officer, the Potomac resident briefed Presidents Kennedy and Johnson on the Soviet bloc’s military and economic capabilities. He advised Presidents Nixon, Reagan and Bush on policies promoting Third World social and economic development,” explains his 1993 obituary in TheWashington Times.

Upon leaving the Pentagon, Pagan got three public relations jobs for corporations seeking markets for their products in the developing world.

“Pagan began his international business career in 1970 as a senior executive in new business development with three major multinational companies, International Nickel of Canada (now Inco), Castle & Cooke (now Dole), and Nestle,” according to his obituary. “He specialized in addressing conflicts for multinational companies seeking to invest and operate in Third World countries.”

Pagan followed in the footsteps of the father of modern public relations,, who helped with the PR surrounding United Fruit Company’s work with the U.S. government to foment a coup in 1954 in Honduras. Pagan also did PR for Castle & Cooke in Honduras.

Pagan’s experiences working in the Honduran “banana republic” under the U.S.-installed right-wing, corporate-friendly military dictatorship would suit him well for his the next step of his career: doing the PR bidding of multinational corporate behemoth Nestle.

The playbook in action for Nestle

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Speaking at the April 1982 Public Affairs Council conference to his colleagues in the PR industry, Pagan revealed the skeleton of the playbook that would last all the way through the Stratfor days.

Pagan International arose out of the ashes of a controversial Nestle public relations campaign named, in Orwellian fashion, the “Nestle Coordination Center for Nutrition.” It was co-run by Pagan and Jack Mongoven.

Mongoven was once a reporter for The Chicago Tribune and served as an executive editor of Pioneer Newspapers before becoming a spokesman for the Department of Health, Education and Welfare and then the Republican National Committee.

Nestle’s Coordination Center for Nutrition began in 1980 as a major public relations effort designed to fend off complaints and an eventual international boycott. Criticism of Nestle was spearheaded by the British group War on Want, which tracked the company’s marketing of powdered baby milk in the developing world in a 1974 investigation called “The Baby Killer.”

Nestle had decided the developing world would be a good place to sell its baby formula, despite the fact that the formula interrupted women’s lactation process and prevented their breasts from producing enough milk.

“Women who were induced to use [the] formula in place of breast milk often had no choice but to dilute the formula with contaminated water, leading to diarrhea, dehydration and death among … infants,” explain John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton in their book, “Toxic SludgeIs Good for You! Lies, Damn Lies and the Public Relations Industry.”

This behavior by Nestle created a global uproar and eventually planted the seeds of a boycott by more than 700 churches and activist groups.

Mongoven and Pagan — under the auspices of the Coordination Center for Nutrition, which shared office space with The Tobacco Institute, according to Legacy Tobacco Archive Library documents — decided the best response to the burgeoning social movement was to divide and conquer it.

One of their first strategies was to peel off some of strongest supporters of the anti-Nestle campaign — educators.

“Some of the boycott’s strongest support came from teachers, represented by the National Teachers Association, so NCCN courted support from American Federation of Teachers, a smaller, more conservative rival union,” wrote Stauber and Rampton.

Nestle also won over an ally from the inside of another institutional opponent: churches.

“To counter the churches involved in the boycott, they needed to find a strong church that would take their side,” Stauber and Rampton further explained. “The United Methodists were supporting the boycott, but through negotiations and piecemeal concessions, Nestle gradually succeeded in winning them over.”

To make amends, Nestle worked with the Infant Formula Audit Commission to ensure its global marketing practices were in line with World Health Organization rules. It was chaired by Edmund Muskie, a former U.S. senator and U.S. secretary of state under President Jimmy Carter.

The problem: Nestle created the commission, funded it and called all the shots. Few equipped with this knowledge were surprised when the commission concluded “the company has not been improperly ‘dumping’ baby formula on Third World hospitals,” as explained in The Los Angeles Times.

Muskie’s audit commission — or, better put, Nestle’s — is now seen as a “model” for corporations seeking to defuse sticky communication crises, as documented in a 1986 article in the Journal for Business Strategy.

For his successful efforts running what he would later describe as “a responsive, accurate corporate issue and trends warning system [with] analysis capability,” Pagan received the Public Relations Society of America’s prestigious **Silver Anvil**Award. Other industries have followed similar strategies, such as the shale gas industry’s “Energy in Depth” and corporate education reform’s “Stand for Children.”

Pagan International is born

Hot off a major victory over advocacy groups nationwide and having learned much from the “war,” Pagan and Mongoven hopped off the Nestle gravy train and started their own firm in 1985: Pagan International.

“The strong influence public and social issues today have on commercial operations has created a need for companies to evaluate carefully national and international policies affecting business,” Pagan said in a 1985 press release announcing the firm’s launch.

That press release further boasted of “an international business socio-political database” it had developed during the time of the Nestle battle royale, referring to its short-lived International Barometer database and newsletter and foreshadowing the database and newsletter Stratfor would market just over a decade later.[note VN technocratic body ct metrics, corp mgmt]

“Pagan said that this system enables [the firm] to advise clients on national and international trends and movements that can adversely affect corporations,” the press release further explains. “This gives the companies an opportunity to enter into public discussions and help define the parameters of the debate early on, rather than just react to agendas thrust upon them by activists and other groups.”

Enjoying a client list during its brief lifetime that included Dow Chemical, Novartis, Chevron and the government of Puerto Rico, Pagan International was hired by Royal Dutch Shell to fend off another international boycott for the company’s work with the apartheid regime in South Africa.

Activists demanded Shell stop doing business with South Africa until it was no longer an apartheid state, threatening a boycott if it failed to comply. Shell chose to continue “business as usual.”

The resulting boycott served as a business opportunity for Pagan International, which stepped in and — as it did with Nestle — sought to divide and conquer the boycott movement. Shell hired Pagan and Mongoven to do so under a now-notorious 268-page document called the “Neptune Strategy.”

“Neptune Strategy” was leaked to the press in 1987, greatly embarrassing both Shell and Pagan International. Paralleling the Muskie audit commission, Pagan’s “Neptune Strategy” created an industry front group called the Coalition on Southern Africa — which shared office space and a phone line with Pagan — to divide boycott supporters into an overarching movement settling for weaker demands.

“Pagan … proposed that Shell ‘develop a task force’ of South Africans, church leaders, U.S. activists and executives that could issue a statement about the company’s role in helping South Africa’s blacks prepare for life after apartheid,” according to a 1987 piece appearing in Inter-Press Service. “And Pagansingled out key black activists and church leaders to help it carry out its plan.” CORE Pjt 21?!

In the “Neptune Strategy,” Pagan outlined a strategy that fit the familiar pattern: isolate and then conquer the “fanatic activist leaders.”

“[P]ost-apartheid planning should deflect anti-apartheid groups attention away from the boycott and divestment efforts and direct their vision and efforts into productive channels,” explained the “Neptune Strategy.”

“Productive,” according to Pagan, is anything that would ensure Shell continues to produce high profit margins. After taking a beating by churches during the Nestle boycott, Pagan realized its bottom line hinged upon churches supporting Shell as it conducted business with apartheid South Africa.

“[M]obilized members of the religious communions provide a ‘critical mass’ of public opinion and economic leverage that should not be taken lightly,” Pagan wrote in the “Neptune Strategy.” “If they join the boycott and pressure for divestment, it will become a radically different and far more costly problem than it now is.”

Pagan International’s reputation soured after “Project Neptune” was revealed to the public and the firm lost the $800,000 of income it was receiving through its contract with Shell. Pagan also lost other key clientele after “Neptune” was exposed.

In 1990, Pagan shut its doors for good and filed for bankruptcy, opening the doors for ascendancy of the firm that would later merge into Stratfor: Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin.

This is part one of an exclusive Mint Press News investigation into the story of Stratfor; here’s the second part, “How To Win The Media War Against Grassroots Activists: Stratfor’s Strategies.”

1st section of this is marked in main node:

Part 2 takes a closer look at how Pagan International’s successor, Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin (MBD), revised and refined these strategies — and how what began as a corporate public-relations firm evolved into the private intelligence agency Stratfor, which wages information warfare against today’s activists and organizers.

Rafael Pagan — who died in 1993 — was not invited to be a part of his former associate’s new firm, Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin.His tactic of conquering and dividing activist movements and isolating the “fanatic activist leaders” lived on, though, through his former business partner, Jack Mongoven.

Mongoven teamed up with Alvin Biscoe and Ronald Duchin to create MBD in 1988. While “Biscoe appears to have been a largely silent partner at MBD,” according to the Center for Media and Democracy, Mongoven and Duchin played public-facing starring roles for the firm.

Duchin, like Pagan, had a military background. A graduate of the U.S. Army War College and “one of the original members of [Army] DELTA” — part of the broader Joint Special Operations Command that killed Osama Bin Laden — Duchin had jobs as a special assistant to the secretary of defense and as spokesman for Veterans for Foreign Wars prior to coming to Pagan.

Duchin served as head of the Pentagon’s news division during “Operation Eagle Claw,” President Jimmy Carter’s failed 1980 mission to use special forces to capture the hostages held in Iran.

Referred to by The Atlantic as the “Desert One Debacle” in a story Duchin served as a key confidential source for — as revealed in an email in the “Global Intelligence Files” announcing Duchin’s 2010 death — “Eagle Claw” ended with eight U.S. troops dying, four wounded, one helicopter destroyed, and President Carter’s reputation in the tank. The failed and lethal mission served as the impetus for the creation of the U.S. Special Operations.

Largely avoiding the limelight while working as Pagan’s vice president for Issue management and strategy — the brains of the operation — Duchin became a notorious figure among dedicated critical observers of the public relations industry while co-heading MBD. During MBD’s 15 years of existence, its clients included Big Tobacco, the chemical industry, Big Agriculture and probably many other industries never identified due to MBD’s secretive nature.

MBD worked on behalf of Big Tobacco to fend off any and all regulatory efforts aimed in its direction. Philip Morris paid Jack Mongoven $85,000 for his intelligence-gathering prowess in 1993.

“Get Government Off Our Back,” an RJ Reynolds front group created in 1994 by MBD for the price of $14,000 per month, serves as a case in point of the type of work MBD was hired to do by Big Tobacco.

“The firm has developed initiatives for RJ Reynolds that advocate pro-tobacco goals through outside organizations; among other projects, the firm organized veterans organizations to oppose the workplace smoking regulation proposed by OSHA,” explains a 2007 study appearing in the American Journal of Public Health. “[It] was created to combat increasing numbers of proposed federal and state regulations on the use and sale of tobacco products.”

Paralleling the Koch Family Foundations-funded Americans for Prosperity groups of today, “Get Government Off Our Back” held rallies nationwide in March 1995 as part of “Regulatory Revolt Month.”

“Get Government Off Our Back” dovetailed perfectly with the Republican Party’s 1994 “Contract with America” that froze new federal regulations. The text of the “Contract” matched “Get Government Off Our Back” “nearly verbatim,” according to the American Journal of Public Health study.

‘Radicals, Idealists, Realists, Opportunists’

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While its client work was noteworthy, the formula Duchin created to divide and conquer activist movements — a regurgitation of what he learned while working under the mentorship of Rafael Pagan — has stood the test of time. It is still employed to this day by Stratfor.

Duchin replaced Pagan’s “fanatic activist leaders” with “radicals” and created a three-step formula to divide and conquer activists by breaking them up into four subtypes, as described in a 1991 speech delivered to theNational Cattleman’s Association titled, “Take an Activist Apart and What Do You Have? And How Do You Deal with Him/Her?”

scan http://www.scribd.com/doc/155326255/Ron-Duchin-Conquer-and-Divide-National-Cattleman-s-Association

The subtypes: “radicals, idealists, realists and opportunists.”

Radical activists “want to change the system; have underlying socio/political motives’ and see multinational corporations as ‘inherently evil,’” explained Duchin. “These organizations do not trust the … federal, state and local governments to protect them and to safeguard the environment. They believe, rather, that individuals and local groups should have direct power over industry … I would categorize their principal aims … as social justice and political empowerment.”

The “idealist” is easier to deal with, according to Duchin’s analysis.

“Idealists…want a perfect world…Because of their intrinsic altruism, however, … [they] have a vulnerable point,” he told the audience. “If they can be shown that their position is in opposition to an industry … and cannot be ethically justified, they [will] change their position.”

The two easiest subtypes to join the corporate side of the fight are the “realists” and the “opportunists.” By definition, an “opportunist” takes the opportunity to side with the powerful for career gain, Duchin explained, and has skin in the game for “visibility, power [and] followers.”

The realist, by contrast, is more complex but the most important piece of the puzzle, says Duchin.

“[Realists are able to] live with trade-offs; willing to work within the system; not interested in radical change; pragmatic. The realists should always receive the highest priority in any strategy dealing with a public policy issue.”

Duchin outlined a corresponding three-step strategy to “deal with” these four activist subtypes. First, isolate the radicals. Second, “cultivate” the idealists and “educate” them into becoming realists. And finally, co-opt the realists into agreeing with industry.

“If your industry can successfully bring about these relationships, the credibility of the radicals will be lost and opportunists can be counted on to share in the final policy solution,” Duchin outlined in closing his speech.

Bringing the ‘Duchin Formula’ to Stratfor

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Alvin Biscoe passed away in 1998 and Jack Mongoven passed away in 2000. Just a few years later, MBD — now only Ronald Duchin and Jack’s son, Bartholomew or “Bart” — merged with Stratfor in 2003.

A book by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton — “Trust Us, We’re Experts!” — explains that MBD promotional literature boasted that the firm kept “extensive files [on] forces for change [which] can often include activist and public interest groups, churches, unions and/or academia.”

“A typical dossier includes an organization’s historical background, biographical information on key personnel, funding sources, organizational structure and affiliations, and a ‘characterization’ of the organization aimed at identifying potential ways to co-opt or marginalize the organization’s impact on public policy debates,” the authors proceeded to explain.

MBD’s “extensive files” on “forces for change” soon would morph into Stratfor’s “Global Intelligence Files” after the merger.

What’s clear in sifting through the “Global Intelligence Files” documents, which were obtained by WikiLeaks as a result of Jeremy Hammond’s December 2011 hack of Stratfor, is that it was a marriage made in heaven for MBD and Stratfor.

The “Duchin formula” has become a Stratfor mainstay, carried on by Bart Mongoven. Duchin passed away in 2010.

In a December 2010 PowerPoint presentation to the oil company Suncor on how best to “deal with” anti-Alberta tar sands activists, Bart Mongoven explains how to do so explicitly utilizing the “radicals, idealists, realists and opportunists” framework. In that presentation, he places the various environmental groups fighting against the tar sands in each category and concludes the presentation by explaining how Suncor can win the war against them.

Bart Mongoven described the American Petroleum Institute as his “biggest client” in a January 2010 email exchange, lending explanation to his interest in environmental and energy issues.

Mongoven also appears to have realized something was off about Chesapeake Energy’s financial support for the Sierra Club, judging by November 2009 email exchanges. It took “idealists” in the environmental movement a full 2 ½ years to realize the same thing, after Time magazine wrote a major investigation revealing the fiduciary relationship between one of the biggest shale gas “fracking” companies in the U.S. and one of the country’s biggest environmental groups.

“The clearest evidence of a financial relationship is the note in the Sierra Club 2008 annual report that American Clean Skies Foundation was a financial supporter that year,” wrote Mongoven in an email to the National Manufacturing Association’s vice president of communications, Luke Popovich. “According to McClendon, American Clean Skies Foundation was created by Chesapeake and others in 2007.”

Bart Mongoven also used the “realist/idealist” paradigm to discuss **climate change**legislation’s chances for passage in a 2007 article on Stratfor’s website.

“Realists who support a strong federal regime are drawn to the idea that with most in industry calling for action on climate change, there is no time like the present,” Mongoven wrote. “Idealists, on the other hand, argue that with momentum on their side, there is little that industry could do in the face of a Democratic president and Congress, and therefore time is on the environmentalists’ side. The idealists argue that they have not gone this far only to pass a half-measure, particularly one that does not contain a hard carbon cap.”

And how best to deal with “radicals” like Julian Assange, founder and executive director of WikiLeaks, and whistleblower Bradley Manning, who gave WikiLeaks the U.S. State Department diplomatic cables, the Iraqand Afghanistan war logs and the “Collateral Murder” video? Bart Mongoven has a simple solution to “isolate” them, as suggested by Duchin’s formula.

“I’m in favor of using whatever trumped up charge is available to get [Assange] and his servers off the streets. And I’d feed that shit head soldier [Bradley Manning] to the first pack of wild dogs I could find,” Mongoven wrote in one email exchange revealed by the “Global Intelligence Files.” “Or perhaps just do to him whatever the Iranians are doing to our sources there.”

Indeed, the use of“trumped up charges” is often a way the U.S. government deals with radical activists, as demonstrated clearly during the days of the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence Program during the 1960s, as well as in modern-day Occupy movement-related cases in Cleveland and Chicago.

http://truth-out.org/news/item/17107-revealed-the-story-behind-the-nato-3-domestic-terrorism-arrests

http://www.rollingstone.com/culture/news/the-plot-against-occupy-20120926

http://www.alternet.org/story/155581/has_the_fbi_launched_a_war_of_entrapment_against_the_occupy_movement

‘Information economy’s equivalent of guns’

:{

}:

Just days after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, The Austin Chronicle published an article on Stratfor that posed the rhetorical question as its title, “Is Knowledge Power?”

The answer, simply put: yes.

“What Stratfor produces is the information economy’s equivalent of guns: knowledge about the world that can change the world, quickly and irrevocably,” wrote Michael Erard for The Chronicle. “So if Stratfor succeeds, it’s because more individuals and corporations want access to information that helps them dissect an unstable world — and are willing to pay steady bucks for it.”

When it comes down to it, Stauber concurs with the “guns” metaphor and Duchin’s “war” metaphors.

“Corporations wage war upon activists to ensure that corporate activities, power, profits and control are not diminished or significantly reformed,” said Stauber. “The burden is on the activists to make fundamental social change in a political environment where the corporate interests dominate both politically and through the corporate media.”

Stauberalso believes activists have a steep learning curve and are currently being left in the dust by Pagan, MBD, Stratfor and others.

“The Pagan/MBD/Stratfor operatives are much more sophisticated about social change than the activists they oppose, they have limitless resources at their disposal, and their goal is relatively simple: make sure that ultimately the activists fail to win fundamental reforms,” he said. “Duchin and Mongoven were ruthless, and I think they were often amused by the naivete, egotism, antics and failures of activists they routinely fooled and defeated. Ultimately, this is war, and the best warriors will win.”

One thing’s for certain: Duchin’s legacy lives on through his “formula.”

“The 4-step formula is brilliant and has certainly proven itself effective in preventing the democratic reforms we need,” Stauber remarked, bringing us back to where we started in 1982 with Rafael Pagan’s remarks about isolating the “fanatic activist leaders.”

This article is the second part of a two-part series on Stratfor. Check out the first part, “Divide And Conquer: Unpacking Stratfor’s Rise To Power.”

The Coalition for Southern Africa (COSA) was a front group created by the PR firm of Pagan International to help Shell Oil counter a boycott against its business dealings inapartheid South Africa. COSA and the Pagan International's 'Neptune Strategy' were unmasked in 1987.

History

In the 1980s, Shell and other corporations that continued to do business in South Africa came under fire from protesters who pressured them to pull out of the country as part of a campaign against the country's racist apartheid system. Shell turned to Pagan International, owned by Rafael Pagan and Jack Mongoven, who had previously advised the Nestlé corporation on strategies for neutralizing protests against Nestle's infant-formula marketing practices in Third World countries.

Pagan International developed a plan, code-named the "Neptune Strategy," which became an embarrassment to Shell when a copy was leaked to the press in 1987. Instead of divesting its South African holdings, the Neptune Strategy advised Shell to "develop a task force" of South Africans, church leaders, US activists and executives to issue a statement about the company's role in helping South Africa prepare for life after apartheid and to develop "post-apartheid plans" that "will ensure the continuation and growth of the Shell companies in the United States and South Africa."

To implement this plan, Pagan International organized and subsidized COSA. Launched with great fanfare in September 1987, COSA was ostensibly an organization of black clergy, which talked of ambitious plans to develop black-black business links between South Africa and the United States, promote education and training of South African blacks, and pressure for an end to apartheid. In reality, COSA was a paper front group with no resources to carry out these goals. According to Donna Katzin, a leader in the Shell boycott, COSA reflected a deliberate attempt to "divide and weaken the position of the religious community with regard to South Africa." She noted that immediately after COSA was created, companies with South African operations began to point to COSA to show that not all US church groups backed disinvestment.

Public disclosure of the Neptune Strategy prompted Shell to cancel its account with Pagan International, and company revenues plunged, leading to its eventual bankruptcy. However, company principal Jack Mongoven went on to to form his own firm, Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin, in partnership with Ronald Duchin and Alvin Biscoe.

Other Resources

• "Ex-Nestle Firm Goes Bankrupt," O'Dwyer's PR Services, November 1990, p. 1.
• Samantha Sparks, "South Africa: US Clergy Group Linked to Shell Oil," Inter Press Service, October 7, 1987.

Categories: 

• Front groups portal
• South Africa
• Public relations case studies

==

Ron Duchin was president of Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin (MDB), a Washington, D.C., public affairs firm that specialized in issues management and the motivation behind activist movements. In 2003, Duchin merged MBD into the Washington, D.C., intelligence firm Stratfor. Duchin was formerly part of the public relations firm Pagan International.^[1] He died at age 73 in 2011.^[2]

Contents

  [hide] 

• 1 Background
• 2 Contact Information
• 3 Authored Works
• 4 Resources & Articles
  • 4.1 Related PRWatch Archives
  • 4.2 External Resources
  • 4.3 References

Background

Duchin has experience in the agricultural, chemical, petroleum, plastic, packaging and automotive industries on issues driven by activists and public interest groups including trade, biotechnology, human rights, health and the environment.^[3]

Duchin graduated from the US Army War College, and served as special assistant to the Secretary of Defence and director of public affairs for the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) before joining Pagan International and then MDB.^[1]He is listed in the Association of Former Intelligence Officers Membership Directory 1991.^[4]

In 1991 he gave a speech to the US National Cattlemen's Association describing MBD works to divide and conquer activist movements. Duchin explained that activists fall into four categories: radicals, opportunists, idealists and realists, and that a three-step strategy was needed to bring them down. First, you isolate the radicals: those who want to change the system and promote social justice. Second, you carefully 'cultivate' the idealists: those who are altruistic, don't stand to gain from their activism, and are not as extreme in their methods and objectives as the radicals. You do this by gently persuading them that their advocacy has negative consequences for some groups, thus transforming them into realists. Finally, you co-opt the realists (the pragmatic incrementalists willing to work within the system) into compromise. "The realists should always receive the highest priority in any strategy dealing with a public policy issue . . . If your industry can successfully bring about these relationships, the credibility of the radicals will be lost and opportunists can be counted on to share in the final policy solution." Opportunists, those who are motivated by power, success, or a sense of their own celebrity, will be satisfied merely by a sense of partial victory.^[1]

In 2004, Duchin became executive director of the Concerned Veterans Communication Coalition, a project of the 60 Plus Association.

Contact Information

Concerned Veterans Communication Coalition

http://www.concernedvets.org

Authored Works

• Ron Duchin, Coalition Pushes FDA on Tobacco, Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin Letter, November 7, 1995.
• Ron Duchin, R Blumel, Status Report on Projects and Projected Costs through the End of 1994",Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin Letter, October 27, 1994.
• Ron Duchin, "SIDS Linked to Particulate Air Pollution", Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin memo, August 4, 1997.

Resources & Articles

Related PRWatch Archives

• John Stauber, "Endangered Wildlife Friends Are Here!", PR Watch Volume 8, No. 3, 2001.
• Sheldon Rampton, "Spinning the Web", PR Watch, Volume 9, No. 1, 2002.

External Resources

• Steve Horn, How to Win the Media War Against Grassroots Activists: Stratfor's Strategies, Mint Press News, July 29, 2013
• Steve Horn, Divide And Conquer: Unpacking Stratfor’s Rise To Power, Mint Press News, July 25, 2013.
• Stacy M. Carter, [http://tc.bmjjournals.com/cgi/data/11/1/DC2/1 Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin: destroying tobacco control

activism from the inside], Tobacco Control, 2002;11 Issue 2.

• "Sept. 28 NAMA Conference Poses Question: Does How You Say It Matter More Than What You Say?", Agriscape Press Release, September 6, 2000. (This media release is advertising a conference presentation by Duchin).
• Hugh Espy, "Summary of AMS Audit of NPPC", In Motion Magazine. April 12, 1999.
• Concerned Veterans Communication Coalition, "Concerned Veterans Communication Coalition Reacts to Chairman Powell's Departure" (news release), PR Newswire, January 21, 2005.

References

1. ↑ ^Jump ^up ^{to:1.0 1.1 1.2} Stacy M. Carter, Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin: destroying tobacco control activism from the inside,Tobacco Control, 2002;11 Issue 2.
2. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:↑ Ronald A. Duchin, Army colonel, obituary,Washington Post, January 24, 2011.
3. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:↑ "Sept. 28 NAMA Conference Poses Question: Does How You Say It Matter More Than What You Say?", Agriscape Press Release, September 6, 2000. (This media release is advertising a conference presentation by Duchin).
4. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:↑ NameBase, Duchin, Ronald, online name database, accessed July 2013.

Alvin Biscoe was one of the principals of the public relations firm of Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin (MBD).

Prior to forming MBD, Biscoe was the director for the Center for Business and Economic Research and associate professor of finance at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville, and later assistant vice president of the University of Tennessee System for Public Service.

On September 29, 1979, Biscoe was injured in an accident that ensued following a bank robbery in Arlington, Virginia. Police officer Michael Kyle engaged the criminals in a high-speed auto chase that ended when the bank robbers crashed their vehicle, pinning Biscoe against a light pole. The accident severed one of his legs and severely injured the other, ultimately requiring amputation.

Biscoe and his wife Eleanor successfully sued the city of Arlington and Officer Kyle for negligence that contributed to the accident, winning $4.35 million in damages.

Biscoe appears to have been a largely silent partner at MBD, compared to the company's other two principals, Jack Mongoven and Ron Duchin.

He died on July 29, 1998 in Bethesda, Maryland.

External links

• "Alvin B. Biscoe, Jr., v. Arlington County US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit July 6, 1984.", Criminal Justice Brief, accessed July 2005.
• "Class Notes, Grad Notes, and Obituaries", The University of Georgia, March 1999: Vol. 78, No. 2.

==

https://www.scribd.com/document/155245388/Pagan-International-Launch-Press-Release-May-1985

by Steve Horn

Exhibits for Motion to Deny Dershowitz Motion to Intervene

by Steve Horn

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PR NewswireMay 10, 1985, Friday

LENGTH:

495 words

DATELINE:

WASHINGTON, May 10WASHINGTON, May 10 /PRN/--Rafael D. Pagan Jr., president of the Nestle Coordination Center for Nutrition in Washington, Fridayannounced the formation of

Pagan International

(Pi), a public affairsand issue management firm.Pi offers primary services in international public affairs,business intelligence, strategic and tactical evaluation, counsel andimplementation.

Pagan International

is formed around the nucleus of publicaffairs specialists who formulated the strategy that successfullyresolved the Nestleinfant formula controversy.Nestle was boycotted by more than 700 churches and activist groupsworldwide in protest over its marketing of infant formula indeveloping countries.When the boycott was called off in October of 1984, Nestle was called a "model for the industry," by the activist leader whoinstituted the boycott.Pagan, also chief executive officer of Pi, explained that the newfirm is independent of Nestle. Nestle and other national andinternational clients have already turned to Pi for expertise andhelp in understanding the impact of social issues on their business."The strong influence public and social issues today have oncommercial operations has created a need for companies to evaluatecarefully national and international policy issues affectingbusiness," Pagan said. The core of Pi services is an international business socio-political database which began with the information acquired throughout the 10-year Nestle controversyand subsequently was expanded to cover a range of developing issues. Pagan said that this system enables Pi to advise clients on national and international trends and movements that can adversely affect corporations. This gives the companies an opportunity to enter into public discussions and help define the parameters of debate early on,rather than just react to agendas thrust upon them by activists and other groups.Pagan stated that "this unique team is experienced in the management of crisis and serious political problems faced by corporations partly as a result of their experience in the Nestlecontroversy, and more recently through managing similar issues for other companies."

Joining Pagan in Pi will be: James Armstrong, former president of the National Council of Churches; John O. Mongoven, vice presidentof Nestle Coordination Center for Nutrition and former assistantsecretary of the U.S. Treasury; Arion N. Pattakos, a strategy,research, analysis and business intelligence/security specialist;Robert H. Resnick, a political, legislative and business correspondent and presidential speech writer; and Norge W. Jerome,a pioneer in the development of Nutritional Anthropology, public health, and currently directory of the Division of Community Healthat the University of Kansas School of Medicine.CONTACT -- Jack Mongoven of

Pagan International,

202-822-8289

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