MGN mcclure gerard
see jack gerard api nma
https://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=12411
no lnx graf
MGN Inc Firm Lobbying Profile
Former Member, US Senate
See also: Individual Lobbying Profile
Employment Timeline
Employment History
Period Employer Title Additional Info
2003-2011 MGN Inc
Revolving Door Personnel: (5) Partner
Firm lobbying profile
1998-2002 McClure, Gerard & Neuenschwander
Revolving Door Personnel: (7) Partner
Firm lobbying profile
1989-1990 Senate Appropriations Committee
Revolving Door Personnel: (222) Member
1989-1990 Senate Energy & Natural Resources Committee
Revolving Door Personnel: (84) Ranking Member
1989-1990 Senate Rules & Administration Committee
Revolving Door Personnel: (29) Member
1973-1990 US Senate
Revolving Door Personnel: (200) Member
Agency lobbying profile
Major Donor profile
1967-1972 US House of Representatives
Revolving Door Personnel: (680) Member
Agency lobbying profile
Major Donor profile
Natl Endangered Species Act Reform Cltn
Revolving Door Personnel: (1)
https://fbaum.unc.edu/papers/MPSA08_Baum_LaPira_Thomas.pdf
Table 5. Frequency and Centrality Scores for Former Employers of Lobbyists, June1998
Place of Former Employment
Number of Lobbying
Reports Filed Centrality
White House 835 0.2336304
House Transportation & Infrastructure 402 0.0140251
House Energy & Commerce 321 0.0506634
Senate Appropriations 303 0.015195
Presidential Transition Team 286 0.0394472
Commonwealth of Massachusetts 262 0.006646
Senate Homeland Security & Govt Affairs 253 0.051976
Republican National Cmte 251 0.0169758
Jorden Burt LLP 251 0.0006572
Bingham, Jonathan Brewster 241 0
City of New York, NY 241 0
American Psychological Society 241 0
Children’s Defense Fund 241 0
K&L Gates 224 0.0090732
Ernst & Young 204 0.0080656
House Ways & Means 196 0.025043
McClure, Gerard & Neuenschwander 185 0.0044773
Cassidy& Assoc 184 0.0187662
Dept of Transportation 182 0.055525
R Duffy Wall & Assoc 179 0.0015331
Dept of Interior 179 0.0237085
Dept of State 178 0.0452121
Dept of Agriculture 170 0.0127146
Dept of Defense 166 0.0300454
Dole for President Cmte 156 0.016382
Verner, Liipfert et al 150 0.0251023
Bentsen, Lloyd 148 0.0138479
Senate Judiciary 142 0.0273066
House Education & Labor 137 0.0151932
23 additional firms or agencies 100-136
86 additional firms or agencies 50-99
430 additional firms or agencies 10-49
1040 additional firms or agencies 1-9
Centrality is a measure of common connections among actors in a network. In this case, the
connections in question are shared previous employment with a common employer. Therefore,
the score indicates the degree to which each employer has alumni who previously worked at a
large number of well connected other previous employers. A score of zero is given when a
vertex is not situated between other vertices.
harry reid fr in law
Mr. Barringer was a partner with Holland & Hart until 1996 and rejoined the firm in 2006. Prior to joining the firm, he served as Special Assistant to the Solicitor in the U.S. Department of the Interior where he specialized in Nevada water issues, Hoover Dam and Colorado River Storage Project Act and Colorado River Compact. Mr. Barringer is licensed to practice in the District of Columbia; the Federal District Courts of Colorado, Maryland and Nevada; the Federal Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, and the states of Nevada and Colorado.
no lnx
Head of top oil lobbying group to step down
BY TIMOTHY CAMA AND MEGAN R. WILSON -01/17/18
Head of top oil lobbying group to step down
Jack Gerard, the head of the main lobbying group for the oil and natural gas industry, is stepping down in August.
The American Petroleum Institute (API) announced Gerard’s planned departure Wednesday, saying his contract will be up after 10 years at the helm.
In a statement, Gerard celebrated the oil industry’s accomplishments during his tenure.
“Serving the oil and natural gas industry during this historic time, when an American energy renaissance has made the U.S. the world’s leading producer and refiner of oil and natural gas, has been among the most fulfilling professional experiences of my career,” he said.
“We have accomplished what few would have imagined: important public policy victories at all levels of government, and a revitalized association that has expanded globally and added significant strength to its advocacy capabilities.”
Gerard implied he wouldn’t be heading into retirement, saying in the statement that he is “ready for my next challenge."
The departure opens up one of the most powerful and prestigious lobbying positions in Washington, creating the potential for a broader shakeup in the industry. Gerard earned $6.3 million in total compensation from API in 2015, the most recent year for which tax records are publicly available.
“It's certainly one of the most plum jobs in Washington and is likely to create a musical chairs situation at other trade associations, because they certainly will look at CEOs from other associations,” said Ivan Adler, a headhunter at the McCormick Group.
And with the slew of Republicans retiring from Congress, even more potential candidates are added to the mix.
Even lawmakers who intend to serve out the rest of their terms “have 6 1/2 million reasons not to,” Adler quipped.
In 2008, the executive search firm Korn Ferry plucked Gerard from the helm of the American Chemistry Council to run API. It’s unclear whether they will be conducting API’s new search.
“What the search committee-slash-board ultimately wants in Jack's successor will determine how challenging the search will be. If they want someone to maintain the framework or improve [API] incrementally, that's one type of candidate,” said another headhunter for K Street executives who asked for anonymity to speak on the subject.
If, however, API’s board and search committee “want someone to transform [API], and take it to the next proverbial level, you would need to find someone to roll up their sleeves,” the person said.
Under Gerard, API doubled its membership and increased its clout in Washington. He fought off numerous attempts at climate change policies by the federal government and pushed back against some offshore drilling standards that the industry saw as unnecessary.
In 2015, Gerard oversaw a merger between API and America's Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA). Marty Durbin, former ANGA chief executive, is now at API and considered a potential internal candidate for Gerard’s job.
“If anything, you would want someone who could be more aligned with this regime,” the headhunter added, referring to the Trump administration.
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That requirement could disqualify some retiring Republicans, including Sen. Jeff Flake (Ariz.), who sits on Senate energy panels but has been critical of President Trump.
Gerard has been with the group for important milestones, including the 2010 BP Deepwater Horizon disaster and spill in the Gulf of Mexico, the massive boom in domestic oil and natural gas production, the aggressive climate change and environmental push from the Obama administration, the Trump administration’s rollback of that agenda and Congress’s 2015 action ending the ban on oil exports.
Darren Woods, CEO of Exxon Mobil Corp. and API’s current chairman, cheered Gerard’s tenure.
“Jack has been an extraordinary leader for the oil and natural gas industry during a time of challenge and opportunity,” Woods said in a statement.
Gerard previously served as CEO of the American Chemistry Council and the National Mining Association, and has worked for former Idaho Republican Reps. George Hansen and James A. McClure. Gerard also led his own lobbying firm, Gerard & Neuenschwander.
API represents numerous facets of the oil industry, including drillers, pipeline companies, refiners and fuel sellers.
The group spent $4.9 million on lobbying in 2008, the year Gerard started, and that spending increased to apeak of $9.3 million 2013,before falling to $6 million in 2016, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics, based on disclosures by API. It spent $6.7 million lobbying through the third quarter of last year.
https://littlesis.org/org/24060-Mgn_Inc_(Formerly_McClure_Gerard_&_Neuenschwander_Inc)
relationships
Leadership & Staff
Joseph Findaro Of Counsel, Akerman LLP
• Lobbyist
Steven Barringer Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
James Albertus McClure US Representative and Senator from Idaho
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
Jack Gerard Big Oil lobbyist
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
• Lobbyist
:{:{}::{
Services & Transactions
Newmont Mining Corporation One of the world's largest gold producers
• Lobbying Client · 620,000 USD ('99→'06)
American Electric Power Company, Inc. Electric utility company
• Lobbying Client · 80,000 USD ('01→'02)
:{:{}::{
Lobbying
White House Office Includes multiple levels of presidential advisory boards and advisors
Department of the Interior federal agency responsible for the management and conservation of most federal lands and natural resources
• Lobbying (for client) ('01→'04)
US House of Representatives lower house of the United States Congress
• Lobbying (for client) ('99→'06)
US Senate upper house of the United States Congress
• Lobbying (for client) ('99→'06)
----
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===
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connected to
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:{:{}:
american Electric Power Company, Inc. Lobbying Client · 80,000 USD '01→'02
Anne Forristall-Luke Lobbyist
Department of the Interior Lobbying (for client) '01→'04
Jack Gerard Lobbyist
James Albertus McClure Lobbyist
Joseph Findaro Lobbyist
K Laurie McKay Lobbyist
Matthew Iandoli Lobbyist
Newmont Mining Corporation Lobbying Client · 620,000 USD '99→'06
Nils Johnson Lobbyist
Steven Barringer Lobbyist
Tod Neuenschwander Lobbyist
Trevor Kolego Lobbyist
US House of Representatives Lobbying (for client) '99→'06
US Senate Lobbying (for client) '99→'06
White House Office Lobbying (for client) '04
}:
===
https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2003/08/07/the-ties-that-bind-on-capitol-hill
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The Ties That Bind on Capitol Hill
By Juliet Eilperin
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August 7, 2003
The rules are clear: Members of Congress cannot accept a meal from a lobbyist if the tab exceeds $50. Lobbyists cannot even use a House member's phone or fax machine while cooling their heels in a congressional office.
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But if you are a lawmaker's spouse, sibling or child, there is not a single rule governing whether corporations, trade groups and others can hire you to lobby your relative -- and his or her colleagues -- on legislation vital to the clients.
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Politicians' familial ties to lobbyists are attracting new attention, as public watchdog groups and the news media scrutinize potential conflicts of interest. The problem has grown in recent years as lawmakers' spouses -- women, most often -- have developed careers in a city where many businesses revolve around the Capitol. Wary of shutting down these opportunities, House and Senate committees have opted for general and comparatively loose guidelines rather than establishing specific rules for family members.
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Dozens of senators and representatives are related to lobbyists who represent interests including the American Beekeeping Federation, Major League Baseball and the steel industry. While some lobbyists try to keep their distance, others appear less concerned.
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The Los Angeles Times recently chronicled how Sen. Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) supported several measures promoted by his son and son-in-law, both lobbyists for Nevada interests. Several times, Reid's relatives appealed to the senator's staff to help facilitate federal land swaps, protect mining interests and steer federal dollars to clients such as the University of Nevada at Reno. Reid did not tell colleagues or the public that the provisions he authored, many of which were obscure, benefited clients that paid his son and son-in-law $2 million in lobbying fees, according to the Times.
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Reid said he had "conversations" with the two relatives about their clients, but that the discussions were unrelated to his legislative actions. His staff also spoke with his son, Key G. Reid, who works for the Nevada law firm Lionel, Sawyer & Collins, and his son-in-law, Steven Barringer, a lobbyist with McClure, Gerard & Neuenschwander.
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Tessa Hafen, the senator's press secretary, said mining and gambling industries drive the state's economy. "Of course, Senator Reid, as a senator from that state, is going to represent those industries," Hafen said.
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After a Los Angeles Times interview with Reid, his chief of staff issued a policy barring his son and son-in-law from lobbying the office. "Senator Reid has long held that elected leaders must take steps to prevent even the appearance of impropriety, and it has become clear this ban is necessary for that reason," the aide said.
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Sometimes senators produce results for their children's clients even if they've sworn off lobbying contacts.Chester Trent Lott Jr., son of Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and a lobbyist with the Livingston Group, represents interests in Kentucky and Washington, including Louisiana-based Edison Chouest Offshore, which services vessels. Last fall, his father, the then-Senate majority leader, added a provision to legislation allowing foreign-built ships to conduct domestic trade along the United States' coasts, something that is barred under a 1920s law. That helped Edison build ships for ExxonMobil Corp, since it would let the company buy foreign oil tankers if it could not complete the job in time. Edison spokesman Lonnie Thibodeaux said he could not "discuss the matter at all. . . . Whatever is public record is public record."
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Livingston Group spokesman William R. Teator, whose group works with the younger Lott, said the senator and his son have an agreement not to discuss clients. Sen. Lott did not return several calls.
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Charles Lewis, executive director of the Center for Public Integrity, said the increasing coziness between politicians and their lobbyist relatives is "unseemly. It does seem to be getting out of hand."
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A lawmaker's ascension into leadership can directly help family members, Lewis noted, such as when then-House Majority Whip Tom DeLay's brother, Randy DeLay, recovered from financial problems after becoming a lobbyist. DeLay (R-Tex.) banned his brother from his office after an outside group filed an ethics complaint.
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Joshua Hastert, son of Rep. J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.), signed up with a lobbying firm after his father was elected speaker.
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Several politicians and their relatives say they adhere to strict policies. Senate Minority Leader Thomas A. Daschle's wife, Linda H. Daschle, an aviation expert and former Clinton administration official, has nearly a dozen clients at Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz. But she refuses to lobby in the Senate, in the same way she did not lobby in the House when her husband, a South Dakota Democrat, was a representative.
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Former Clinton administration aide Doris O. Matsui is registered for 70 clients at Collier Shannon Scott. Although many of these groups may have tax and trade interests, Matsui will not represent them on those issues because her husband, Rep. Robert T. Matsui (Calif.), is a senior Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee. She does not lobby any Ways and Means Committee member, Rep. Matsui said.
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"We don't talk about anything having to do with work," he said.
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Others adopt more liberal standards. Joshua Hastert, who represents high-tech and small businesses at Federal Legislative Associates, will not approach his father but has not ruled out lobbying other House leaders, Hastert spokesman John Feehery said.
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Kimberly Dorgan, wife of Sen. Byron L. Dorgan (D-N.D.), is a senior lobbyist at the American Council of Life Insurers, which spent $3.36 million on lobbying last year. Kimberly Dorgan does not lobby her husband, but reserves the right to work his colleagues, said Jack Dolan, a spokesman for the ACLI. He said the group hired Dorgan five years ago because of her lengthy lobbying experience rather than her family ties.
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The House and Senate ethics committees suggest that lawmakers rely on broader conflict-of-interest rules to guide their actions regarding spouses. These panels are silent on the question of other relatives' lobbying.
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Rep. Joel Hefley (R-Colo.), who chairs the House Committee on Standards of Official Conduct, said the most common problem he sees is lawmakers' relatives taking advantage of relationships they have developed with the congressional colleagues of their spouse or parent. "It's something of concern," Hefley said. "I don't know exactly how to control it, unless there are [clear] violations."
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The House manual says: "Neither federal law nor House rules specifically precludes a member's spouse from engaging in any activity on the ground that it could create a conflict of interest with the member's official duties." But it cautions, "the question may arise as to whether the member is improperly benefiting as a result of the spouse's employment." The ethics committee tells lawmakers "to avoid situations in which even an inference might be drawn suggesting improper action."
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The Senate Select Committee on Ethics, whose chairman,George V. Voinovich (R-Ohio), declined to comment, has a similar policy.
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Staff researcher Alice Crites contributed to this report.
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Linda H. Daschle, wife of Senate Minority Leader Thomas A. Daschle (D-S.D.), is a lobbyist with Baker, Donelson. Senate Minority Whip Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) supported several measures promoted by lobbyist son and son-in-law. Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.), right, the former majority leader, and his son, Chester Trent Lott Jr., who is a lobbyist with the Livingston Group.