Jamelle Bouie N Y T col
merri ok
YT
14th aMEND
If you want more of my work you can read me over at the New York Times or subscribe to my podcast Unclear and Present Danger on the political and military thrillers of the 1990s. https://www.nytimes.com/by/jamelle-bouiehttps://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast... You can also find at: Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/jamellebouie... Instagram: 
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AN 9 26
New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie says the decaying Republican Party has finally lost the strength that for years kept dangerous party infestations at bay. And now the GOP is pest-ridden with a certain element that rhymes with “Swazi,” or maybe “Stasi.”
“This is not slander or pejorative or innuendo; it is the plain truth of the matter, a conclusion drawn from simple observation,” said Bouie. “And the problem has been getting worse. Consider a few of the people staffing the Trump administration.”
Bouie points to Paul Ingrassia, the former acting general counsel of the General Services Administration, who withdrew his nomination after offensive remarks from his social media and group chats got out.
“I do have a Nazi streak in me from time to time, I will admit it,” said Ingrassia in a 2024 text. He said in another message: “We need competent white men in positions of leadership,” and “The founding fathers were wrong that all men are created equal … We need to reject that part of our heritage.”
There’s also Nate Hochman, a young Republican operative fired from Gov. Ron DeSantis’s 2024 presidential campaign for promoting a DeSantis video that used a Nazi symbol. He’s now in the White House, serving as a speechwriter for Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
“And there are the young staffers responsible for the Trump administration’s social media presence, who use their large and influential platform to share Nazi-inspired rhetoric and post Nazi-inspired memes,” said Bouie. “In January of this year, for instance, the Department of Labor posted a video with the caption ‘One Homeland. One People. One Heritage. Remember who you are, American,’ a line that echoes the Nazi slogan of ‘Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer’: ‘One people, one realm, one leader.’”
Social media accounts for the Department of Homeland Security “show a steady stream of memes and images drawn from neo-Nazi and white supremacist agitprop,” added Bouie.
“Keep in mind that these are not staffers’ private accounts; these posts are reaching the public through the official organs of the U.S. government,” said Bouie. “ … In Georgia, the Republican Senate nominee Mike Collins has had to answer for a former staffer who posted Nazi images online as well as a photo of himself in full Ku Klux Klan regalia. And Collins’s son-in-law, David Alan Scheer II, is a white nationalist and online influencer with a history of posting Nazi imagery.”
This, he said, is a problem for young Republicans their 20s and 30s.
“That is no coincidence; it is clear that among the young staffer and operative class of the Republican Party are people with neo-Nazi sympathies and white supremacist views,” said Bouie. “Last year, for example, leaked messages from a group chat of Young Republicans from chapters across the country — who ranged in age from 18 to 40 — included racial slurs, support for Nazi ideas and a declaration of admiration for the leader of the Third Reich, all framed as jokes.
The party has attracted racist elements since the Nixon years, but Bouie said the institutional Republican Party was “strong enough to keep these views, and the underlying forces that fueled them, away from its center of gravity.” But that’s no longer possible in the days of the “total collapse of the traditional Republican establishment.” Now it is incapable of policing its boundaries since President Donald Trump “opened the floodgates of the party to the far right.”
Now the illness is spreading, said Bouie, as indicated by the way House Speaker Mike Johnson defended Brandon Herrera, the winner of the Republican primary for Texas’ 23rd Congressional District, who is also a far-right YouTube personality, who has published videos “that feature Nazi imagery and Nazi military anthems, joke about the Holocaust and showcase Nazi weapons.”
“Perhaps there will be some seismic shift that derails the far-right capture of the Republican Party. But this feels like wishful thinking,” said Bouie. “If the past decade is any guide, then the fever, if that is what we want to call it, is only going to get worse.”
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RWW
08/14/2026
by
Opinion
Right-wing pundits and some mainstream reporters have grilled progressive candidates over controversial views expressed by leftist streamer Hasan Piker, but there’s been relatively little effort to hold Republicans accountable for their continuing embrace of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, despite his record of promoting racist and inflammatory anti-immigrant views.
“Why do we tolerate Elon Musk’s racist commentary?” asked New York Times writer Jamelle Bouie a few weeks ago:
Musk spends a large part of his free time fomenting violence and spreading the same hateful ideology that motivated some of the deadliest shootings and attacks ever to happen on American soil. It is that fact, and not the cars he builds or the rockets he launches, that ought to define his place in public life.
One answer to the question, at least when it comes to the Republican Party, is money. Musk’s Super PAC is preparing to spend more than $100 million to help Republicans try to hold onto their congressional majority. That’s on top of more than $250 million it spent to put Trump back in office. Some of Musk’s money comes from U.S. taxpayers in the form of huge government contracts.
Speaking of money, on Monday, the Republican National Committee made Musk the subject line of a fundraising email: “Elon crunched the numbers…” The body of the email featured a photo of Musk as part of a graphic that read, “Elon’s Election Fraud Alert.”
The RNC was using Musk’s name to promote bogus Trump claims about election fraud that the GOP cites as justification for trying to make it harder for some people to vote:
Elon crunched the numbers…
Millions of illegal immigrants.
Zero Voter ID laws.
Infinite mail-in ballots.
Dozens of rigged electoral maps.
And there’s only ONE answer that made sense:
The Democrats are FLAT-OUT RIGGING our elections, and the SAVE America Act is the ONLY way to stop it!
“IT MUST BE DONE OR DEMOCRACY IS DEAD” – Elon Musk
Where are all the calls for RNC officials and Republican members of Congress to disavow Musk and his extremism?
While Musk called on Trump to invoke the Insurrection Act to put down protests against ICE brutality in Minnesota, researchers from the Center for Countering Digital Hate say he used his X account to amplify anti-immigrant sentiment that led to mob violence in Belfast in June.
Earlier this year, the Guardian noted Musk’s “fixation” on race and reported that he had “made allusions to race science or promoted anti-immigrant conspiracy content on 26 out of 31 days in January.” In April, the Washington Post noted that Musk was posting “near daily” about race and the supposed threat of a genocide against white people, leading one commentator to tell the paper that Musk’s recent statements had left “no doubt he’s a white nationalist.”
Musk has also promoted far-right parties in other countries, which The Nation characterized last year as Musk “pushing for global neo-Nazi regime change.”
In his NYT column, Bouie noted that Musk has repeatedly used his massive social media platform to promote the idea of dealing with “traitors first, then invaders”—which Bouie connected to the concept of “race traitors” demonized in the Turner Diaries, a book that fantasizes about white nationalist political violence.
Bouie also noted that Musk has promoted the movie “Citizen Vigilante.” In a recent interview, Zanny Minton Beddoes, editor-in-chief of The Economist, called it “irresponsible” for Musk to promote the movie, which she said “glorifies the murdering of a Muslim immigrant family.” Musk responded, “It’s worth watching.” He reposted someone who wrote that people “complaining that [the lead character] spends the first half of the movie murdering white people not migrants” are missing the point: “Always hang a traitor before you shoot an enemy.”
Musk posted “Deal with traitors before invaders” a few days before he asserted that anyone who opposes remigration—a far-right term for forcing nonwhite people to leave western countries—a traitor.
Is there anything Musk could say or do that would lead Republican leaders to denounce him?
Yes, it might be uncomfortable for Republicans to disavow Musk’s extremism when it is so aligned with the White House: when immigrant sentiment is a primary driver of policymaking, when the only refugees the Trump administration is willing to admit to the U.S. are white South Africans, and when the MAGA movement is waging a war on anything deemed to be “woke.”
But that doesn’t mean they shouldn’t be asked.
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The pundits have completely lost the plot YT
I want to read you a passage from a recent piece by David Brooks of the Atlantic and a sensibly serious and sober-minded political commentator.
0:08
8 seconds
Quote, "The left really did purge conservatives from universities and other cultural power centers. The left really did valorize a meritocratic cast
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17 seconds
system that privileges the children of the affluent and screwed the working class. The left really did pontificate to their unenlightened moral inferiors
0:24
24 seconds
and everything from gender to the environment. The left really did create a stifling orthodoxy that stamped out the scent. If you tell half the country
0:32
32 seconds
that their voices don't matter, then the voiceless are going to flip over the table. I read this three or four times
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in kind of a slack jaw wonder because none of that is true. All of that is made up.
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50 seconds
It's false. It didn't happen.
AN 8 26
Lately, I have been thinking about Pat Robertson. Yes, the very same. The late televangelist used to accuse America of falling away from the straight and narrow when there was a natural disaster. Hurricanes, tornadoes, floods – these were God's punishment, he said. For what? Well, whatever Robertson didn't like, but gay men preoccupied his attention. I guess God wouldn't punish America if they were back in the closet. Or something like that.
I have been thinking about Robertson's style of rhetoric in light of the recent discourse over "woke 1." There appears to be an established elite consensus that Donald Trump and the politics he represents were a natural and legitimate reaction to it. Noah Berlatsky called this the "white supremacy consensus." Victor Ray put that in historical context: "The end of Reconstruction and the rise of Jim Crow depended upon the exact type of elite consensus that non-white folks had gone too far in calling for equality, that we are living through. It does not bode well for the future, even if the GOP is routed in the next couple of elections."
What does this have to do with Pat Robertson?
Consider Jamelle Bouie's contribution to the "woke 1" discourse. In a new video, the Times columnist reminded us what "woke 1" was about: "a material response to real conditions, from police violence to rampant inequality to sexual abuse and misconduct." Yes, he said, some of that was silly, but "put this in perspective and recognize that in this moment, the obsession with wokeness that seems to monopolize the thoughts of America's commentary class is utter decadence, a prime example of the total lack of moral seriousness from many of the people who presume to explain the world to ordinary Americans" (my italics).
Importantly, the evidence of decadence is the fact that the "white supremacy consensus" is based on make-believe. Bouie points to a piece by David Brooks, "an ostensibly serious and sober-minded political commentator," who asserted that "the left really did" purge universities of conservatives, elevate a "caste system that privileged the children of the affluent and screwed the working class," and create "a stifling orthodoxy that stamped out dissent." Brooks says these things really did happen when they really did not. Yet lacking an empirical basis does not matter. What matters is that such claims are shared by privileged white men like him, men for whom decadence is not a moral failing but a mark of status.
But elite decadence isn't the only thing reminding me of Pat Robertson.
So is elite impunity.
Last week, I told you about Philip Bump's reporting on the decline in the prosecution of white-collar crimes since the Financial Panic of 2007-2008. From that point onward, men like Elon Musk went from being merely rich to being very obscenely rich. Bump said his wealth grew by 60 times. Musk is symbolic. Over the last two decades, oligarchs have committed great crimes to produce great fortunes. Sixteen people in America are worth nearly $4 trillion. That has never happened before. They own our media. They own our tech platforms. They own all of one political party, some of the other. And they are trying to own our money.
Indeed, crypto currencies might be the perfect marriage of elite decadence and elite impunity. There is "no legitimate use" for them, according to Paul Krugman. "They’ve had 18 years to come up with one," he said in June. "They keep throwing things up like 'an inflation hedge' or 'source of stability.' Every one of them has turned out to be baseless. The only real use for crypto is tax evasion, money laundering and crime. It’s the preferred mechanism of choice for global terrorists, sex traffickers, and rogue nations like North Korea and Iran."
And let's not forget for the American president. For one thing, it hides bribery by elites. For another, it scams the little people. Charlie Bilello reported today that the value of Trump's meme coin is down -98 percent while his wife's is down -99 percent. “Everybody’s profiting," Trump said in July when he defended his family's $1.4 billion in crypto earnings. It's "perhaps the most blatant example of corruption in the history of American politics," Bilello said. Yet the entire "Epstein class," as Jon Ossoff might say, either approves of crypto or is silent.
Where we are right now is arguably the culmination of two decades of elite impunity and elite decadence. During that time, the very obscenely rich looted the republic, depleted our institutions and weakened our foundations, perhaps irreversibly. Musk is prone to saying that civilization is tempting suicide by allowing immigrants to take over. He's right about suicide, but wrong about immigrants. The threat is men like him who are bent on reshaping society so they never face the consequences of their choices. Their implicit goal isn't just to play God but be God, and there's no price they won't pay. But instead of bravely and humbly fighting this blasphemy, and instead of examining recent history to deduce the conditions from which it arose, the David Brookses of the world have decided to craft fables about "wokeness" that are, as Jamelle Bouie said, "made-up," "false" and "never happened."
Which brings me back to Pat Robertson. I think the late conservative Christian broadcaster and presidential candidate was wrong. Marginalized people are no sin, nor were hurricanes, tornadoes and floods the consequence of recognizing the inherent worth and dignity of all people. I say that, because I believe that's what God wants us to do. Democracy, freedom, equality, inclusion – these are the straight and narrow. All else is falling away from God.
But perhaps Pat Robertson was right, too. Our nation has lost its way. Multiracial democracy has given way to autocratic evil. Prosperity has given way to sickness, meanness, impoverishment and death. A cancer has spread through the body politic, yet we still tolerate the blasphemy of billionaires and the decadence of elite pundits who defend their obscenity.
Maybe God is punishing America.
And the worst is yet to come.
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U CHIC AGAIN // AOC YT 5 26 IST OF POL
May 6, 2026
The Salem Witch Trials. MK Ultra. JFK was a***ssinated by government operatives. The moon landing was staged. 9/11 was an inside job. COVID was a plandemic. Trump won 2020. Jeffrey Epstein didn’t k*** himself. Birds aren’t real. PizzaGate. QAnon. Climate change. America has always had “conspiracy theories” – but how did they move from the margins of our democracy to the center of power? Where is the line between investigating corruption and buying into conspiracies – and who gets to draw it? Featuring Brace Belden, co-host of the TrueAnon podcast, Christopher Fee, Professor of English at Gettysburg College, and Elise Wang, assistant professor at Cal State Fullerton and researcher of the long history of conspiracy theories. Moderated by Jamelle Bouie, columnist at the New York Times. Co-sponsored by International House.
Conspiracy Culture Across American Politics with Brace Belden & Jamelle Bouie - YouTube
an 5 26}:
In his New York Times opinion column, Jamelle Bouie argues that Chief Justice John Roberts and the conservative Supreme Court majority operate under a fundamental misunderstanding of American reality, pursuing a "colorblind Constitution" that ignores the nation's persistent racial inequalities.
Bouie traces the history of the Voting Rights Act since its 1965 passage, when President Lyndon Johnson called it "a triumph for freedom as huge as any victory that has ever been won on any battlefield." The landmark legislation transformed Black political participation, particularly after a 1982 amendment and a 1986 Supreme Court decision enabled the creation of majority-minority districts. By 1995, there were 43 Black voting members of Congress—a dramatic increase from just six in 1965.
However, Bouie contends that the Roberts court has systematically dismantled these protections through a series of decisions beginning with Shelby County v. Holder in 2013, culminating in last week's Louisiana v. Callais decision.
In Louisiana v. Callais, the court permitted Republican-led Southern states to dismantle majority-minority legislative districts by allowing partisan gerrymandering as a legitimate state objective. Bouie argues this represents a perversion of the 14th and 15th Amendments, which were ratified specifically to end Black subordination and ensure representation. Instead, the court has weaponized these same amendments against minority interests under the guise of colorblindness.
The columnist criticizes what he calls the "racial entitlement" framing adopted by conservative justices, arguing that colorblind constitutional interpretation fundamentally cannot address group inequality in a nation defined by centuries of racial subordination. A constitution that refuses to "see color" becomes, paradoxically, a tool for perpetuating the very discrimination it was meant to remedy.
Bouie invokes historical warnings from Frederick Douglass and Justice Thurgood Marshall, both of whom cautioned against courts that manipulate constitutional doctrine to enable racial discrimination. He suggests the current court is guilty of precisely this offense—using neutral language to achieve discriminatory outcomes.
The immediate consequences are already materializing. Louisiana, Alabama, Tennessee and Mississippi are planning special legislative sessions to erase majority-minority districts in their states, potentially triggering the largest reduction in Black political representation since Reconstruction.
Bouie concludes with a call for action beyond the courts themselves. He argues that Americans must reclaim constitutional interpretation as a democratic enterprise rather than ceding it entirely to judicial authority. Court reform through congressional action, combined with renewed public engagement in constitutional meaning-making, represents the only viable path forward.
The column's central thesis—that Roberts "believes in an America that doesn't exist"—reflects Bouie's argument that the chief justice operates from a fictional premise of racial neutrality that ignores observable American reality, where racial polarization remains endemic and historical discrimination continues shaping political landscapes.
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AN 5 26
Chief Justice John Roberts made a rare public appearance last year to defend his Supreme Court colleagues from criticism that they were overturning decades-old precedent, according to CNN reporter John Fritze.
Roberts has sought to rebut accusations that the court is partisan, pointing to its record since the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022. However, Fritze examined Roberts' claims against the court's actions.
The court has overruled Humphrey's Executor, which protected federal employees from being fired by the president without cause; aspects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which addressed discriminatory gerrymandering; and Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council, which empowered federal agencies to interpret vague laws. The court also appears poised to overturn Employment Division v. Smith, which held that the First Amendment does not protect people engaged in illegal acts as part of religious activity.
Roberts stated that the court has not explicitly overturned more than two precedents per year. Fritze noted this is accurate when using a narrow definition of "overturning precedents."
"Those numbers don't account for instances in which the court has significantly departed from a precedent without explicitly overruling it," Fritze wrote. "In recent years, the conservative majority has also moved away from precedents involving religious freedom."
New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie offered a broader critique of the court's direction. Bouie stated that the court is "acting as a super legislature: an unelected group of people who have taken it upon themselves to revise Congress's work."
Bouie pointed to the court's decisions on Reconstruction amendments, presidential power, corporate speech, and campaign finance as evidence of a consistent direction in prioritizing particular outcomes over textual analysis.
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The Supreme Court is Corrupt. This is What We Can Do About It. 5 26
invented doctrines; orig ~ guns ; inconsist hypoc
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UjuD0nACraM
It's Not Both Sides. It Never Was.
Takes™ by Jamelle Bouie
74.3K subscribers
April 22, 2026.
Around 2012, two veteran Washington analysts — Thomas Mann of Brookings and Norman Ornstein of AEI — published a book arguing that American political dysfunction wasn't a "both sides" problem.
They argued that the Republican Party, had veered hard to the right, abandoned norms of fair play, and embraced a winner-take-all politics aimed at delegitimizing the opposition. Washington largely ignored them. More than a decade later, their diagnosis looks not just correct but understated.
Democrats have moved left on economics and culture — that's real — but they remain committed to elections, democratic norms, and governing for the whole country. The Republican Party, meanwhile, has gone completely off the rails, exemplified by the rise of Donald Trump.
To frame the core problems in American politics as a question of "both sides" is a failure of basic observation. One party is trying to preserve American democracy. The other isn't.
...
If you want more of my work you can read me over at the New York Times or subscribe to my podcast Unclear and Present Danger on the political and military thrillers of the 1990s.
https://www.nytimes.com/by/jamelle-bouie
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast...
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AN 3 26
New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie says White House advisor Stephen Miller is cruising to create “subordinate class” by ending public education funding for undocumented children in red states. But this is about more than keeping some kids less learned than others.
Miller spirited Texas lawmakers away to a closed-door meeting in Washington last week, according to two sources in the meeting, where he commenced to challenge a decades-old U.S. Supreme Court precedent. That case, Plyler v. Doe, holds that it was a violation of the equal protection clause for states to deny undocumented children the same free public education state leaders provide to legal immigrants’ children — who are themselves citizens.
According to the Times, Miller wants to take advantage of partisan gridlock in Congress to encourage state lawmakers to pass the attacks on Plyler. But why is Miller so determined to “whittle down the 14th Amendment to essentially nothing,” asked Bouie.
In Bouie’s argument the 14th Amendment is “tied directly to the 13th.”
“The 13th Amendment states that ‘Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.’ It then adds, in section 2, that ‘Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.’”
But the 13th Amendment was about more than just slavery, said Bouie. To the authors, it was “the foundation for the society they hoped to build” by outlawing “hereditary caste as much as” the end of chattel slavery.” Immediately after ratifying it, anti-slavery forces in Congress used it as an open door to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which established birthright citizenship and nullified the “Black Codes.”
The racist Supreme Court at the time neutered much of that good intent “as part of a larger political project to reconcile the white citizens of the United States” and give the white South the power to manage its own ‘affairs,’ and impose “imperial domination,” Bouie argued.
“Both Miller and the MAGA right are engaged in the same kind of work as their political forebears,” added Bouie. “It is no wonder, then, that they want to gut the 14th Amendment, which was revitalized by the struggles of Black Americans and other groups throughout the 20th century. Theirs is a project of subordination at home and abroad; of the re-inscription of caste and the recreation of tiered citizenship based on race and nationality. And now, as then, the 14th Amendment stands in the way.”
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an 5 25
Never Trump conservatives often attack President Donald Trump and the far-right MAGA movement as a toxic departure from the conservatism of the past and a betrayal of what President Ronald Reagan and Arizona Senators Barry Goldwater and John McCain represented. And they will applaud National Review founder William F. Buckley for distancing himself from the far-right conspiracy theorists of the John Birch Society.
But in an opinion column published on May 14, liberal New York Times opinion writer Jamelle Bouie argues that Trumpism didn't really start with Donald Trump and his MAGA movement — and that the right's dark side was there all along.
Bouie takes a close look at the second Trump Administration, stressing that its policies aren't new ideas for the American right.
READ MORE:Revealed: Republican tax gifts to the rich would explode deficit they always complain about
:{"Of the endless torrent of illegal, unconstitutional — and anti-constitutional — actions flowing from the Trump Administration," Bouie observes, "there are three that stand out for their contempt for the rule of law. There is the president’s ongoing assault on the right to due process, seen in his administration's refusal to facilitate the return of Kilmar Ábrego García, the Maryland man who was arrested in Baltimore in March and removed to a prison in El Salvador…. The second incident is the suggestion, by the White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, that the president might suspend habeas corpus to keep federal courts from releasing the (Trump) Administration's detainees — thus blocking its efforts to remove, among others, some lawful residents from the country….
The last, and by comparison relatively minor, instance of constitutional subversion by this administration is the president's plan to accept a $400 million luxury aircraft to temporarily replace Air Force One, provided to the United States by the royal family of Qatar."}:
But no matter how many dangerous lines Trump crosses, Bouie argues, much of the American right refuses to stand up to him.
"The Republican Party is, with only a few quibbles and some occasionally timid disagreement, united in support of Donald Trump," Bouie warns. "Conservative intellectuals have spent the last decade spinning endless excuses for the president and his allies. They treat his tyrannical aspirations as little more than a curiosity, or even a justified response to some imagined revolutionary movement of the political and cultural left. }:}:
Both the MAGA cheerleaders of the Claremont Institute and the Trump rationalizers in the nation’s premier publications agree: Nothing Trump has done, or wants to do, is beyond the pale…. This attitude, while shocking in its moral and ethical decadence, is not all that surprising. As the writer and editor Jacob Heilbrunn shows in 'America Last: The Right's Century-Long Romance with Foreign Dictators,' the conservative movement has always had a soft spot for despots of various stripes."}:
Bouie continues, "The political and intellectual antecedents of the Trump movement, stretching all the way back to the early 20th Century, have often had nothing but praise for those despotic rulers who extinguished the freedom of the many for the liberty of the few, from Gen. Francisco Franco in Spain and Gen. Augusto Pinochet in Chile to, at this moment, Vladimir Putin in Russia and Viktor Orban in Hungary…. There is no 'Trumpified' conservative movement. There never was. There is only the conservative movement that was, we can see now, waiting for its Donald Trump."
READ MORE:'This is a bribe': Trump buried for saying Qatar jet would save American taxpayers' money
*Jamelle Bouie's full New York Times column is available at this link (subscription required).
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New York Times
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Jamelle Bouie - The New York Times
Based in Charlottesville, Va., and Washington, Jamelle Bouie became a New York Times Opinion columnist in 2019. Before that he was the chief political correspondent for Slate magazine.
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Wikipedia
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Jamelle Bouie - Wikipedia
Jamelle Antoine Bouie [1] (/ dʒ ə ˈ m ɛ l ˈ b uː. iː /; born April 12, 1987) is an American columnist for The New York Times. He was formerly chief political correspondent for Slate . [ 2 ] In 2019, writing in the Columbia Journalism Review , David Uberti called Bouie "one of the defining commentators on politics and race in the Trump era ".
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about — Jamelle Bouie
Based in Charlottesville, Virginia, Jamelle Bouie is a columnist for the New York Times.He covers history and politics. In addition, he co-hosts the Unclear and Present Danger podcast on the political and military thrillers of the 1990s.. Before the Times, Jamelle was chief political correspondent for Slate magazine. He began his career at the The American Prospect magazine and also spent time ...
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https://www.nytimes.com › 2025 › 03 › 05 › opinion › trump-revenge-american-people.html
Opinion | Trump Promised Retribution. Turns Out He Had a Very Big ...
Mar 5, 2025Jamelle Bouie became a New York Times Opinion columnist in 2019. Before that he was the chief political correspondent for Slate magazine. He is based in Charlottesville, Va., and Washington.
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Articles by Jamelle Bouie's Profile - Muck Rack
This week on "Matter of Opinion," David French and Jamelle Bouie join Carlos Lozada and Michelle Cottle to discuss how the courts and Congress could respond to Trump's latest actions and whether the Constitution is strong enough to withstand the challenges. Below is a transcript of an episode of "Matter of Opinion" that has been condensed and ...
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Jamelle Bouie - Slate Magazine
Oct 3, 2024Jamelle Bouie is a New York Times opinion columnist. He was formerly Slate's chief political correspondent. Twitter; Advertisement. Recently by Jamelle Bouie. Showing 1-20 of 890.
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Jamelle Bouie Joins The New York Times Opinion Pages as Columnist
Jamelle Bouie, chief political correspondent at Slate, will join the columnist lineup in Opinion. Read more in this note from editorial page editor James Bennet, op-ed editor Jim Dao and deputy editorial page editor Katie Kingsbury. ... His interests, as you will certainly know if you've been a reader of his newsletter as well as his columns ...
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Jamelle Bouie - Age, Wife, Children, Birthplace - Biography
Know About Jamelle Bouie, American Journalist & The New York Times Columnist, Know About His Age, Wife, Children, Birthplace, Education, Full Bio, Biography. ... Similarly, his other column, "There's a reason the election of 1800 still sings out to us" (29 September 2020), ...
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Jamelle Bouie: Red states and blue states are becoming different countries
Dec 16, 2023Learn about the differences between a news story and an opinion column. Opinion; Syndicated columns; Jamelle Bouie: Red states and blue states are becoming different countries Sat., Dec. 16, 2023 ...
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Jamelle Bouie - The New York Times
Jamelle Bouie became a New York Times Opinion columnist in 2019. Before that he was the chief political correspondent for Slate magazine. He is based in Charlottesville, Va., and Washington.
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