fallis, red fawn

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</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">release to 1/2 way house</font><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">summary:</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">RedFawn Fallis</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div><div>
</div><div>37-year-old Oglala Sioux</div><div>
</div><div>[More federal charges have been filed against a pipeline protester accused of shooting toward law enforcement officers in October. ... If convicted of discharging the firearm, Fallis faces a minimum of 10 years in prison.&nbsp;</div><div>
</div><div>Federal public defender Neil Fulton, whose office is defending Fallis, said he has never seen a felony civil disorder charge in federal court.]</div><div>
</div><div>---</div><div>&nbsp;Valerie Richardson - The <b>Washington Times</b></div><div>
</div><div>Thursday, February 9, <b>2017 BS</b></div><div>{</div><div>At least one other activist remains in federal jail. Red Fawn Fallis, 37, was initially charged with <b>attempted murder</b> for firing three shots as she lay face-down on the ground while deputies tried to restrain her, but the Morton County charge later was dropped.</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Instead, she faces federal counts of possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, civil disorder, and discharge of a firearm in relation to a felon crime of violence</span>. A trial by jury has been set for March 7 in Bismarck federal court.}</div><div>
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</div><div>---</div><div>part 10: 12/17</div><div>
</div><div>AS LAW ENFORCEMENT officers advanced in a U-shaped sweep line down North Dakota Highway 1806 last October, pushing back Dakota Access opponents from a camp in the pipeline’s path, two sheriff’s deputies broke formation to tackle a 37-year-old Oglala Sioux woman named Red Fawn Fallis. As Fallis struggled under the weight of her arresting officers, who were attempting to put her in handcuffs, three gunshots allegedly went off alongside her. According to the arrest affidavit, deputies lunged toward her left hand and wrested a gun away from her.</div><div>
</div><div>Well before that moment, Fallis had been caught in a sprawling intelligence operation that sought to disrupt and discredit opponents of the pipeline. The Intercept has learned that the legal owner of the gun Fallis is alleged to have fired was a paid FBI informant named Heath Harmon, a 46-year-old member of the Fort Berthold Reservation in western North Dakota. For at least two months, Harmon took part in the daily life of DAPL resistance camps and gained access to movement participants, even becoming Fallis’s romantic partner several weeks prior to the alleged shooting on October 27, 2016.</div><div>
</div><div>In an interview with agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, a recording of which was obtained by The Intercept, Harmon reported that his work for the FBI involved monitoring the Standing Rock camps for evidence of “bomb-making materials, stuff like that.” Asked what he discovered, Harmon made no mention of protesters harboring dangerous weapons, but he acknowledged storing his own weapon in a trailer at the water protectors’ Rosebud Camp: the same .38 revolver Fallis is accused of firing.</div><div>
</div><div>Harmon spent the day of October 27 with Fallis and was nearby during her arrest. He continued to withhold his FBI affiliation from his then-girlfriend in phone conversations with her while she was being held at the Morton County jail in Mandan, North Dakota, records show. Investigators’ notes on those calls were distributed to the ATF, two local sheriff’s departments, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Bismarck, among others.</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Federal prosecutors are charging Fallis with civil disorder, possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, and discharge of a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence — perhaps the most serious charges levied against any water protector. If convicted of discharging the weapon, she faces a minimum of 10 years in prison and the possibility of a life sentence. She has pleaded not guilty.</span></div><div>
</div><div>Attorneys for Fallis argue their client was seized without probable cause while engaging in speech protected by the First Amendment, pointing to the account of one of her arresting officers that Fallis was shouting “water is life and you’re killing Mother Earth and stuff of that nature.”&nbsp;</div><div>
</div><div>[Harmon identified AIM ppl in camp to FBI; Free Peltier stickers;&nbsp; uncle in GOON squad? nope BIA officer, but spec ops, deployed around US]</div><div>...</div><div>extremist, terrorists:</div><div>
</div><div>The document categorizes a broad range of protest activities as violent, noting that while “environmental rights extremists often consider themselves to be nonviolent because their attacks tend to be against property,” tactics such as tampering with pipeline valves and setting fire to construction equipment “carry an inherent risk of death or serious of injury, regardless of intent.” Its authors identify ominous intelligence gaps as to the existence of “training camps established to teach violent tactics” and “which camps house individuals who have an interest in using lethal weapons such as IEDs against law enforcement or pipeline entities.”</div><div>
</div><div>I<b>n a section describing “use of potentially lethal devices,” the report holds up Red Fawn Fallis as an example of extremist violence</b>. Without mentioning Fallis by name, the <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">report claims she “shot a firearm at law enforcement officers who had confronted her while taking her into custody,” echoing an allegation long since discarded by prosecutors — that Fallis intentionally shot at police.</span></div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</span></div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The same section cites a November 2016 incident in which a Standing Rock protester “threw small IEDs at officers, resulting in near amputation of her arm after one of the IEDs exploded prematurely, according to law enforcement and DHS reporting.” But according to multiple sworn witnesses, the woman in question, Sophia Wilansky, sustained the gruesome injury after police shot her with “less than lethal” munition during a confrontation that saw officers spray protesters with water hoses and rubber bullets amid subfreezing temperatures, resulting in hundreds of injuries.</span></div><div>
</div><div>As The Intercept previously reported, an FBI informant played a key role in defining the version of events law enforcement promoted about Wilansky’s injury. In an email to several FBI and Department of Justice addresses after the incident, <b>Terry Van Horn, a national security intelligence specialist with the U.S. Attorney’s Office, noted that an FBI “source from the camp reported people were making IEDs from small Coleman-type propane canisters.”</b></div><div>...</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">More details on Fallis’s case are certain to emerge at trial, scheduled to begin January 29. After defense lawyers requested her case be transferred out of North Dakota to ensure an impartial jury pool, a judge ordered the trial moved from Bismarck roughly 200 miles east to <b>Fargo, the seat of Cass County, where Sheriff Paul Laney helped spearhead a National Sheriffs’ Association public relations campaign to discredit DAPL opponents.</b> Fallis will be tried in the same federal courthouse where an all-white jury handed down Leonard Peltier’s murder conviction in 1977.</span></div><div>
</div><div>After spending a year in jail, Fallis was recently moved to a halfway house in Fargo. According to Glenn Morris, she “is prepared to defend herself vigorously in court against these fabricated charges.”</div><div>
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</div><div>=</div><div>Intercpt pt 11</div><div>{{</div><div>SPENDING A YEAR in jail awaiting trial, Oglala Lakota Sioux activist Red Fawn Fallis pleaded guilty last week to two federal felonies related to her arrest while protesting the Dakota Access pipeline. As part of the plea agreement, prosecutors dropped the most serious charge against her, which would have carried a 10-year mandatory minimum sentence with the possibility of life imprisonment.</div><div>
</div><div>Fallis was arrested on October 27, 2016, during a large-scale law enforcement operation to evict pipeline opponents from a camp alongside North Dakota Highway 1806. After officers tackled Fallis and pinned her on the ground facedown, they allege that she fired three shots from a revolver underneath her stomach, which did not result in any injuries. Last month, The Intercept revealed that the gun in question belonged to a paid FBI informant who was in a romantic relationship with Fallis. The informant, Heath Harmon, had infiltrated the protest camps starting in August 2016 and was near Fallis’s side for much of the day leading up to her arrest.</div><div>
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</div><div>...</div><div>Unanswered Questions</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
</span></div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fallis’s arrest in October 2016 occurred amid a highly militarized police raid on land that would still belong to the Great Sioux Nation had the<b> Fort Laramie treaties of 1851 and 1868 </b>been honored.</span> In a pretrial motion, Fallis’s attorneys attempted to raise the issue in her case, arguing that the government had a burden to establish the law enforcement operation as lawful by addressing treaty rights in court. But Hovland refused to allow consideration of this broader historical context, instead making several orders to limit the case’s scope. “This is not a complex case,” Hovland insisted in a January 2 order.</div><div>
</div><div>Fallis’s attorneys also filed several motions asking the government to disclose information related to the sweeping surveillance activities of public law enforcement and private security contractors hired by the company behind the Dakota Access pipeline. Drawing in part on stories and documents published by The Intercept, they argued that Fallis’s case could not be considered apart from this intrusive intelligence gathering, given that an undercover informant employed by the FBI had initiated a relationship with Fallis, and then made available the gun she was accused of firing.</div><div>...</div><div>
</div><div>intercept pt 11&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>
</div><div>By traveling to Standing Rock, Fallis was almost literally following in her mother’s footsteps. In 1974, Young said, members of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe invited AIM to an area at the confluence of the Missouri and Cannonball rivers known as Sacred Stone, which would later become the site of the first NoDAPL camp....</div><div>
</div><div>Many of Fallis’s supporters contend that her stature as a politically active indigenous woman played a central role in drawing the attention of law enforcement. “They just could not stand for us as Indians to talk back to them, and most of all, they couldn’t stand for us as women to be talking back to them,” Young said.}}</div><div>
</div><div>=</div><div>
</div><div>https://theintercept.com/2018/07/13/standing-rock-red-fawn-fallis-sentencing/</div><div>
</div><div>FOLLOWING AN EMOTIONAL hearing in Bismarck, North Dakota, this week, Oglala Lakota Sioux water protector Red Fawn Fallis was sentenced to 57 months in prison on charges stemming from her arrest while opposing the Dakota Access pipeline.</div><div>...</div><div>reactive grip response</div><div>Judge</div><div>
</div><div>[Hovland declined to consider Fallis’s intent as part of his ruling. “I’m not going to go down that path, try to determine what Ms. Fallis’s intent was when that firearm was discharged,” he said. The judge noted that he had the discretion to sentence Fallis to a lengthier prison term under the statutes in question, characterizing her nearly five-year sentence as “sufficient to the goals of sentencing and not greater than necessary.” Prosecutors had recommended a seven-year sentence, while Fallis’s defense attorneys had asked for 24 to 30 months.]</div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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</font></div><div><a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/</font></a></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">part 10</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">S LAW ENFORCEMENT</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">&nbsp;</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">officers advanced in a U-shaped sweep line down North Dakota Highway 1806 last October, pushing back Dakota Access opponents from a</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">&nbsp;</span><a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/10/27/law-enforcement-descended-on-standing-rock-a-year-ago-and-changed-the-dapl-fight-forever/" style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">camp</a><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">&nbsp;</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">in the pipeline’s path, two sheriff’s deputies broke formation to tackle a 37-year-old <b>Oglala Sioux woman named Red Fawn Fallis</b>. As Fallis struggled under the weight of her arresting officers, who were attempting to put her in handcuffs, three gunshots allegedly went off alongside her. According to the arrest affidavit, deputies lunged toward her left hand and wrested a gun away from her.</span></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em;">
</span></font></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Well before that moment, Fallis had been caught in a sprawling intelligence operation that sought to disrupt and discredit opponents of the pipeline. The Intercept has learned that the legal owner of the gun Fallis is alleged to have fired was a paid FBI informant named Heath Harmon, a 46-year-old member of the Fort Berthold Reservation in western North Dakota. For at least two months, Harmon took part in the daily life of DAPL resistance camps and gained access to movement participants, even becoming Fallis’s romantic partner several weeks prior to the alleged shooting on October 27, 2016</span>.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In an interview with agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, a recording of which was obtained by The Intercept, Harmon reported that his work for the FBI involved monitoring the Standing Rock camps for evidence of “bomb-making materials, stuff like that.” Asked what he discovered,<b> Harmon made no mention of protesters harboring dangerous weapons, but he acknowledged storing his own weapon in a trailer at the water protectors’ Rosebud Camp: the same .38 revolver Fallis is accused of firing.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Harmon spent the day of October 27 with Fallis and was nearby during her arrest.<b> He continued to withhold his FBI affiliation from his then-girlfriend in phone&nbsp;conversations with her while she was being held at the Morton County jail in Mandan, North Dakota,</b> records show. Investigators’ notes on those calls were distributed to the ATF, two local sheriff’s departments, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Bismarck, among others.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Federal prosecutors are charging Fallis with civil disorder, possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, and discharge of a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence — perhaps the most serious charges levied against any water protector. If convicted of discharging the weapon, she faces a minimum of 10 years in prison and the possibility of a life sentence. She has pleaded not guilty.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Attorneys for Fallis argue their client was seized without probable cause while engaging in speech protected by the First Amendment, pointing to the account of one of her arresting officers that Fallis was shouting “water is life and you’re killing Mother Earth and stuff of that nature.”</b> Drone footage appears to show her being tackled just minutes after arriving in the vicinity of the police line. In a hearing that concluded Monday, her lawyers&nbsp;<a href="https://waterprotectorlegal.org/court-update-red-fawns-motions-hearing/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">challenged</a>&nbsp;the admissibility of any property seized or statements Fallis made immediately after the incident, arguing they represent the products of an unconstitutional arrest. Defense attorneys declined to comment or make Fallis available for this story, citing her pending trial.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[drone footage from Oct. 27, 2016, shows Red Fawn Fallis driving an ATV alongside the highway, then parking and approaching the police line. Around the 3:35 minute mark, she breaks from the crowd and walks parallel to law enforcement before being tackled and arrested.]</font></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As the struggle to limit the mining and burning of fossil fuels has developed into a potent force, indigenous activists like Fallis have frequently been at the forefront. Documents and recordings reviewed for this story provide a window into federal law enforcement’s use of counterterrorism tactics to target pipeline opponents based on the threat of “environmental rights extremism” — and reveal infiltration of the water protector movement as the latest chapter in the FBI’s long history of repression of indigenous political activism.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The intelligence operation targeting DAPL opponents was based at an emergency operations center in Bismarck, as well as the North Dakota State and Local Intelligence Center, known as the<b> SLIC, a fusion center</b> established to facilitate information sharing in the aftermath of 9/11. Although local law enforcement frequently served as the public face of the operation, federal agents played a central role soon after the first civil disobedience actions kicked off in August 2016. By early September, the operations center was hosting&nbsp;daily&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/slic-operations-email-2016-09-01/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">meetings</a>&nbsp;involving representatives of the FBI, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the U.S. Marshals Service, and state and local police.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In his interview with the ATF and Bureau of Criminal Investigation on December 13, 2016, <b>Harmon described how he came to be an FBI asset: </b>He had reached out to his brother, a BIA police officer in North Dakota, to see if he could help by “being an observer” of the protest movement. “He said he knew people and they would get ahold of me,” Harmon stated. “That’s when the FBI contacted me. That’s the reason why I was down there in the first place.</span>” By August, Harmon was regularly visiting the Rosebud Camp, which is where he met Fallis, according to his interview.<b> He said he helped the FBI confirm the presence of specific “AIM members” at the camp, in reference to the American Indian Movement,</b> and reported a vehicle carrying lockdown devices used by protesters to disrupt pipeline construction.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="font-family: " times="Times" new="New" roman="Roman" font-size="font-size" large="large" letter-spacing="letter-spacing" em="em">
Founded at the height of the civil rights era, <b>AIM</b> fought for religious freedom and the fulfillment of treaties the U.S. government signed with indigenous nations. Yellow Wood was part of the organization’s struggle on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. In that case, AIM famously took up arms in 1973 and occupied the town of Wounded Knee — site of the U.S. 7th Calvary’s massacre of Lakota people in 1890 — as a show of opposition to a corrupt tribal government that was working behind the scenes to sell off lands rich in uranium and other resources.&nbsp;</span>Fallis has a long history with indigenous movements, including AIM, according to Glenn Morris, an activist and scholar at the University of Colorado, Denver, who regards Fallis as a niece. Her mother, Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, worked with Morris and others to start the Colorado chapter of AIM in the 1970s, and Fallis began attending marches in Denver when she was 5 or 6 years old, Morris said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Harmon is part of a different lineage. In his interview with law enforcement, he noted that his uncle Gerald Fox had been on the “other side” of the AIM struggle at Pine Ridge.</b> Fox was a BIA officer who stood off against AIM during the 71-day occupation of Wounded Knee, alongside members of the U.S. Marshals Service and the FBI. According to a 2010&nbsp;<a href="http://www.grandforksherald.com/content/gerald-tex-fox" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">obituary</a>&nbsp;in the Bismarck Tribune,&nbsp;Fox went on to join a BIA special operations unit, and between 1976 and 1984 “was detailed to every major Native conflict that happened in the United States.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the aftermath of the Pine Ridge standoff, the FBI looked the other way while&nbsp;a paramilitary organization known as the GOONs — whose leaders included members of the BIA tribal police force — carried out a multiyear campaign of extrajudicial killings and brutal physical assaults of AIM members and supporters.</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-bleed large-bleed width-auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2em; line-height: 1; position: relative; transition: opacity 300ms linear 200ms; opacity: 1; width: auto;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption overlayed" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Family and friends of Red Fawn Fallis hold a news conference at the Four Winds American Indian Council in Denver on Nov. 7, 2016.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post/Getty Images]</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">IN RECENT YEARS,</span>&nbsp;as climate justice activists have taken on pipelines, coal mining, hydro-fracking, and Arctic oil drilling, law enforcement agencies have established formal collaborations with the oil and gas industry in the name of preventing threats to so-called critical infrastructure, Jeff Monaghan, a Carleton University professor who studies the surveillance of social movements, told The Intercept. “That discourse has been the gateway for fusing the corporate energy sector and the national security apparatus in both the U.S. and Canada,”&nbsp;he said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Sara Jumping Eagle, a physician on the Standing Rock Sioux reservation who was among the first DAPL opponents arrested in August,</b> said the heavy-handed law enforcement response at Standing Rock was not altogether surprising. “There’s a long history of the U.S. labeling people who stand up as terrorists, so some of us figured they were gonna use those same tactics against this movement as well,” she said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jumping Eagle was among some two dozen activists featured on an early blueprint for the intelligence operation at the North Dakota fusion center, a “links chart on leaders of the movement” obtained by The Intercept via public records request. The<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">&nbsp;<b><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/links-chart-on-leaders-of-the-movement/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">document</a>&nbsp;</b></span><b>mapped out connections between DAPL opponents purportedly affiliated with the Red Warrior and Sacred Stone camps</b>, two of the main nerve centers of pipeline resistance on the Northern Great plains. Nearly everyone on the chart is an indigenous person.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fallis appeared on the diagram more than seven weeks prior to her October 27 arrest. She was listed under her Facebook profile name, Luta Wi Redfawn, alongside the allegation that she had purchased pepper spray at Scheels, a sporting goods&nbsp;chain with a store in Bismarck.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Cheyenne River Sioux tribal member <b>Cody Hall, who served as a spokesperson for the Red Warrior Camp</b>, also featured prominently on the chart. On September 8, 2016, around the time the document was completed, Hall was pulled over by Highway Patrol officers who served him a warrant for two charges of misdemeanor trespass. Hall recalled a disproportionate number of officers on hand for his arrest.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">After he was booked into the Morton County jail, Hall said two FBI agents attempted to interview him, but he asserted his right to remain silent. <b>After a three-day stint in solitary confinement</b>, he was released. “The experience was “unsettling” and “completely over the top,” Hall told The Intercept. “They were treating me like I was the native Osama.”</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-center width-fixed" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2.25em; line-height: 1; max-width: none; width: 1024px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A Dakota Access pipeline&nbsp;opponent&nbsp;under arrest awaits transportation to the Morton County jail on Nov. 15, 2016, after protesters tried to block a railroad crossing on Old Highway 10 and County Road 82 west of Mandan, N.D.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune/AP]</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In addition to mapping out connections to the NoDAPL camps, the <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">chart linked individuals to the hacker group Anonymous and the Black Lives Matter movement and even attempted to track romantic relationships among pipeline opponents.</span></b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rana Karaya, a Chicago resident from the P’urhépecha tribe in Mexico, was listed as having a relationship with David Vlow Rodriguez, who had been “maced by DAPL security,” the document noted. After reviewing a section of the chart, Karaya labeled it “disgustingly intrusive.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">According to Monaghan, the links analysis reflects broader trends in the policing of domestic dissent. “Since 9/11, police have more widely adopted surveillance practices to enable them to identify and disrupt protest actions,” he said. “<b>And one technique has been the mapping of so-called persons of interest lists and then engaging in punitive, pre-emptive arrests or disruptions of people on those lists</b>.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Cecily Fong, public information officer for the SLIC fusion center and the North Dakota Department of Emergency Services, provided a different explanation for the chart. “The primary purpose for the links chart was to attempt to identify any leaders in the protest camps that our law enforcement could approach to engage in diplomatic talks,” Fong told The Intercept. She said she was unable to find a concrete example of the chart being used for diplomatic purposes and directed The Intercept to the Morton County Sheriff’s Department, which similarly failed to provide such an example.</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-bleed large-bleed width-auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2em; line-height: 1; position: relative; transition: opacity 300ms linear 200ms; opacity: 1; width: auto;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption overlayed" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
A “links chart on leaders of the movement,” developed by the&nbsp;North Dakota fusion center in early September 2016, maps pipeline opponents’ purported connections to the Red Warrior and Sacred Stone camps, as well as Anonymous and Black Lives Matter.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Source: North Dakota State and Local Intelligence Center]</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">EMAILS AND REPORTS</span>&nbsp;documenting intelligence collection on pipeline opponents, which The Intercept obtained through records requests, show a heightened <b>focus on the threat of “environmental rights extremist violence,” </b>while revealing a broader effort on the part of law enforcement to keep digital tabs on activists.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In an October 2016&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/intel-thread-2016-10-17/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">email</a>&nbsp;to federal, state, and local law enforcement, a Bismarck police officer relayed information from a North Dakota patrol sergeant about “AIM propaganda” on Facebook. “Free Peltier” stickers appeared in the posts of an individual believed to be a longtime AIM member, the sergeant noted, in reference to AIM activist Leonard Peltier, who was imprisoned for killing two FBI agents during a 1975 shootout on Pine Ridge, in what indigenous activists and human rights groups have labeled a wrongful conviction.<b> Another purported member appeared to be “pro-violence,</b>” the sergeant warned.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The&nbsp;message was part of a shared thread among law enforcement representatives affiliated with the emergency operations center who referred to themselves as the “intel group,” monitoring the DAPL protests in real time.&nbsp;</span>Additional&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/intel-thread-2016-10-22/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">emails</a>&nbsp;concerning Standing Rock operations plans were sent to multiple Department of Homeland Security and FBI addresses, including that of E.K. Wilson, a special agent with the FBI’s Minneapolis office. According to press reports, Wilson was previously the supervisory special agent for one of the FBI’s largest domestic counterterrorism operations since 9/11: a probe of the Shabab militant group’s recruitment of Somali-Americans.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Michael German, a former FBI special agent who is now a fellow at New York University’s Brennan Center for Justice</b>, notes the concept of environmental extremism originated as part of the broader war on terror and is based on a model of radicalization that argues that people who develop ideas the FBI deems extremist have embarked on a dangerous path that might eventually lead them to commit an attack.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“It’s an intellectual framework that’s saying, ‘We’re only interested in using our surveillance and investigative tools on the terrorists, but the terrorists come from this specific pool of activists,’” German told The Intercept. “<b>They can then justify surveilling the activists, suppressing the activists, and also selectively prosecuting the activists. We’ve seen that in the prosecutions of people following the&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/10/25/trump-inauguration-protest-j20-trial/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">January 20 protests</a>, and we’ve certainly also seen it with Standing Rock.</b></span><b>”</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Following the breakup of Standing Rock resistance camps, the North Dakota SLIC offered information on DAPL opponents to a central Florida fusion center monitoring opposition to the&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/04/29/photo-essay-a-new-pipeline-encroaches-on-floridas-fragile-everglades/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;"><b>Sabal Trail Pipeline</b></a>, according to an&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/april-2017-joint-intelligence-bulletin/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">April 2017 intelligence bulletin</a>.<b> The document, which repeatedly uses the terminology of “domestic violent extremists,”</b> notes the migration of pipeline opponents to struggles in Minnesota, South Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Texas, and Iowa.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Our SLIC, when asked, has provided information to other SLICs in states that are, have, or may experience protests similar to the one that occurred in North Dakota,” Fong told The Intercept. “The ND SLIC is not actively monitoring anyone associated with the NoDAPL protests.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">A&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/may-2017-field-analysis-report/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">May 2017 report</a>&nbsp;prepared by the<b> DHS Office of Intelligence and Analysis and fusion centers</b> across seven states defines “<b>environmental rights extremists</b>” as “groups or individuals who facilitate or engage in acts of <b>unlawful violence against people, businesses, or government </b>entities perceived to be destroying, degrading, or exploiting the natural environment.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The report claims that “suspected environmental rights extremists exploited Native American anti-DAPL protests to attract new members to their movement, gain public sympathy, and justify criminal and violent acts,” a narrative later repeated in a <b>conspiracy&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/11/15/dakota-access-pipeline-dapl-tigerswan-energy-transfer-partners-rico-lawsuit/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">lawsuit</a>&nbsp;DAPL parent company Energy Transfer Partners filed against environmentalist groups.</b></span><b> </b>Yet widely disparate individuals are included under the extremist label, including Canadian indigenous people who traveled to North Dakota and a member of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe, Dean Dedman, whose “suspicious drone use” raised concerns of attempted countersurveillance. To Dedman, the extremist designation fits with police officials’ broader effort to discredit water protectors. “They’re putting it in their words to portray that we’re terrorists or we’re somehow trying to disrupt the peace, which is totally bogus,” he told The Intercept.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The&nbsp;document categorizes a broad range of protest activities as violent, noting that while “environmental rights extremists often consider themselves to be nonviolent because their <b>attacks tend to be against property,” tactics such as tampering with pipeline valves and setting fire to construction equipment “carry an inherent risk of death or serious of injury, regardless of intent.”</b> Its authors identify ominous intelligence gaps as to the existence of “training camps established to teach violent tactics”&nbsp;and “which camps house individuals who have an interest in using lethal weapons such as IEDs against law enforcement or pipeline entities.”</span></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In a section describing “use of potentially lethal devices,” the report holds up Red Fawn Fallis as an example of extremist violence. Without mentioning Fallis by name, the report claims she “shot a firearm at law enforcement officers who had confronted her while taking her into custody,” <b>echoing an allegation long since discarded by prosecutors — that Fallis intentionally shot at police.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>The same section cites a November 2016 incident in which a Standing Rock protester “threw small IEDs at officers, resulting in near amputation of her arm after one of the IEDs exploded prematurely, according to law enforcement and DHS reporting.”</b> But according to multiple sworn witnesses, the woman in question, Sophia Wilansky, sustained the gruesome injury after police shot her with “less than lethal” munition during a&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2016/10/25/video-police-viciously-attacked-peaceful-protestors-at-the-dakota-access-pipeline/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">confrontation</a>&nbsp;that saw officers spray protesters with water hoses and rubber bullets amid subfreezing temperatures, resulting in hundreds of injuries.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">As The Intercept previously&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/06/03/standing-rock-documents-expose-inner-workings-of-surveillance-industrial-complex/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">reported</a>, an FBI informant played a key role in defining the version of events&nbsp;<a href="https://ndresponse.gov/dakota-access-pipeline/press-releases/november-2016" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">law enforcement</a>&nbsp;<a href="http://www.latimes.com/nation/nationnow/la-na-dakota-access-pipeline-protests-20161121-story.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">promoted</a>&nbsp;about Wilansky’s injury. In an&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/06/03/law-enforcement-email-thread-2016-11-22/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">email</a>&nbsp;to several FBI and Department of Justice addresses after the incident<b>, Terry Van Horn,</b> a national security intelligence specialist with the U.S. Attorney’s Office, noted that an FBI “source from the camp reported people were making IEDs from small Coleman-type propane canisters.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Neither the FBI nor the Department of Homeland Security would address specific questions from The Intercept related to intelligence collection. “The FBI investigates activity which may constitute a federal crime or pose a threat to national security. Our focus is not on membership in particular groups or adherence to particular ideologies but on criminal activity,” a spokesperson for the FBI said in a statement.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A spokesperson for DHS wrote, “DHS works with federal partners, including the FBI, and state and local law enforcement through the <b>National Network of Fusion Centers</b> to <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">assess threats and analyze trends in activity from all violent extremist groups, regardless of ideology. DHS is prohibited from engaging in intelligence activities for the sole purpose of monitoring activities protected by the First Amendment.”</span></font></p><div class="img-wrap align-bleed large-bleed width-auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2em; line-height: 1; position: relative; transition: opacity 300ms linear 200ms; opacity: 1; width: auto;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption overlayed" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
Dakota Access pipeline&nbsp;opponents sit in a prayer circle at the Front-Line Camp as law enforcement officers remove protesters and relocate them to&nbsp;an overflow camp a few miles south on Highway 1806 in Morton County, N.D., on Oct. 27, 2016.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune/AP</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">THE DRAMATIC CIRCUMSTANCES</span>&nbsp;of Fallis’s arrest have frequently been used by law enforcement and fossil fuel interests to bolster the portrayal of water protectors as reckless and violent. Fallis’s attorneys have argued that it is impossible for her to receive a fair trial in North Dakota because of the intense level of negative publicity, pointing to counterinformation efforts by&nbsp;<a href="https://www.muckrock.com/news/archives/2017/jul/20/DAPL-pr-iraq-war/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">police</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/05/27/leaked-documents-reveal-security-firms-counterterrorism-tactics-at-standing-rock-to-defeat-pipeline-insurgencies/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">DAPL security</a>&nbsp;to push an extremist narrative of the protests.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The attempted murder charges&nbsp;North Dakota initially filed against Fallis were dismissed within a month</b>,<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> but public Facebook posts by the Morton and Cass County sheriff’s departments linking her to&nbsp;the more serious crime have never been corrected. Both departments shared a video in which a&nbsp;Highway Patrol captain&nbsp;claimed it was lucky no officers were shot, but “it wasn’t because she was trying to aim away from law enforcement.” <b>Meanwhile, Energy Transfer Partners singled out Fallis as a “radical eco-terrorist” in its racketeering&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/11/15/dakota-access-pipeline-dapl-tigerswan-energy-transfer-partners-rico-lawsuit/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">lawsuit</a>&nbsp;filed against Greenpeace and other groups.</b></span></font></p><div class="img-wrap align-right width-fixed" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px -170px 1em 1.5em; line-height: 1; max-width: 50%; width: 440px; float: right;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Red Fawn Fallis, second from left, poses with members of the International Indigenous Youth Council at the Rosebud Camp in October 2016.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></p><p class="caption source" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;">Photo: Provided by Mia Stevens</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>But those who know Fallis describe a woman who had come into her own as a&nbsp;camp medic and mentor to younger activists after traveling to Standing Rock at a crossroads in her own life.</b> Fallis was grieving the recent death of her mother, said Mia Stevens, 23, a family friend. Troy Lynn Yellow Wood was “a really important woman” among indigenous communities in Denver, Stevens said. <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“After Red Fawn’s mom passed, she just stepped up how she cared about people and took on a bigger role. Everything her mom would say, pray about, and do — that became Red Fawn’s place.”</span></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fallis developed a close bond with members of the International Indigenous Youth Council, a group of adolescents and young adults at the forefront of numerous demonstrations. Lauren Howland, a 22-year-old member of the San Carlos and Jicarilla Apache tribes and Navajo Nation, who got to know Fallis through the council, described what she viewed as one of Fallis’s defining moments at Standing Rock.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">On October 22, 2016, roughly 200 people conducted a prayer walk to a remote part of the pipeline’s path, where protesters had locked themselves to disabled vehicles to block the advance of construction equipment. The group was surrounded by police flanked by armored personnel carriers, Howland recalled, and officers began tackling people and using pepper spray. An officer in military gear clubbed Howland’s hand and wrist with a baton, fracturing her wrist in two places.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Howland said she was attempting to lead a 10-year-old boy away from the melee when the pain overwhelmed her and she had to sit down on a hillside far from the water protectors’ camps. Fallis, who had been riding a four-wheeler in and out of the area to assist vulnerable people, located Howland and the boy and transported them to safety.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“Red Fawn really saved my ass,” Howland recalled. “I don’t even know how many times she went back and forth helping people that day, helping elders and other people who were hurt.”</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-bleed large-bleed width-auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2em; line-height: 1; position: relative; transition: opacity 300ms linear 200ms; opacity: 1; width: auto;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption overlayed" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
A painting depicts Sitting Bull at the Rosebud Camp outside of the Lakota Sioux reservation of Standing Rock, N.D., on Dec. 3, 2016.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis/Getty Images]</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">IN HIS INTERVIEW</span>&nbsp;with the ATF and North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, Harmon said the reason he kept a gun in the trailer at the Rosebud Camp was for “peace of mind” — not because he felt that pipeline opponents presented a threat but “because there was rumors of DAPL security posing as protesters that were armed.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">On the morning after Fallis’s arrest, Harmon said, he called his contacts at the FBI. “I said, you know, the gun that was in that shooting, I said, that’s my firearm. They said, ‘Report it.’ So I reported it stolen.” In an interview with the Mandan Police Department the same day, he claimed the gun had been stolen two to three weeks prior. But he changed his story when talking to the ATF and BCI, saying that he’d last seen the gun a couple of days before the incident. “I left it in the trailer,” he added, “and Red Fawn knew where it was.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Law enforcement records related to the case suggest the situation was complicated for Harmon, who had come to stay with his mother in Mandan after the downturn in the Bakken oil industry,</b> according to comments she made to the BCI.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hours of phone conversations recorded by the Morton County jail show Harmon and Fallis planning for their future together and Harmon offering words of encouragement as Fallis coped with the intensity of her legal situation. On one call, Harmon appears to break down as the two discussed Fallis’s uncertain future.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In his December 2016 interview, after telling investigators he had developed a relationship with Fallis after becoming a source for the FBI, Harmon added, “My judgment was wrong.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">At the conclusion of the interview, ATF Special Agent Derek Hill informed Harmon that he might be called as a witness at Fallis’s trial and noted his concern that Harmon’s affiliation with the FBI would leak. “I’m familiar with her family from Pine Ridge and in Colorado,” said Hill, who according to court testimony, spent over a decade based in Rapid City, primarily working on Pine Ridge. “If you start getting harassed in any way, shape, or form, I would like you to reach out to us and let us know.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Intercept’s repeated attempts to reach Harmon for comment have been unsuccessful. The FBI did not respond to questions about its use of informants at Standing Rock or Harmon’s connection to Fallis’s case. Spokespeople for the ATF and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation declined to address questions related to an ongoing case.</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-center width-fixed" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2.25em; line-height: 1; max-width: none; width: 721px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edgar Bear Runner, co-coordinator of the 25th anniversary of Wounded Knee 1973, stands by the graves of Anna Mae Aquash and Joe Stuntz on Feb. 18, 1998, at the Little Family Cemetery in Oglala, S.D.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Jill Kokesh/AP</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>The FBI has long relied on informants, from COINTELPRO to the war on terror, who act not only as observers but as agents provocateur, facilitating acts for which their targets are penalized.</b> <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">After 9/11, according to German, the former FBI agent, the bureau adopted what it called a “disruption strategy” that involved “the use of informants as a tool to suppress the activities of targeted groups, even when there is no actual evidence of criminality.”</span></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">It was, in many ways, a new name for an old set of tactics. In the 1970s, the American Indian Movement was a target of FBI informants, most notably&nbsp;AIM’s chief security officer, Douglas Durham, a close confidant of the group’s leaders who was on the FBI’s payroll for two years. During that period, various other AIM members were internally accused of working for the bureau. Many have come to believe the rumors began with actual informants like Durham deploying a strategy meant to sow division.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“They had us on their list to be infiltrated and disrupted and neutralized,” said Clyde Bellecourt, who helped found AIM and survived a near-fatal shooting in 1973 he says was fomented by an FBI operation involving Durham</span>. Nearly half a century later, Bellecourt, who is Ojibwe from Minnesota, was among those the North Dakota SLIC put on its links chart of movement leaders at Standing Rock, having traveled there on three occasions.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After the revelation that Durham had worked for the FBI, fears of infiltration would intensify, bringing about one of <b>AIM’s most painful chapters</b>.<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> Some members became convinced that Anna Mae Aquash, an activist from the Mi’kmaq First Nation in Canada, was working for the bureau. Aquash was driven into South Dakota’s Badlands and shot in the back of the head.</span></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fallis’s mother, Yellow Wood, found herself in the middle of the controversy. She testified in one of the resulting murder trials that Aquash had been staying in her home, which served as a kind of AIM safe house, when she was convinced by a group of visitors to leave. “She said that if this occurred, if they took her back to South Dakota, that I would never see her again,” Yellow Wood stated in 2004.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Decades after Aquash’s body was discovered, two AIM members were convicted&nbsp;of her murder. Meanwhile, the cases of numerous AIM members and supporters believed to be killed by the GOONs have never been prosecuted.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sunaina Maira, a professor at the University of California, Davis who has studied the effects of FBI surveillance of Muslim and Arab Americans, said a major function of such activity is to fray the bonds of trust that knit communities and social movements together. “One of the implicit, if not explicit, objectives is to try to undermine any kind of organizing, mobilization, and collective solidarity,” she said. “It creates a chilling situation, particularly when it involves the use of native informants from people’s own communities. People start having to wonder who’s who.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>More details on Fallis’s case are certain to emerge at trial, scheduled to begin January 29.</b> After defense lawyers requested her case be transferred out of North Dakota to ensure an impartial jury pool, a j<b>udge ordered the trial moved from Bismarck roughly 200 miles east to Fargo, the seat of Cass County, where Sheriff Paul Laney helped spearhead a National Sheriffs’ Association public relations&nbsp;<a href="https://www.muckrock.com/news/archives/2017/jul/20/DAPL-pr-iraq-war/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">campaign</a>&nbsp;to discredit DAPL opponents. Fallis will be tried in the same federal courthouse where an all-white jury handed down Leonard Peltier’s murder conviction in 1977.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">After spending a year in jail, Fallis was recently moved to a halfway house in Fargo. According to Glenn Morris, she “is prepared to defend herself vigorously in court against these fabricated charges.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Morris believes it was Fallis’s political activism that drew the attention of law enforcement — her belief in indigenous self-determination and role in the largest mobilization against a fossil fuel infrastructure project in U.S. history. “Anyone who believes in the same things Red Fawn does can become the next Red Fawn, can become the next target,” Morris said. “That’s why people need to watch what happens with her case.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">Documents published with this story:</span><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/may-2017-field-analysis-report/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">May 2017 Field Analysis Report</a><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/april-2017-joint-intelligence-bulletin/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">April 2017 Joint Intelligence Bulletin</a><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/links-chart-on-leaders-of-the-movement/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">Links Chart on Leaders of the Movement</a><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/intel-thread-2016-10-22/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">Intel Thread 2016-10-22</a><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/intel-thread-2016-10-17/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">Intel Thread 2016-10-17</a><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/slic-operations-email-2016-09-01/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">SLIC Operations Email 2016-09-01</a></font></p><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.27273; margin: 0px 0px 20px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Top photo: Tires burn as armed soldiers and law enforcement officers stand in formation on Oct. 27, 2016, to force Dakota Access pipeline protesters off private land where they had camped to block construction.</font></p><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">part 11</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><div class="PostContent" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 80px; line-height: 1.5;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box;"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">SPENDING A YEAR</span>&nbsp;in jail awaiting trial, Oglala Lakota Sioux activist Red Fawn Fallis <b>pleaded guilty&nbsp;last week to two federal felonies related to her arrest while protesting the Dakota Access pipeline. As part of the plea agreement, prosecutors dropped the most serious charge against her, which would have carried a 10-year mandatory minimum sentence with the possibility of life imprisonment.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fallis was arrested on October 27, 2016, during a large-scale law enforcement operation to evict pipeline opponents from a camp alongside North Dakota Highway 1806. After officers tackled Fallis and pinned her on the ground facedown, they allege that she fired three shots from a revolver underneath her stomach, which did not result in any injuries. Last month,&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">The Intercept revealed</a>&nbsp;that the gun in question belonged to a<b> paid FBI informant </b>who was in a romantic relationship with Fallis. The informant, Heath Harmon, had infiltrated the protest camps starting in August 2016 and was near Fallis’s side for much of the day leading up to her arrest.<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></font></p><div class="img-wrap align-right width-fixed" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px -170px 1em 1.5em; line-height: 1; max-width: 50%; width: 201px; float: right;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Red Fawn Fallis stands outside the federal courthouse in Bismarck, N.D.,&nbsp;on Dec. 8, 2017.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></p><p class="caption source" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;">Photo: Tom Stromme/The Bismarck Tribune/AP</p></div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">As a condition of the plea bargain, federal prosecutors dismissed the&nbsp;count of discharge of a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence, and the state of North Dakota, which had previously charged Fallis with attempted murder, agreed not to reinstate or pursue any charges related to the incident. Prosecutors have recommended Fallis receive a seven-year sentence, although U.S. District Judge Daniel Hovland can still impose up to 10 years in prison based on Fallis’s guilty plea to civil disorder and possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. Fallis’s attorneys are recommending a sentence of 21 to 27 months, including one year of time served</span>.</font><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" /><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>In a statement explaining Fallis’s decision to accept the plea deal, the Water Protector Legal Collective cited several negative pretrial rulings issued by Hovland, as well as the likelihood of jury bias based on a survey of potential jurors revealing strong antagonistic feelings toward anti-pipeline protesters.</b> U.S. Attorney David Hagler declined to comment for this story. A Morton County Sheriff’s Department spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While law enforcement&nbsp;frequently&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/may-2017-field-analysis-report/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">cited</a>&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">Fallis’s case</a>&nbsp;to advance a narrative of anti-pipeline protesters as violent extremists,&nbsp;her supporters see her legal plight as only the latest episode in the U.S. government’s long history of hostility toward indigenous people who push back against powerful government and corporate interests. More than 50 people turned out to support Fallis at her federal hearing in Bismarck on January 22; many expressed sadness and outrage&nbsp;about her likely prison sentence.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“As indigenous people, we’re simply not allowed to act in defense of our children, land, or traditions without incurring severe punishment,” said Eryn Wise, a member of the Jicarilla Apache and Laguna Pueblo nations who worked&nbsp;with Fallis at Standing Rock. “We’re horrified they took another person from us who we may not get back for a long time.”<br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /></font></p><div class="img-wrap align-center width-fixed" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2.25em; line-height: 1; max-width: none; width: 1024px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">[Law enforcement officers move in to force Dakota Access pipeline protesters off private land in North Dakota on Oct. 27, 2016, where they had camped to block construction.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune/AP]</p></div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" /><h3 style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 1em 0px; font-kerning: normal; font-feature-settings: " kern="kern"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Unanswered Questions</font></h3><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fallis’s arrest in October 2016 occurred amid a&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/10/27/law-enforcement-descended-on-standing-rock-a-year-ago-and-changed-the-dapl-fight-forever/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">highly militarized police raid</a>&nbsp;on land that would still belong to the Great Sioux Nation had the Fort Laramie treaties of 1851 and 1868 been honored. In a pretrial motion, <b>Fallis’s attorneys attempted to raise the issue in her case, arguing that the government had a burden to establish the law enforcement operation as lawful by addressing treaty rights in court</b>. But Hovland refused to allow consideration of this broader historical context, instead making several orders to limit the case’s scope. “This is not a complex case,” Hovland insisted in a January 2&nbsp;<a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4361986-Order-Denying-Motion-to-Continue-Trial-2018-01-02.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">order</a>.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fallis’s attorneys also filed several motions asking the government to disclose information related to the sweeping surveillance activities of public law enforcement and private security contractors hired by the company behind the Dakota Access pipeline. Drawing in part on&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/series/oil-and-water/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">stories</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/search/projectid:33327-TigerSwan" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">documents</a>&nbsp;published by The Intercept, they argued that Fallis’s case could not be considered apart from this intrusive intelligence gathering, given that an undercover informant employed by the FBI had initiated a relationship with Fallis, and then made available the gun she was accused of firing.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As The Intercept previously&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">reported</a>, Harmon said he was recruited by the FBI after approaching his brother, a Bureau of Indian Affairs police officer, about “being an observer” of the protest movement. He gave conflicting accounts about the gun. On the morning after Fallis’s arrest, he filed a report with the Mandan Police Department claiming it had been stolen two to three weeks prior. Later, in an interview with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, he said he’d last seen the weapon a few days before Fallis’s arrest, having left it in her trailer at the water protectors’ Rosebud Camp.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Defense lawyers for Fallis&nbsp;<a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4361991-Defense-Motion-to-Compel-Discovery-2017-12-13.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">sought</a>&nbsp;additional materials regarding Harmon’s activities as an informant, contending that prosecutors had only turned over “sparse summaries” of his communications with the FBI rather than the more detailed reports that likely existed if the bureau followed its standard protocols. They also requested information on other covert operatives at Standing Rock. In a pretrial hearing, one of the officers who helped arrest Fallis had testified that law enforcement received a briefing on the morning of October 27, 2016, from either a law enforcement or private security infiltrator who was posing as a protester. Hovland&nbsp;<a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4361988-Order-Regarding-Motion-to-Compel-Discovery-2018.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">ruled</a>&nbsp;against these requests for discovery information.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Defense filings suggest the documents turned over by the government still included some new information on Harmon’s activities. He had been “instructed to collect information on potential violence, weapons, and criminal activity,” a defense&nbsp;<a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4361992-Defense-Motion-for-Continuance-of-Trial-2017-12-27.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">motion</a>&nbsp;noted, adding that Harmon’s FBI contacts had recommended that he receive extra compensation to keep him “motivated for future taskings.” <b>The defense motion suggested that Harmon had been slated to testify against Fallis had her case gone to trial as scheduled.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Additional discovery requests rejected by Hovland pertained to the activities of private security agencies. Fallis’s attorneys had challenged the legality of police operations at Standing Rock due to law enforcement’s close&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/05/27/leaked-documents-reveal-security-firms-counterterrorism-tactics-at-standing-rock-to-defeat-pipeline-insurgencies/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">collaboration</a>&nbsp;with TigerSwan, a security firm hired to protect the pipeline. An ongoing&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/06/28/tigerswan-faces-lawsuit-over-unlicensed-security-operations-in-north-dakota/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">lawsuit</a>&nbsp;filed by the North Dakota Private Investigation and Security Board alleges that TigerSwan illegally provided security and investigative services in the state after having been denied a license to do so. A civil trial in that case has been scheduled for October 2018.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Following The Intercept’s publication of a “<a href="https://theintercept.com/document/2017/12/11/links-chart-on-leaders-of-the-movement/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">links chart</a>” prepared by a North Dakota fusion center identifying Fallis as a leader of the protest movement more than seven weeks prior to her arrest, defense lawyers asked the judge to compel the government to turn over all intelligence collected about Fallis and her activities. The judge ordered the government to “disclose all relevant information” concerning Fallis, including but not limited to her placement on the chart — but such disclosure will no longer be required given Fallis’s decision to accept the government’s plea offer.</font></p><div class="img-wrap align-bleed full-bleed width-auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 2em; line-height: 1; position: relative; transition: opacity 300ms linear 200ms; opacity: 1; width: auto;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><p class="caption overlayed" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em; display: inline;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
[An activist holds a sign outside the Army Corps of Engineers’ office to protest the Dakota Access pipeline, March 10, 2017, in Washington, D.C.</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font>

Photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images</p></div><h3 style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1; margin: 1em 0px; font-kerning: normal; font-feature-settings: " kern="kern"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A Legacy of Activism</font></h3><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among the water protectors who gathered at Standing Rock, Fallis was known for her work as a medic and mentor to younger activists. According to Mia Stevens, a family friend, Fallis had dedicated her work to her late mother, <b>Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, a prominent activist with the American Indian Movement.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Founded in 1968, AIM fought for the legal rights and cultural survival of indigenous people. According to Phyllis Young, a Standing Rock Sioux tribal member and longtime AIM member, Yellow Wood was at the center of many of the group’s struggles and helped to establish Women of All Red Nations, which fought for an end to forced sterilization of indigenous women, among other causes.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">By traveling to Standing Rock, Fallis was almost literally following in her mother’s footsteps. In 1974, Young said, members of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe invited AIM to an area at the confluence of the Missouri and Cannonball rivers known as Sacred Stone, which would later become the site of the first NoDAPL camp.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Until the 1978 passage of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act, it was illegal for indigenous people to practice many of their traditional spiritual ceremonies. Standing Rock traditionalists decided to carry out a pipe ceremony at the site and sought AIM’s protection to do so. Yellow Wood was among the AIM members who responded to that call, Young said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many of Fallis’s supporters contend that her stature as a politically active indigenous woman played a central role in drawing the attention of law enforcement. “They just could not stand for us as Indians to talk back to them, and most of all, they couldn’t stand for us as women to be talking back to them,” Young said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In early May, Fallis was granted a three-day furlough from jail to attend a memorial in Denver for her mother and grandmother. Young, who accompanied her to the ceremony, said Fallis had a emotional reunion with family members before receiving blessings at traditional ceremonies organized on her behalf. “They honored her far into night,” Young said.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But while an older generation of AIM activists sees Fallis as having carried on the work of the organization, her case also represents a continuation of the&nbsp;infiltration that&nbsp;created fissures within AIM in the 1970s. Standing Rock Sioux tribal member Ladonna Allard, who hosted the Sacred Stone Camp, says people in the movement are “trying to deal with the whole fact of Heath Harmon and how he was able to get so close to everybody.”</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>After spending a year in jail following her arrest, Fallis was transferred to a halfway house in Fargo. Earlier this month, federal marshals re-arrested her after she failed to attend a mandatory adult education course and returned late to the halfway house.</b> At&nbsp;the January 22 hearing, both prosecutors and defense attorneys expressed supported for returning Fallis to the halfway house with the addition of GPS monitoring.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While Fallis’s case has been&nbsp;one of the highest profile&nbsp;among&nbsp;the hundreds filed against anti-DAPL protesters, she is not the only one to face harsh penalties for her role in the protests. On January 21, attorneys for <b>Michael “Rattler” Markus</b>, another pipeline opponent&nbsp;charged with federal crimes related to the October 27 raid, announced that they had arrived at a plea agreement with the U.S. government. Prosecutors will drop the most serious charge against Markus — use of fire to commit a federal felony offense — in exchange for his plea of guilty to civil disorder. Prosecutors and the defense are jointly recommending a prison sentence of 36 months.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A sentencing hearing for Fallis&nbsp;is scheduled&nbsp;for May 31. Her attorneys intend to call several witnesses, defense attorney Bruce Ellison said at the hearing in Bismarck. Ellison is also a longtime attorney for Leonard Peltier, a member of AIM who was imprisoned for the killings of two FBI agents in the 1970s, in what&nbsp;many&nbsp;indigenous activists and human rights groups have labeled a wrongful conviction.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to Eryn Wise, a member of the International Indigenous Youth Council, the young people who grew to admire Fallis at Standing Rock have only grown more determined as they’ve followed her case,&nbsp;particularly given the urgency of climate change and other environmental degradation,&nbsp;as well as the prevailing sense that their traditional lands remain under occupation by the U.S. government.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“What’s happened to Red Fawn has only inspired the youth to pursue this line of work more,” Wise said, “because they realize that without people standing up like she has, there won’t be a future for anybody.”</font></p><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.27273; margin: 0px 0px 20px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; word-spacing: -0.25em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Top photo: Danielle Giagnoli carries a sign&nbsp;in support of Red Fawn Fallis&nbsp;during a “Stand With Standing Rock” demonstration against the Dakota Access pipeline in Santa Ana, Calif., Nov. 26, 2016.</font></p></div></div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><a href="https://theintercept.com/2018/07/13/standing-rock-red-fawn-fallis-sentencing/"><font face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">https://theintercept.com/2018/07/13/standing-rock-red-fawn-fallis-sentencing/</font></a></div><div><font face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">F<span style="font-size: 20px; box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: 0.1em; box-shadow: white 0px 1px 0px, rgb(17, 17, 17) 0px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;">OLLOWING AN EMOTIONAL</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; font-size: 20px;">&nbsp;</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; font-size: 20px;">hearing in Bismarck, North Dakota, this week, Oglala Lakota Sioux water protector Red Fawn Fallis was sentenced to 57 months in prison on charges stemming from her arrest while opposing the Dakota Access pipeline.</span></font></div><div data-reactid="224" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 20px;"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Fallis was arrested in October 2016 when hundreds of law enforcement officers descended on a protest camp in the pipeline’s path to forcibly evict its residents. She was accused of firing three shots from a revolver underneath her stomach after being tackled by several officers and pinned face down in a ditch alongside the highway.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">As The Intercept first reported last year, the gun Fallis was accused of firing belonged to an&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/11/standing-rock-dakota-access-pipeline-fbi-informant-red-fawn-fallis/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">FBI informant named Heath Harmon</a>&nbsp;who had developed a romantic relationship with Fallis in the weeks leading up to her arrest. Harmon told state and federal investigators that he met Fallis at the water protectors’ Rosebud Camp after being tasked by the FBI with serving as an “observer” of the protest movement. He said he had been recruited by his brother, Chad Harmon, a Bureau of Indian Affairs police officer.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Chad Harmon was subsequently appointed by the BIA to serve as acting chief of police of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, a position he held from January to April 2018, BIA spokesperson Nedra Darling confirmed in a statement to The Intercept.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Fallis’s arrest occurred on land that would still belong to the Great Sioux Nation had the U.S. government honored the Fort Laramie treaties of 1851 and 1868. In January, after U.S. District Judge Daniel Hovland rejected attempts by Fallis’s defense team to make treaty rights and the&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/06/03/standing-rock-documents-expose-inner-workings-of-surveillance-industrial-complex/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">sprawling intelligence apparatus</a>&nbsp;targeting pipeline opponents central to her case,&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2018/01/30/standing-rock-red-fawn-fallis-plea-deal/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">Fallis pleaded guilty</a>&nbsp;to felony counts of civil disorder and possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. As part of the plea bargain, prosecutors dropped the most serious charge against her — discharge of a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence — which could have carried a life sentence.</font></p></div><div data-reactid="226" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 20px;"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">University of Colorado professor Glenn Morris, a founder of the Colorado chapter of the American Indian Movement who regards Fallis as a niece, told The Intercept that her prison sentence could not be understood apart from a long history of U.S. colonization and the vastly disproportionate&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2018/05/31/missing-and-murdered-indigenous-women/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">violence directed against Indigenous women</a>. “They can bring thousands of guns to stolen treaty territory, and they have the audacity to charge this Native woman who is trying to protect her territory, her land, and the sanctity of her traditions with a crime of violence,” said Morris, who testified in support of Fallis at Wednesday’s hearing.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Morris and Fallis’s sister, Red Dawn Foster, both spoke of Fallis’s generous spirit and her contributions to the camps at Standing Rock and her community in Denver. University of Colorado<b> integrative physiology professor Roger Enoka also testified that a phenomenon called “reactive grip response” can lead to accidental discharge of a firearm during a rapidly unfolding traumatic situation.</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Hovland declined to consider Fallis’s intent as part of his ruling. “I’m not going to go down that path, try to determine what Ms. Fallis’s intent was when that firearm was discharged,” he said. The judge noted that he had the discretion to sentence Fallis to a lengthier prison term under the statutes in question, characterizing her nearly five-year sentence as “sufficient to the goals of sentencing and not greater than necessary.” Prosecutors had&nbsp;recommended&nbsp;a seven-year sentence, while Fallis’s defense attorneys had asked for 24 to 30 months.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Hovland said he would recommend Fallis be placed in a federal prison in Phoenix or Tucson. She will receive credit for nearly 18 months of time served. Following her release from prison, currently marked for late 2021, she will be subject to three years’ supervised release.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">During brief remarks at the conclusion of the hearing, Fallis said her relationship with Harmon had been an unfortunate influence, and poor choices had hindered her decision-making, according to Frances Madeson, communications coordinator for the Water Protector Legal Collective.<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> Fallis took responsibility for the revolver in her possession and expressed remorse for any danger caused to police officers and other community members.&nbsp;She&nbsp;told the courtroom that she would devote some her remaining time in prison to developing a project called Keepers of the Wisdom, focused on building relationships between Indigenous elders and youth.</span></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Fallis is the second NoDAPL water protector arrested during the&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/10/27/law-enforcement-descended-on-standing-rock-a-year-ago-and-changed-the-dapl-fight-forever/" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: none; text-decoration-line: none;">police raid on October 27, 2016</a>, to be sentenced to a multiyear prison term. On May 30, Chumash water protector Michael “Little Feather” Giron was sentenced to three years in prison on a<b> federal charge of civil disorder.</b> Oglala Lakota Sioux water protector Michael “Rattler” Markus has pleaded guilty to the same charge in exchange for prosecutors dropping other federal felony counts. His sentencing hearing is scheduled for September</span>.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.5; margin: 0px 0px 1em; letter-spacing: 0.01em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Glenn Morris sees Fallis’s case as part of a larger Indigenous-led struggle for self-determination and protection of the earth. “This case and this issue is not about her solely,” he said. “What happened at Standing Rock was an inspiration to Indigenous people from around the world. We’re seeing that continuing up in British Columbia with the Trans Mountain pipeline, or the plans to resist the extension of Keystone XL this next year, or the resistance at <b>Ojibwe territory with Line 3.”</b></font></p><p class="caption" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 1.27273; margin: 0px 0px 20px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; font-size: 0.65em; word-spacing: -0.25em;"><font face="Times New Roman">Top photo: Red Fawn Fallis waves a flag symbolizing the American Indian Movement at Standing Rock on Aug. 20, 2016.</font></p></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7/18 4 yr sent for 3 shots?</font></div><div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">WT BS?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://m.washingtontimes.com/news/2017/feb/9/five-dakota-access-pipeline-activists-indicted-for/">http://m.washingtontimes.com/news/2017/feb/9/five-dakota-access-pipeline-activists-indicted-for/</a></font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Five Dakota Access pipeline activists indicted on federal charges in torching of bridge</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div><div>Three remain at large</div><div>
</div><div>By Valerie Richardson - The <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Washington Times</span></div><div>
</div><div>Thursday, February 9, 2017</div><div>
</div><div><b>Five Dakota Access pipeline activists have been indicted on federal charges,</b>&nbsp;accused of setting fire to a bridge in order to stop authorities from reaching a protest camp illegally built on private property.</div><div>
</div><div>The indictment unsealed Wednesday stems from one of the protest’s most chaotic confrontations, an all-day Oct. 27 melee that saw agitators set blazes,&nbsp;<b>hurl rocks and Molotov cocktails at police</b>, and try to start a buffalo stampede with riders on horseback.</div><div>
</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>About 700 protest-related arrests have been made since August, mostly for trespassing and rioting involving activists who posted bail and were promptly released, but the indictment reveals that at least a handful of activists remain in jail pending trial on federal crimes.</div><div><b>
</b></div><div><b>The five men, identified by authorities using aerial photography at the scene</b>, are charged with torching blockades on the Backwater Bridge erected by protesters using “stacked logs, fallen trees, tires and other miscellaneous items,” according to an affidavit.</div><div>
</div><div>“As law enforcement approached the bridge, individuals at the bridge were notified that law enforcement was approaching,” said the affidavit by Derek J. Hill, a special agent for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.</div><div>
</div><div>“At this point, several protesters made their way to the County Road 134 Bridge and began to pour gasoline on the barricades,” he said. “Approximately three barricades were constructed on the west side of the bridge. The barricades were set on fire and these fires resulted in law enforcement having to stop their forward movement.”</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Three of the five men charged with civil disorder and using fire to commit a federal crime are still at large: Brandon Aaron Miller-Castillo, 22; <b>Brennon J. Nastacio, 36</b>, and Dion Ortiz, 20.</span></div><div>
</div><div>
</div><div>“These defendants currently remain fugitives and their whereabouts are unknown,”<b>&nbsp;U.S. Attorney for North Dakota Christopher C. Myers</b>’ office said in a statement. “Law enforcement is requesting the assistance of the public in locating these individuals.”</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Co-defendant Michael Mateo Markus was arraigned Feb. 3 in federal court in Bismarck. Co-defendant James A. White was arrested Wednesday and slated to appear in court Monday.</span></div><div>
</div><div>Mr. Markus, who also goes by the nickname “Rattler,” has pleaded not guilty. He is represented by attorneys from the Water Protector Legal Collective, according to court documents.</div><div>
</div><div>The protesters had erected a makeshift camp on property owned by Energy Transfer Partners, which is building the 1,172-mile, four-state oil pipeline.</div><div>
</div><div>The company began work Thursday on the final 1,100-foot stretch of the project. “We have started the drill to go beneath Lake Oahe and expect to be completed in a total of 60 days with another 23 days to fill the line to Patoka,” spokeswoman Vicki Granado said. “We look forward to having the pipeline in service in approximately 83 days.”</div><div>
</div><div>The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers granted an easement over the objections of the Standing Rock Sioux, whose reservation is located about a half-mile from the pipeline.</div><div>
</div><div>The tribe has filed for a temporary injunction to stop construction, with a court date scheduled for Monday.</div><div>
</div><div>“This administration has expressed utter and complete disregard for not only our treaty and water rights, but the environment as a whole,” the tribe said in a statement. “Process exists for a reason. This reversal is pure politics and is arbitrarily shunning safe drinking water for millions of Americans in favor of corporate oil interests.”</div><div>
</div><div>The corps granted after a two-year review an easement for the oil pipeline, which will run alongside a natural gas pipeline under Lake Oahe, but then withdrew its approval in December under pressure from the tribe and protesters.</div><div>
</div><div>The corps had undertaken an environmental impact statement, which was withdrawn after President Trump issued a memorandum last month for an expedited review on Dakota Access and the Keystone XL pipelines.</div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">At least one other activist remains in federal jail. Red Fawn Fallis, 37, was initially charged with attempted murder for firing three shots as she lay face-down on the ground while deputies tried to restrain her, but the Morton County charge later was dropped.</span></div><div>
</div><div><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Instead, she faces federal counts of possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, civil disorder, and discharge of a firearm in relation to a felon crime of violence.</span>&nbsp;A trial by jury has been set for March 7 in Bismarck federal court.</div></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>More federal charges have been filed against a pipeline protester accused of shooting toward law enforcement officers in October.&nbsp;</b></font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Red Fawn Fallis, 37, of Colorado, allegedly fired a gun while being arrested during a police raid of the northern "front line" Dakota Access Pipeline camp Oct. 27.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">An indictment filed Jan. 5 charges her with felony counts of civil disorder and discharging a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence -- which, in this case, is civil disorder. These charges are in addition to an earlier charge of possession of a firearm by a convicted felon.&nbsp;</font></p><div id="tncms-region-article_instory_top" class="tncms-region hidden-print" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fallis pleaded not guilty to all charges Monday morning. A three-day trial was scheduled<span style="box-sizing: border-box;">&nbsp;for March 7&nbsp;</span>with U.S. District Judge Daniel Hovland in Bismarck.</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">If convicted of discharging the firearm, Fallis faces a minimum of 10 years in prison.&nbsp;</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Federal public defender Neil Fulton, whose office is defending Fallis, said he has never seen a felony civil disorder charge in federal court.</font></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"I don't think it's terribly common, but it exists on the books," he said.&nbsp;</font></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During a December preliminary hearing for Fallis on the firearm possession charge, a federal agent said she fired three shots from a gun in her left hand while officers tried to subdue her. She was being arrested because she was acting as an instigator, according to Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agent Derek Hill.</font></p><div class="tnt-ads-container text-center " style="box-sizing: border-box; min-height: auto; text-align: center !important;"><div class="tnt-ads dfp-ad dfp-rendered dfp-creative-113476988717 dfp-line-item-850358117" data-dfp-adunit="/8438/bismarcktribune.com/news/local/crime-and-courts" data-dfp-custom-pos="fixed-inline-video, stf" id="fixed-inline-video" data-dfp-size="[4,1]" data-google-query-id="CM3QwoCN7tUCFc59AQod1okBzg" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto 40px; min-height: 1px; min-width: 4px;"><div id="google_ads_iframe/8438/bismarcktribune.com/news/local/crime-and-courts_1container" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto; border: 0pt none;"><div id="x-video-ad-asset-container" style="box-sizing: border-box; max-height: 0px; overflow: hidden; transition: max-height 1s;"><div muted="true" class="video-responsive-ad video-js vjs-default-skin vjs-controls-disabled vjs-user-inactive vjs-waiting vjs-playing" id="x-video-ad-asset" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); padding: 30px 0px 405px; vertical-align: middle; user-select: none; margin: 0px auto; height: 0px; overflow: hidden; position: relative !important;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box;"><div class="vjs-text-track-display" style="box-sizing: border-box; position: absolute; bottom: 1em; left: 1em; right: 1em;"><div class="vjs-loading-spinner" style="box-sizing: border-box; position: absolute; top: 217.5px; left: 360px; line-height: 1; width: 1em; height: 1em; margin-left: -0.5em; margin-top: -0.5em; opacity: 0.75; animation: spin 1.5s linear infinite;"><div class="vjs-control-bar" style="box-sizing: border-box; position: absolute; bottom: 0px; left: 0px; right: 0px; height: 3em; background-color: rgba(7, 20, 30, 0.7);"><div class="vjs-play-control vjs-control vjs-playing" role="button" aria-live="polite" tabindex="0" style="box-sizing: border-box; cursor: pointer; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: left; margin: 0px auto; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 5em;"><div class="vjs-control-content" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pause</font></span></div></div><div class="vjs-current-time vjs-time-controls vjs-control" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: left; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 4em; line-height: 3em;"><div class="vjs-current-time-display" aria-live="off" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Current Time</font></span><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">0:00</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div></div></div><div class="vjs-time-divider" style="box-sizing: border-box; float: left; line-height: 3em;"><div style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">/</font></span></div></div><div class="vjs-duration vjs-time-controls vjs-control" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: left; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 4em; line-height: 3em;"><div class="vjs-duration-display" aria-live="off" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Duration Time</font></span><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">0:00</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div></div></div><div class="vjs-live-controls vjs-control" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: left; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 4em;"><div class="vjs-live-display" aria-live="off" style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 3em; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Stream Type</font></span><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" /><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LIVE</font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></div></div></div><div class="vjs-progress-control vjs-control" style="box-sizing: border-box; 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position: relative; float: right; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 3.8em;"><div class="vjs-control-content" style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fullscreen</font></span></div></div><div class="vjs-volume-control vjs-control" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: right; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 5em;"><div role="slider" aria-valuenow="100" aria-valuemin="0" aria-valuemax="100" tabindex="0" class="vjs-volume-bar vjs-slider" aria-label="volume level" aria-valuetext="100%" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px; background-color: rgba(51, 51, 51, 0.9); width: 5em; height: 0.6em; margin: 0px auto;"><div class="vjs-volume-level" data:image="data:image" png="png" base64="base64" ivborw0kggoaaaansuheugaaaayaaaagcayaaadgzo9iaaaap0leqvqihwwmaqoaiagdr="iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAAYAAAAGCAYAAADgzO9IAAAAP0lEQVQIHWWMAQoAIAgDR" qj="QJ" ub="Ub" w7zicbwcog5fzi5ibb82agzixegljrd4tvk5xujpskstevpdfzx9ab2pgzisqcvaaaaaaelftksuqmcc="w7ZICBwcOg5FZi5iBB82AGzixEglJrd4TVK5XUJpskSTEvpdFzX9AB2pGziSQcvAAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC" px="px" repeat="repeat" rgb="rgb" margin="margin" auto="auto" style="box-sizing: border-box; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; height: 0.5em; width: 50px; background: url(" xmlns:data="data"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;" /></div><div class="vjs-volume-handle vjs-slider-handle" style="box-sizing: border-box; position: absolute; left: 4.5em; top: 0px; width: 0.5em; height: 0.5em;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">00:00</font></span></div></div></div><div class="vjs-mute-control vjs-control" role="button" aria-live="polite" tabindex="0" style="box-sizing: border-box; cursor: pointer; outline: 0px; position: relative; float: right; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; height: 3em; width: 4em;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px auto;"><span class="vjs-control-text" style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; border: 0px; clip: rect(0px 0px 0px 0px); height: 1px; margin: -1px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; width: 1px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mute</font></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In addition, Hill stated that law enforcement found three spent casings in a revolver allegedly possessed by Fallis and two speed strips with six live rounds in each of her pockets.&nbsp;Fallis has a prior felony conviction for being an accessory to a crime in Colorado, Hill testified.</font></p><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The gun allegedly involved was a .38-caliber Ruger revolver. A complaint filed in the case said a boyfriend of Fallis' reported the same type of gun missing on Oct. 28.</font></p><div id="tncms-region-article_instory_middle" class="tncms-region hidden-print" style="box-sizing: border-box;"><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fallis' case has drawn national attention, spawning a "Free Red Fawn" movement.&nbsp;A&nbsp;<a href="http://indi.com/freeredfawn" target="blank" style="box-sizing: border-box; background-color: transparent; text-decoration-line: none;">website started for her</a>&nbsp;says she was working as a medic on Oct. 27, and while she was being arrested, "one officer pulled his weapon and placed it against her back. While she was pinned to the ground, shots were fired."</font></p><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Her cause has been endorsed by actors Jane Fonda and Mark Ruffalo, and an online fundraiser has solicited more than $57,000 on her behalf.&nbsp;</font></p><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Magistrate Judge Charles Miller asked Fallis on Dec. 12 to fill out a financial affidavit relating to funds raised online, with the idea being that she may need to repay some of her public defense costs. No such affidavit has been filed in the public records system.</font></p><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fulton said his office is working with Fallis and investigating the case, which may be delayed from its March trial date.&nbsp;</font></p><p style="text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 24px; line-height: 28px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"What's next will depend on what we find," Fulton said.&nbsp;</font></p></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/environment/live-updates-from-the-dakota-access-pipeline-protests-oct-27/">http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/environment/live-updates-from-the-dakota-access-pipeline-protests-oct-27/</a></font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Earlier, protesters started two fires on a bridge and threw&nbsp;Molotov cocktails at authorities, according to the North Dakota Department of Emergency Services.</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">last stand on bridge? kyle ar-15</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">https://redpowermedia.wordpress.com/2016/page/8/</font></div><div style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"police riot" ?</font></div><div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
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