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Penn, schoen PSB

===

...Just Folks

"People on the extreme minorities," says the No Labels website, "... have paralyzed our government at a time of grave national crisis. People on the far left and far right represent just a fraction of the American public, but they exercise power well beyond their numbers ..."

But what does No Labels represent? Its three co-founders are a Republican Party operative named Mark McKinnon, a right-leaning Democratic Party operative named Nancy Jacobson, and a billionaire-funded operative named David Walker. These three Washington insiders say they'll represent ordinary Americans against ... Washington insiders.

Who are they?

McKinnon worked on George W. Bush's campaign before becoming a senior executive at Hill & Knowlton, the Beltway PR firm whose clients prior to his joining included the tobacco industry as it tried to suppress proof that cigarettes cause cancer, and Bank of Commerce and Credit International after it was hit with faced drug-money laundering charges. It continues to represent a variety of dictatorships around the world, and is currently helping the oil and gas industry confuse the public about the health implications of fracking.

Jacobson worked for Bill Clinton, conservative Democrat turned Chamber of Commercelobbyist Evan Bayh, and and the right-leaning Democratic Leadership Council, and has a raised large sums of money for "centrist" (right-leaning) Democratic candidates. She also reportedly worked as a de facto industry lobbyist, as a PAC Director raising money for Congressional candidates sympathetic to her industry's interests.[1] She is married to another Washington insider, Mark Penn, who is the CEO of Burson-Marsteller.

Walker is a longtime associate of right-wing billionaire Pete Peterson (who, as his press staff never fails to reminds me, sometimes also funds less political areas of economic research through his Foundation.) Walker's work with Peterson, however, has been dedicated for many many years to the single-minded pursuit of a policy package that would cut Social Security and Medicare benefits while simultaneously lowering the top tax rate for the wealthiest Americans.

That agenda forms the basis of an American austerity program similar to that which is currently devastating Europe's economy, and which has been packaged for domestic US consumption as the "Simpson Bowles plan."

Bait and Switch

No Labels has a clever two-fold strategy: First, it packages far-right ideas as those of the "political mainstream" by ignoring polling data and instead finding members of the Washington elite in both parties - righwing Clintonian Democrats, plus Republicans - willing to present them as a "consensus" view.

Then it packages those proposals along with good ideas - and good-sounding ideas - so that it looks like they are the "reasonable" people in a world full of "extremists of the left and right."

Last year the group announced its "Fix Congress" plan, which it claimed was intended to address Congressional gridlock. In its latest "grassroots" proposal, the insider organization addresses the Presidency. There are attractive ideas in each, but they tend to be trivial or unlikely to succeed. They're there to bury the sucker punches in a swirl of cotton candy.

The good ideas include filibuster reform and up or down votes on Presidential nominees within 90 days. And I like the idea of having the President meet with Congress for British-style televised Q & A sessions. That can occasionally lead to illuminating discussions - and it certainly gets raucous enough to be entertaining.

Less attractive proposals include "no pledges but the Oath of Office." That sounds good, but the "pledge" movement is a response to politicians' broken promises. Sure, Grover Norquist and some other right-wing pledgemeisters are nutty. But is a "No Pledge" rule better or worse than giving politicians the unrestrained ability to go back on your word?

The nice but non-nutritious cotton-candy proposals include things like regular meetings between the President and Congress and regularly scheduled Presidential press conferences.

Sucker Punches

Then there are those sucker punches, like the longtime Republican proposal for a Presidential "line item veto" which would upset the balance of power. There's also Presidential "fast-track" authority, which the New York Times describes as "a proposal to allow the president to send legislation to Congress twice a year that could not be amended but only approved or rejected. .. By preventing lawmakers from changing such legislation, a president could get yes-or-no answers on his top priorities."

How would this work? The Times interviewed former Clinton aide William Galson, who "suggested that one possible subject of fast-track authority could be the ... the Simpson-Bowles plan (which) included a cornucopia of unpopular tax increases and spending cuts." Adds the Times: "(U)nder this proposal Congress would have to accept or reject the whole plan."

See what they did right there?

Fast One

In fact, supporters of this ill-advised and unpopular austerity measure have already tried to "fast-track" it several times. Had the failed Simpson/Bowles Deficit Commission come up with a proposal, Congress had agreed to subject it to just such an up-or-down vote.

Simpson Bowles isn't a single policy prescription. It's a smorgasbord of radical ideas which include the aforementioned benefit cuts; lowering the top tax rate for America's millionaires and billionaires; deep cuts to other government programs; and the elimination of unnamed tax deductions that could slash employer health plans while raising the costs of paying a mortgage and raising children. And yet Congress and the President wanted to see it submitted for a single up-or-down vote, with no opportunity for amendments or changes.

A "fast track" vote creates enormous pressure on lawmakers to fall in line and denies the public the opportunity to hear an open debate about each provision of a bill. In other words, it's ideal for unjust, impractical, and unpopular 1% proposals like Simpson Bowles.

"Fast track," "triggers," "fiscal cliffs" - all sorts of jury-rigged political mechanisms have been created in order to foist this lobbyist-driven, rich-people-coddling, unrepresentative set of proposals on the American people. An up or down "fast track" on such a broad range of right-wing austerity ideas would make a travesty of the (small-"d") democratic process.

In fact, I'll support any politician who signs a pledge against it.

The "Center" Cannot Hold

In order to force such unpopular ideas into law, their backers must also create the illusion that these proposals are reasonable and "centrist." In fact, polling shows precisely the opposite.

Only six percent of those polled thought that deficit reduction and tax "reform," two key goals of the Simpson Bowles agenda, should be a top Washington priority after the last election. Seventy percent of those polled were either "somewhat uncomfortable" or "very uncomfortable" with the Simpson Bowles proposal when it was released. Americans across the political spectrum have overwhelmingly rejected cuts to Social Security in order to reduce the deficit, a key part of that plan, with opposition reaching as much as 76 percent among Tea Party members.

When a proposal is too right-wing for 94 percent of the population, including 76 percent of Tea Party members - and when it makes nearly three out of every four Aericans "somewhat" or "very" uncomfortable - one thing it is not is "centrist."

The Unpopular Front

No Labels is just one small cadre in a great army of mercenaries pushing the austerity cause. Their brigades have colorful (that is to say, silly) names like "Americans Elect," "I.O.U.S.A," the "Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget," and my personal favorite, "Budgetball" - which I like to think of as 'The Fountainhead' Meets 'Deathrace 2000'."

Even if every one of these groups fails individually - which so far they all have - the hope seems to be that they'll have the cumulative effect of making it look like there's a tidal wave of support for Simpson Bowles austerity.

These programs uniformly attempt to stigmatize the majority's opinions and interests as "extreme." These front groups always try to stigmatize the popular goals of protecting Social Security and Medicare benefits and fighting Simpson Bowles austerity as those of a "tiny minority" which "ruthlessly punishes those who step out of line."

I wish.

There's a word for a political system where politicians face dire consequences for defying the will and interests of the people. That word is "democracy."

Ghost of Christmas Future

No Labels and its wacky cohort of well-funded fringe groups will no doubt fail again to win the public's imagination. But the austerity crowd is still holding the upper hand. The President has a track record of pushing for Social Security cuts in a Grand Bargain. Nancy Pelosi has apparently climbed on board the Simpson Bowles train. These groups may lose in the court of public opinion and yet still win in the halls of government once the election is over.

"Ready to Fix Washington?" asks the No Labels website. Sure!

A good place to start would be by ridding it of the highly-paid insiders and influence peddlers who are trying to present No Labels and its unpopular ideas as the will of the people, rather than the whims of the wealthy.

[1] Several now-scrubbed websites state that Ms. Jacobson directed a PAC for the shopping-center industry between 1989 and 1991, engaging in the fundraising activities described above. We were unable to find an active website which confirms that, or any other which details her activities during those years. We have therefore characterized this part of her background as "reported" rather than "confirmed."

(This post has been updated a to provide more detailed description of polling data and links to primary sources.)

==

According to the No Labels website, the group is "united in the belief that we do not have to give up our labels, merely put them aside to do what's best for America."

Those who know Jacobson, named one of the "50 Most Powerful People in D.C.," by GQ Magzine, never doubted that her concept would come to fruition. Others, she says, told her, "'you can never do this because people don't have passion, you can't do this because you don't have one main personality running this, a candidate.' The truth is," says Jacobson, "the idea is so much more important than any one person. No Labels doesn't mean 'don't have a label', it just means put the label aside so we can focus and work together and do what government needs to do. That's it," says Jacobson.

And so, the force known as Nancy Jacobson made it happen.

Jacobson's work history is a who's who of politics: chief fundraiser for former president Bill Clinton, Finance Chair of the Democratic National Committee and Democratic Leadership Council and founder and creator of the Women's Leadership Forum, the first female-only finance council whose mission was to raise money and party awareness among women. She worked, too, for former Indiana Senator Evan Bayh and as a Senior Advisor for Senator Hillary Clinton's Presidential Campaign, which doesn't even begin to cover the ground that Jacobson has covered in her nearly 3-decade career.

Jacobson is well known for her uncanny ability to "connect" people, certainly an under-appreciated gift during her formative years. It was exactly Jacobson's ability to bring people together, to corral people, to talk to people, that got her kicked out of a private Miami, Florida high school when she was 14-years-old.

"I wasn't your stellar kid. I had a lot of energy. I was more the class clown. I was always connecting with people so I was always talking in class. That's really what it was. Always being the ringleader, always talking in class and being disruptive. That's a little known fact."

But it wasn't until Jacobson left Miami after her freshman year at the University of Florida and transferred to the much larger and more diverse Syracuse University, that she finally realized that her forte which had left her admonished throughout her childhood was exactly what was going to pave the way to her eventual success.

"I harnessed my urge to connect people and I put it to use," says Jacobson who is much happier behind the scenes than in the limelight and usually declines press interviews. What annoyed her teachers and got her kicked out of school, "is exactly what they value in politics," says Jacobson. "That's what was valued. If you could bring people, if you could corral people, if you could bring them together, whether it was to organize or to raise funds. That was valued. It was never valued before and now it was valued so I was encouraged. The lights went on and I started getting involved in politics right then a there."

Her involvement started in 1982. "I heard Gary Hart at a very small, 20-person meeting. He was running for president. I put my name down on a sheet and somebody called me. I ended up organizing the Syracuse campus. I did the first fundraiser. The headquarters was impressed and I got a lot of attention for that. And then Gary Hart won New Hampshire in 1984 and I ended up coordinating the district."

And that locked her in. By the age of 19, Jacobson had become one of the youngest alternate delegates in history.

By the time she had graduated from college, Jacobson had become a professional connector. A professional ringleader, if you will.

"I always did love people, loved connecting with people. I was led to do something that I was good at. But, if you ask me what I do, I'm not a fundraiser. Fundraising is the way I was able to make an impact. I realized very quickly that was the only way for women to be at the table in politics. But it's bringing people together to make impact, that's what I do. And fundraising is what got me at the table. I want to put people together. That's truly what I have always done. Everyone who knew me back in the day is surprised at what I have done."

While a senior advisor for Senator Bayh (who earlier this year announced he would not seek another term in the Senate), Jacobson realized that there was "one thing missing out there. It wasn't that we needed another candidate but that the majority of the people needed a voice." She wanted to figure out a way to round those people up and put them together -- and No Labels was born. "But I never wanted anyone to impugn me for this or think that there was anything in this other than my deep passionate desire to do this so I am a fulltime volunteer. I have never been more passionate, exhilarated or taken with a project in my life."

At the launch, Monday, in fact, Jacobson hung back from the limelight, speaking only for a short two minutes while a list of nationally recognized journalists and politicians took center stage, includingJohn Avalon (senior political columnist for The Daily Beast and the author of Wingnuts: How the Lunatic Fringe is Hijacking America and Independent Nation: How Centrists Can Change American Politics), NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg, David Brooks of the New York Times, Newark, New Jersey Mayor Cory Booker and Morning Joe's, Mika Brzezinski and Joe Scarborough not to mention Kiki McLean, D.C. communications strategist and Bob Franken,

===

wiki

Nancy Jacobson is a United States Democratic Party fundraiser.[1] She has been the National Finance Chair for Indiana Senator Evan Bayh since 1995, and was Finance Chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) under President Clinton. She has helped launch political organizations to support centrist Democratic Party ideas and candidates,[2] and engage women in the political process.[3] In 2010, she (along with Mark McKinnon) co-founded No Labels, a501(c)(4) citizens movement of Republicans, Democrats and Independents[4] whose mission is to address the politics of problem solving.[5] Jacobson was named one of the 50 Most Powerful People in D.C. by GQ Magazine in 2007.[6]

Contents

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Education

Jacobson graduated with a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from Syracuse University, and a Master's degree in public relations from American University.[7]

Early career

Jacobson’s entry into politics was as a student at Syracuse, when she held a fundraiser for Colorado Senator and presidential candidate Gary Hart in New York.[2] Hart was the main challenger to former Vice-President Walter Mondale for the 1984 Democratic nomination.[8] After her event, Jacobson was appointed co-coordinator for New York’s 27th congressional district, and then an alternate delegate to the 1984 Democratic national convention in San Francisco. Following the convention, she was hired as Hart’s receptionist and then moved to the fundraising department, where she worked until 1988.[9]

Upon Hart’s exit from the 1988 presidential campaign, Jacobson was hired to then Senator Al Gore’s presidential campaign.[3] Gore was one of the front-runners that year, placing third in the primaries. During that time, Jacobson also worked for the Democratic Senate campaign committee under Senator John Kerry.

From 1989–1991, Jacobson was the Political Action Committee (PAC) Director for the International Council of Shopping Centers (ICSC), the global trade association of the shopping center industry.[10] At the ICSC PAC, Jacobson was responsible for soliciting personal contributions from ICSC members to support Congressional candidates who shared the industry’s interests.[11]

Bill Clinton presidential campaign (1991–1993)

In August 1991, Jacobson joined Bill Clinton's Presidential campaign as Finance Director for the Mid-Atlantic region.[9] After Bill Clinton was elected in 1992, Jacobson was appointed as the Finance Director of the Presidential Inaugural Committee for Bill Clinton and led fundraising efforts for the Inauguration.[12]

Democratic National Committee (1993 - 1995)

When President Clinton assumed office in 1993, he appointed Jacobson Finance Chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC).[13] In 1993, she created the Women's Leadership Forum, the first female-only finance council tasked to raise money and party awareness among women.[14] Since its inception, the Women's Leadership Forum has sponsored an annual issues conference providing its members with access to female leaders and high-level policy makers, as well as training in organizing and fundraising. Event speakers have included Oprah Winfrey and Michelle Obama in 2008 [15] and Senator Hillary Clinton in 2006.[16]

While at the DNC, Jacobson also created the Saxophone club, the first national young professionals donor club within the DNC.[13]

Democratic Leadership Council (1995–2008)

In 1995, Nancy Jacobson became Senior Advisor and National Finance Chair for the centrist Democratic Leadership Council (DLC).[17]

From 1995-2008, Jacobson built the DLC’s major donor program by getting centrist donors engaged in the DLC, which, at that time, was responsible for President Clinton’s "new Democrat" agenda,[18] and was credited with moving the party to the center.[19]

Evan Bayh senatorial & presidential campaigns (1995 - Present)

Since 1995, Jacobson has been the National Finance Director/Chairman for Indiana Senator Evan Bayh.[20] Over the past 15 years, she has been responsible for the Senator’s overall fundraising strategy, and for building relationships with the donor community.

In 2008, Jacobson led Senator Bayh’s finance team during his bid for the 2008 Democratic nomination for president.[17] During this time, she was tasked with building a self-sustaining fundraising organization that would allow the senator to opt-out of the federal public financing system. To this end, Jacobson focused on finding new centrist Democrats who became active in the party after the Clintons had left office. She also recruited young entrepreneurs who appreciated Bayh’s budget balancing resume as an Indiana governor.[1]

NEXT Generation (1998 - Present)

In 1998, Jacobson founded a political action committee called NEXT Generation to raise money and support for centrist candidates running for the Senate.[2] The mission of the group is to bring together the next generation of business leaders with the next generation of political leaders through forums where they can exchange ideas and information. Jacobson has been NEXT Generation’s Executive Chair since its founding.[21]

Third Way (2004 - 2008)

In 2004, Jacobson helped launch Third Way, a think tank of the moderate wing of the progressive movement.[22] Third Way works with elected officials, candidates, and advocates to develop and advance moderate policy ideas in Congress. The group's issue trainings have been used in the House and Senate, and by governors and congressional candidates.[23]

Hillary Clinton presidential campaign (2007 - 2008)

In 2007, Jacobson joined Senator Hillary Clinton's Presidential Campaign as a Senior Advisor, working with Clinton's national finance director.[1] According to New York Times columnist Frank Rich, Jacobson and her husband, Mark Penn "helped brand the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign as a depository for special-interest contributions."[24]

In October 2007, Jacobson created the Women’s Summit Series to reach out and recruit women to raise funds.[25] As a result, 1400 women nationwide came to Washington for the $2300 per person summit to support Hillary Clinton’s Presidential campaign.[3]

No Labels (2010 - Present)

Nancy founded No Labels, a political organization of Republicans, Democrats and independents dedicated to the politics of problem solving.[26][27] No Labels launched in December 2010 at an event at Columbia University, with over 1,000 people from all 50 states in attendance.[28] Since then, No Labels has proposed action plans to Make Congress Work! and Make the Presidency Work!, which provide proposals to reform the government to make it more efficient and accountable.[29][30] No Labels will host another meeting in January 2013 called the Meeting to Make America Work![31] No Labels has gained national recognition, with frequent mentions in major national publications like The Washington Post[32] and The New York Times.[33]

Personal and Family

Nancy Jacobson is married to Mark Penn, Democratic pollster and former CEO of Burson-Marsteller.[2] The couple met in 1996 when Evan Bayh, then governor of Indiana, introduced them at a Democratic Leadership Council event. Married since 1999, they are parents to daughter Blair and three children from Penn’s previous marriage.[2]

The Penns host monthly dinners for powerful Democrats, journalists, and other political figures at their Georgetown home. These events are known for their seriousness and focus on the issues of the day.[9]

In July 2009, Jacobson hosted an event at her home for LIFT (formerly National Student Partnerships), a movement to combat poverty in major American cities.[34] She is the 2010 chair of the Sidwell Friends School auction [35] and was recently elected to the board of the White House Project on women.

Jacobson was one of 10 Washingtonians the French writer Patrick Sabatier profiled in his book, Washington Confidential, a Frenchman's view of Washington for his audience in Europe.[36]

References

  1. ^ :{Jump up to::(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^a b(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nancy_Jacobson#cite_ref-hotline_1-1) c(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nancy_Jacobson#cite_ref-hotline_1-2) "Nancy Jacobson Joins Team HRC". Hotline on Call. December 20, 2006.
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  21. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Ambinder, Marc (April 21, 2006). "Chasing Hillary". National Journal. Retrieved 2009-05-09.[dead link]
  22. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Harris, John F. (2004-11-11). "New group to tout Democrats' centrist values: Third Way plans to focus on 'moderate majority:{':(style="padding-right:0.2em"):}:". Washington Post. p. A35. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  23. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ "Third Way: About Us".
  24. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Rich, Frank (2010-12-18) The Bipartisanship Racket, New York Times
  25. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Ambinder, Marc (October 11, 2007) Hillary Clinton's "Women Summit" Fundraiser [2] The Atlantic. Retrieved on 2009-05-20
  26. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ http://www.nolabels.org/our-people
  27. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ http://www.nolabels.org/about-us
  28. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Shane, Cari (December 13, 2010). "The Manufacturing of No Labels". Huffington Post.
  29. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ "Most Popular E-mail Newsletter". USA Today. December 12, 2011.
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  31. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ http://www.meetforamerica.com
  32. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Klein, Ezra (December 23, 2011). "Column: No Labels gets congressional dysfunction right". The Washington Post.
  33. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Baker, Peter (July 13, 2012). "‘No Labels' Group Offers Ideas for More Effective Presidency". The New York Times.
  34. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ "National Student Partnerships Benefit". Washington Life Magazine. July 2009.
  35. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ "Sidwell Auction 2010".
  36. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important;-webkit-user-select:none"):}:^ Baer, Susan (April 1, 2009). "Smart, Oui! Fun, Non!". Washingtonian.

===

Mark J. Penn is worldwide CEO of the PR firm Burson-Marsteller (B-M), a position he has held since December 2005. [1] He is also the president of the polling firm Penn, Schoen and Berland Associates (PSB), which he co-founded in 1975. Since December 2008 he has been a columnist for the Media & Marketing section of the Wall Street Journal.[2]

Penn was U.S. Senator Hillary Clinton's top presidential campaign strategist until April 2008, when he left following a meeting with representative of the Colombian government to promote a free trade deal that Clinton said she opposed. A June 2007 biographical note stated that he "has worked with Mrs. Clinton for over six years, since he ran the polling and messaging for her successful election to the US Senate in 2000." [3]

However, Penn wasn't fired from the Clinton campaign. He and his polling firm "will continue to provide polling and advice to the campaign," reported the Wall Street Journal. [4] On April 7, "Penn took part on the campaign's morning message call ... as usual," reported Marc Ambinder on The Atlantic website. "This afternoon, he is also scheduled to be on a call with Clinton and other aides to begin to prepare for Saturday's presidential debate in Philadelphia." [5]

Penn also served as NPI Fellow at the New Politics Institute. He advised United Kingdom Prime Minister Tony Blair "for his successful run for a third term." Penn is "best known for serving as President Bill Clinton's pollster and political adviser for the 1996 re-election campaign and throughout the second term of the administration. He also ran the polling and messaging and was part of the media team for the successful Senate campaign of Hillary Clinton, serving as her chief campaign adviser. He advises organizations and companies on a wide range of image, branding and competitive marketing assignments. Mark has been a key adviser to Bill Gates and Microsoft for the last 6 years." [6] [7]

Penn is married to Nancy Jacobson, a longtime Democratic Party fundraiser who in addition to helping found Third Way serves as Senior Advisor to Senator Evan Bayh, National Finance Chair for the Democratic Leadership Council, and Founder and Executive Director of Next Generation, a political action committee devoted to supporting moderate, centrist Senate candidates.

Contents

  [hide] 

Penn as "Chief Strategist" with Hillary Clinton's Presidential Bid

Early in Clinton's campaign, Penn drafted an outline of how he thought Clinton could win the support of a majority of Democratic delegates.

"As this race unfolds, the winning coalition for us is clearer and clearer. There are three demographic variables that explain almost all of the voters in the primary—gender, party, and income. Race is a factor as well, but we are fighting hard to neutralize it.We are the candidate of people with needs.We win women, lower classes, and Democrats (about 3 to 1 in our favor).Obama wins men, upper class, and independents (about 2 to 1 in his favor).Edwards draws from these groups as well.Our winning strategy builds from a base of women, builds on top of that a lower and middle class constituency, and seeks to minimize his advantages with the high class democrats.If we double perform with WOMEN, LOWER AND MIDDLE CLASS VOTERS, then we have about 55% of the voters.The reason the Invisible Americans is so powerful is that it speaks to exactly how you can be a champion for those in needs [sic]. He may be the JFK in the race, but you are the Bobby."[8]

Penn also suggested that the Clinton campaign should seek to criticise Obama for his "lack of American roots". In his strategy document Penn wrote:

"All of these articles about his boyhood in Indonesia and his life in Hawaii are geared towards showing his background is diverse, multicultural and putting that in a new light.Save it for 2050.It also exposes a very strong weakness for him—his roots to basic American values and culture are at best limited. I cannot imagine America electing a president during a time of war who is not at his center fundamentally American in his thinking and in his values. He told the people of NH yesterday he has a Kansas accent because his mother was from there. His mother lived in many states as far as we can tell—but this is an example of the nonsense he uses to cover this up.How we could give some life to this contrast without turning negative:Every speech should contain the line you were born in the middle of America to the middle class in the middle of the last century. And talk about the basic bargain as about the deeply American values you grew up with, learned as a child and that drive you today. Values of fairness, compassion, responsibility, giving back.Let’s explicitly own ‘American’ in our programs, the speeches and the values. He doesn’t. Make this a new American Century, the American Strategic Energy Fund. Let’s use our logo to make some flags we can give out. Let’s add flag symbols to the backgrounds."[8]

In August 2008 after Clinton's presidential bid had collapsed, Penn wrote that he liked John McCain's TV ad likening Barack Obama to celebrities like Paris Hilton and Britney Spears. "Hillary Clinton's former top strategist wrote the ad tries to 'portray Obama's leadership for change as something fluffy and useless.' It bears a Republican political trademark 'attacking a candidate's strengths rather than the candidate’s weaknesses.'"[9] In an essay posted onPolitico.com, Penn contended that "clever negative ad can be devastatingly effective." He says that like the McCain ad, "Some negative ads crystallize voters' opinions without presenting any new information." Penn isn't troubled by that. "This year, you can expect a tough political season and plenty of negative ads. Done fairly, they serve a legitimate role." [10]

Penn Documents for the Clinton Campaign

Penn, Hillary Clinton & Colombia

On April 4, 2008 the Wall Street Journal reported that Penn had "met with Colombia's ambassador to the U.S. on Monday to discuss a bilateral free-trade agreement, a pact the presidential candidate (Clinton) opposes." Burson-Marsteller "has a contract with the South American nation to promote congressional approval of the trade deal." A spokeswoman for the Colombian embassy in Washington, Sandra Ocampo Kohn, stated that Burson-Marsteller, along with the Glover Park Group and Johnson, Madigan Peck, Boland & Stewart, had been contracted in 2007 to lobby for Colombia on behalf of a bi-lateral trade deal.[11]

U.S. Department of Justice filings disclose that in March 2007 B-M signed a $300,000, one-year contract with the Colombian Embassy. In March 2007 the Managing Director of Burson-Marsteller's Washington Region Office and Chairman of its Issues & Advocacy Practice, Robert Tappan, signed an agreement with the government of Colombia. In mid-April 2007 the agreement was filed with the U.S. Department of Justice and subsequently became a public document. In it B-M undertook to "Provide ongoing strategic communications counsel to the Ambassador and key Embassy officials regarding the Free Trade Agreement and Plan Colombia; develope [sic] key messages, talking points and briefing materials regrading strategic objectives; facilitate meetings in Washington D.C. for the Ambassador; and co-ordinate media interviews and public events with relevant news media in Washington D.C. on behalf of the Embassy." [12] It also stated that B-M would "provide advice and communications counsel to the Ambassador and Embassy staff. Drave [sic] and review materials related to issues of interest to the Embassy".[13]

In a statement, Penn later apologized: "The meeting was an error in judgment that will not be repeated, and I am sorry for it. The senator’s well-known opposition to this trade deal is clear and was not discussed.[14] Penn may have thought his statement would mollify the Clinton campaign, but ultimately it did neither.

Colombia took offence at Penn's statement that it "was an error in judgment" to meet with the Colombian ambassador in Washington D.C. "The Colombian government considers this a lack of respect to Colombians, and finds this response unacceptable," the embassy stated in a media[15]

The escalating controversy resulted in a Clinton campaign spokeswoman, Maggie Williams, announcing that Penn was no longer "chief strategist" but would still be retained for his polling advice. "After the events of the last few days, Mark Penn has asked to give up his role as Chief Strategist of the Clinton Campaign; Mark, and Penn, Schoen and Berland Associates, Inc. will continue to provide polling and advice to the campaign. Geoff Garin and Howard Wolfson will coordinate the campaign's strategic message team going forward," the statement said.[16]

For Mark Penn the campaign "has been about as effective an economic stimulus program for himself as anything his clients have ever proposed for the nation," reports Mike Madden in Salon. Penn's firm, Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, has billed the campaign $14 million for polling, direct mail, and consulting services -- nearly 9 percent of her entire campaign expenditures. "Getting rich off free-spending campaigns is, of course, a time-honored tradition in politics, and it isn't just Mark Penn who does it," Madden adds, noting that campaign consultants to Barack Obama and John Kerry have also raked in millions of dollars. "Campaign finance experts say most people who give to candidates figure it's being spent on TV ads. What few of them know is how much of the 'TV ad' budget winds up paying for a consultant's beach house."[17]

Penn later told the Guardian that "with the benefit of hindsight" he "would have done some things differently" by considering taking a leave of absence from Burson-Marsteller before joining the Clinton campaign. [18]

B-M's damage control memo

Following the change to Penn's role with the Clinton campaign and the loss of the account with the Colombian government, B-M distributed a memo for use as talking points with "clients or staff".[19] The memo stated:

Dear Colleagues,We’ve all received a good number of inquiries about the news reports related to Mark Penn’s work with the Clinton campaign and developments in our relationship with the Columbian [sic] Embassy in Washington, which was until Saturday our client. Below you will find a prepared statement, providing talking points for use with clients or staff.Meanwhile, it is more important than ever for us as leaders of this firm to communicate that we are more focused than ever on achieving our clients’ goals. Despite this unfortunate series of events, our business in the U.S. has never been stronger and we have achieved remarkable results for clients across the system so far this year. This momentum will only improve with Mark’s return to our day-to-day business.Here’s the statement:—As you have heard, Mark made the decision to step down yesterday as Chief Strategist of the Clinton Campaign. He will continue to poll for the campaign and play an important role advising both Senator Clinton and former President Clinton, as well as the rest of the leadership of the campaign.This announcement was a culmination of discussions following a meeting Mark attended last week with the Colombian Ambassador to the United States. Until Saturday, Burson had been helping the Colombian Embassy with its Washington communication around the proposed Fair Trade Agreement. The Embassy hired Burson more than a year ago; this was an account in which Mark had had no role.Last week, as a regular client courtesy, Mark met with the Abmassador and her staff. Mark was there in his capacity as Global CEO of BM — not in his capacity as an aide to the Clinton campaign. Although Mark neither led nor worked on this account, he has known Ambassador Barco and her family for more than thirty years. The Embassy elected to end their relationship with Burson after our work for them was reported in the media.The good news is that while Mark will continue to advise the Clintons and the campaign, this change will afford him more time to do what he does best — provide great advice and direction to some of our largest clients. Mark has already received a flood of good will emails this morning to that end.If you have any questions or receive any press inquires, please email or call …Thank you.

Onto the UK Prime Minister, Gordon Brown?

The week after being dumped by dumped by the Colombian government and no longer working as 'chief strategist' for Hillary Clinton's campaign, David Singleton reported in PR Week that Penn may be hired as a pollster by media staff working for British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown. Singleton reported that Brown's communications chief Stephen Carter and his director of political strategy David Muir "are understood to have held talks with Penn last week" about assisting identifying policy areas that could be potential vote-winners. "Muir is a strong admirer of Penn and became acquainted with him while working at WPP, which owns Burson-Marsteller," Singleton wrote.[20]

Two months later, Penn offered what the Guardian called a "surprisingly upbeat" assessment of Gordon Brown's political future. "Look, obviously, Labour and Gordon Brown are in a tough spot. But these are situations that he has time to work out before a scheduled election. ... People are not in a good mood about the economy ... so it's going to take time, definition, persistence to turn it around. But it can be done." [18]

Penn's other clients

While the Clinton campaign said in 2007 that Penn "is currently working only with Microsoft" for his day job, an internal Burson-Marsteller blog "suggests ... he has been working with multiple clients," reported Bloomberg News. Blog posts by Penn mention work for Shell Oil, the energy company TXU, and the U.S. Tuna Foundation. In one post, Penn says "the mixing of corporate and political work" is "helpful in cross-pollinating new ideas and skills."[21] Writing inThe Nation, Ari Berman noted that Burson-Marsteller's astroturf "attacks against environmental and consumer groups," and its "confrontational relationship with organized labor," as well as Penn's polling firm's work for the nuclear power industry[22] (which the Center for Media and Democracy reported on).

"I also, personally, don't do any lobbying," Penn told the Washington Post. [23]

Penn and big tobacco

A little digging reveals that, for well over two decades, both Penn and his opinion polling company have advised the tobacco industry on how to counter the campaigns of the tobacco control movement. Based on internal tobacco industry documents, it is clear that Penn and his colleagues have little personal sympathy for those promoting policies that put public health ahead of the interests of the tobacco industry.

Penn's work as a strategist and pollster for the tobacco industry goes way back. In 1989 Gus Weill from Penn and Schoen Associates (PSA), as it was known at the time, dispatched a proposal to Elizabeth Veanus of R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company (RJR) outlining how PSA would go about researching the company's prospects of establishing a branch of a smoker's rights group in Harlem. Weill wrote that his colleagues were "extremely excited" about the project. The polling, he wrote, would be undertaken by Penn and his partner Douglas Schoen, who "have more than a decade of experience conducting groups around the country and performing research on smoking issues."

The goal of PSA's proposed research project, Weill emphasized, was "identical to your goal in entering Harlem: to get smokers' rights groups up and running with utmost speed and effectiveness." The proposal outlined some themes to explore as a way of identifying which Harlem residents could be receptive to a smokers' rights campaign. "Do they understand the ways in which smokers are penalized by society? Sure, they know about non-smoking areas but do they know that smoking is over-taxed and over-regulated?" he wrote.

To help sell the proposal, Weill included brief biographical sketches of himself, Penn and Schoen. Penn, the proposal stated, had "designed and managed all Latin American projects" for the firm, including political campaigns for Presidents Campin and Peres in Venezuela, President Barco in Colombia, President Blanco in the Dominican Republic, President Paz in Bolivia and Premier Swan in Bermuda. For additional information on RJR's Smokers Rights Group strategy and programs, see the article on RJR's Partisan Project.

Another longstanding client of PSB, as PSA became known after Michael Berland joined the firm, is the world's largest private tobacco company, Philip Morris (PM). Like RJR, PM had tried to mobilize "grassroots" opposition to tobacco control measures. It was a strategy that relied on using a front group — in PM's case the National Smokers Alliance — to shore up political opposition to reforms while it attempted to rebuild its political defenses via traditional lobbying and PR campaigns. But as the court findings against tobacco became more frequent and tobacco companies were exposed as organizers of smokers rights groups, PM and other tobacco companies' political standing evaporated. As the evidence of the dramatic health impacts of environmental tobacco smoke grew, support for bans on smoking in public spaces — such as bars and restaurants — grew. Once more, PSB volunteered to help defend the indefensible.

In 2001, PM hired Penn to help develop strategies to convince the Democrats in Congress "to support reasonable regulation" of the tobacco industry. PM's plan was to have surveys conducted by both Democratic and Republican pollsters; the results would support a "compromise" bipartisan position on tobacco regulation by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

For PM, the strategy was based on a shrewd assessment that short-term concessions would bolster its medium and longer term position in the market relative to its main competitors, such as British American Tobacco and Reynolds. It figured that PM-approved changes with bipartisan support would be more palatable than tougher standards that could emerge later.

In a summary memo of its 2001 poll, Penn and his colleague Josh King explained that they tested what they referred to as the two "extreme" positions: "do not regulate tobacco at all" and "regulate tobacco out of existence." The pollsters then presented PM's preferred elements of FDA regulation. This approach allowed them to conclude that "there are broadly appealing 'third way' approaches that voters can accept by a large majority."

"The poll shows people are looking for a constructive approach to tobacco, one that limited FDA regulation represents, and that they are more likely to support both companies and political figures that support the basic idea," they added. It was just the result PM was looking to use in its lobbying strategy, which continues today. Later that year, PM unveiled the results of polling by PSB and the Republican firm American Viewpoint. In the accompanying media release, Penn proclaimed that the results indicated that the public supported "tough meaningful FDA regulation of cigarettes that works towards goals like stopping kids from smoking and reducing the harm caused by tobacco." The research, he continued, "shows they [voters] want real action and an end to the bickering among alternatives."

As TobaccoWiki Editor Anne Landman observed in early 2007, if PM's preference for limited regulation is successful, it would:

generally preserve the status quo of "adult choice" about smoking; assure that cigarette manufacturers don't create any more risks than their products already pose; place FDA in charge of informing citizens about the risks of smoking; and prevent FDA from getting any authority to reduce or eliminate any naturally-occurring harmful constituents in cigarettes (by relegating this power only to Congress) ... If the currently-proposed bill to have FDA regulate tobacco preserves the status quo, then smoking rates will continue to fall at a painstakingly slow rate. That will be bad for public health, but great for Philip Morris.

Notably, Penn's official Burson-Marsteller biographical note avoids mentioning his work for the Tobacco Institute, R.J. Reynolds or Philip Morris.

Penn & B-M's anti-labor work

In mid-2007, the dual role of Mark Penn as the CEO of the PR firm Burson-Marsteller and chief strategist for the Democratic Party's Presidential aspirant Hilliary Clinton, irked some labor leaders. The New York Times reported that labor leaders Bruce Raynor of UniteHere, and James Hoffa of the Teamsters union, wrote to Clinton expressing their concern about B-M's anti-labor work. "He cannot serve two masters, working for a pro-union candidate and working for anti-union companies," Teamsters President Jim Hoffa said. [24]

Penn, who commented for both himself and the Clinton campaign, stated that "Senator Clinton’s well-documented support for pro-union causes would not in any way be affected by some clients in a firm related to the corporate network of one of her advisers. There is no connection whatsoever with her pro-union record." He also said "I personally had zero involvement in any of the work related to Cintas." [25]

Subsequently, Penn told Atlantic Online "I have recused myself from working on any management-side labor relations work." [26]

Ari Berman, who has written on Penn's PR life in The Nation is unimpressed. Penn, he wrote, is "not distancing himself from the money the "labor relations" wing brings in and the other controversial clients B-M represents in the defense, pharmaceutical and energy industries and the Republican lobbyists he oversees." Berman views Penn's "recusal" pledge is "a phony gesture that fails to address the underlying problems or the reasons prominent labor leaders are upset with Clinton's campaign." [27]

Some of Burson-Marsteller's known clients

See the Burson-Marsteller page for a list of past and current B-M clients.

Book

SourceWatch resources

External links

References

  1. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Burson-Marsteller, "Burson-Marsteller Names Mark Penn Worldwide CEO; Founder of Leading Opinion Research Firm", Media Release, December 7, 2005.
  2. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ "Mark Penn to Author 'Microtrends' Column for WSJ.com", Media Release, December 11, 2008.
  3. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Burson-Marsteller, "Mark J. Penn, Worldwide President & CEO", undated, accessed June 2007.
  4. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Jackie Calmes, "Clinton Aide Sacked Over Controversy on Colombia," Wall Street Journal (sub req'd), April 7, 2008.
  5. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Marc Ambinder, "Penn: Never Out, Still In," The Atlantic, April 7, 2008.
  6. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Mark Penn", New Politics Institute, accessed June 2007.
  7. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ James Carville and Mark J. Penn, "The Power of Hillary," Washington Post, July 2, 2006.
  8. ↑ ^Jump ^up to:8.0 8.1 Mark Penn, "Weekly Strategic Review On Hillary Clinton for President Campaign", March 19, 2007.
  9. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Penn Praises McCain's Negative Ad", O'Dwyers PR Daily, August 12, 2008. (Sub req'd).
  10. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Mark Penn, "Negative ads: They really do work", Politico.com, August 11, 2008.
  11. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Susan Davis, Clinton Aide Met on Trade Deal: Penn Held Talks On Colombia Pact Opposed by Senator", Wall Street Journal, April 4, 2008; Page A3.
  12. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Burson-Marsteller, Exhibit A: Agreement with Embassy of Colombia, Washington, April 18, 2007, page 3.
  13. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Burson-Marsteller, Exhibit A: Agreement with Embassy of Colombia, Washington, April 18, 2007, page 4.
  14. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ John M. Broder, "Clinton Strategist Lobbied for Trade Pact She Opposes", New York Times, April 5, 2008.
  15. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ "Release on Mark Penn’s Termination by Colombian Government", Time, April 5, 2008.
  16. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ "Statement from Maggie Williams", Hilliary Clinton for President, April 6, 2008.
  17. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ "Cashing in on the Clinton campaign: Where do all those little-guy donations go? Ask top strategist Mark Penn, as he exits with millions in consulting fees", Salon.com, April 8, 2008.
  18. ↑ ^Jump ^up to:18.0 18.1 Oliver Burkeman, "Hillary Clinton adviser: I would have done some things differently," The Guardian (UK), June 2, 2008.
  19. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Susan Davis, "Burson-Marsteller on Penn Events", Washington Wire (Wall Street Journal Blog), April 7, 2008.
  20. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ David Singleton, "Number 10 in talks with Mark Penn", PR Week, April 10, 2008.
  21. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Timothy J. Burger and Kristin Jensen, "Clinton Aide Penn Mixes Campaign Role, Advocacy for Companies," Bloomberg News, May 24, 2007.
  22. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Ari Berman, " Hillary Inc.", The Nation, May 17, 2004.
  23. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, "A Few Degrees of Separation From Hillary Clinton's Top Adviser", Washington Post, February 20, 2007; Page A11.
  24. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Steven Greenhouse, "Top Clinton Aide Draws Criticism From Unions", New York Times, June 5, 2007.
  25. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Steven Greenhouse, "Top Clinton Aide Draws Criticism From Unions", New York Times, June 5, 2007.
  26. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Marc Ambinder, "Penn Recuses Himself From Firm's Anti-Labor Work", The Atlantic Online, June 7, 2007.
  27. :{Jump up:(style="top:-99999px;clip:rect(1px 1px 1px 1px);overflow:hidden;position:absolute !important;padding:0px !important;border:0px !important;height:1px !important;width:1px !important"):}:↑ Ari Berman, "Hillary vs. Labor, Round II", The Nation, June 7, 2007.

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