Koster
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rhoades hit
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<p></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"> </font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">koster no 3rd term AG runs for gov 2016
</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">public integrity AZ AG</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
2016 missouri ag schaegffer
http://www.columbiatribune.com/news/politics/elections/ad-campaign-targets-schaefer-as-battle-over-hawley-leave-issue/
</font></p><p>==
</p><p>koster hit</p><p>http://www.arsquared.org/states/mo/morising/
</p>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4" /><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
running for gov 2016
ex gop
peabody
</font><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
<b>Take Back St. Louis</b>, ?
==
TEAM RED!
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AG Koster announces U.S. Supreme Court order staying EPA’s Clean Power Plan
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Feb 9, 2016, 17:58 PM</font></div>
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<center><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><strong>--Koster argued that EPA exceeded its
authority in setting new standards and that the cost of compliance puts
Missouri’s economic strength at risk--</strong></font></center> <font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><strong> </strong></font> <p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><strong>Jefferson City, Mo. – </strong>Attorney General Chris Koster today said the United States Supreme Court has granted an application for <a href="https://ago.mo.gov/docs/default-source/press-releases/2016/15a773westvirginiaepaorder.pdf?sfvrsn=2" target="_blank">stay</a>
of the Clean Power Plan. The stay application was filed by Missouri and
20 other states that are suing the EPA for exceeding its authority in
issuing new regulations, collectively known as the “Clean Power Plan,”
that set strict limits on carbon emissions for each state. The stay will
remain in effect pending disposition of the lawsuit, including through
any appeal to the United States Supreme Court. </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">This ruling
follows previous successful efforts by Koster to stop or stay new EPA
regulations. Previously, Koster sued to stop the EPA’s new definition of
“Waters of the United States.” The United States Court of Appeals
granted a stay of the regulation. And last June, at the request of
Koster and 19 other states, the United States Supreme Court overturned a
new EPA rule involving mercury emission standards. </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“This is the
third time in the past year this office has stopped the EPA from
overreaching into Missouri’s affairs,” said Koster. “In staying the
rule, the Supreme Court ensured the rule’s legality will be tested
before Missouri ratepayers could be forced to bear the burden of
compliance.”</font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Despite this progress, Koster noted that Missouri’s
energy producers estimate that complying with EPA’s deadlines would cost
the state more than $6 billion. He argued that Missouri is better off
maintaining the competitive advantage it enjoys through low-energy costs
while continuing to develop low- and zero-emission sources of energy on
a more reasonable timeline. “Renewable energy is a vital piece of our
state’s energy portfolio,” Koster said. “It is essential, however, that
we achieve this goal in an economically responsible way that makes sense
for Missouri.” </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“I will continue to fight against federal overreach and to keep Missouri strong,” Koster concluded. </font></p>
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https://www.propublica.org/article/to-address-race-gap-missouri-ag-pushes-debt-collection-fixes
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</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><em><strong>Update, Dec. 8, 2015: </strong>This story has been updated to include a <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/to-address-race-gap-missouri-ag-pushes-debt-collection-fixes#dba-response">response</a> from DBA International, the debt buyers’ trade group.</em></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Missouri Attorney General Chris Koster today proposed a series of
changes to state court rules to curb what he called “abusive“ collection
lawsuits that saddle debtors with illegitimate debts.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><div class="callout-ad ad" id="google-callout">
</div><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The changes address many of the issues raised in an investigation by ProPublica in October that found such lawsuits were <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/debt-collection-lawsuits-squeeze-black-neighborhoods">far more prevalent in mostly black neighborhoods than mostly white ones</a>. With court judgments in hand, collectors can seize up to a quarter of debtors’ take-home pay. </font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><div class="callout">
<h2 class="pp-int-hed"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The Color of Debt: How Collection Suits Squeeze Black Neighborhoods</font></h2>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Our first-of-its-kind analysis shows that the suits are far more common in black communities than white ones. <strong><a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/debt-collection-lawsuits-squeeze-black-neighborhoods">Read the story</a>.</strong></font></p>
</div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster’s recommendations are not limited to black defendants. But in
laying out his reforms, he cited ProPublica’s reporting and said
restricting abusive practices would be especially beneficial to minority
communities.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“I believe these reforms would also serve as an important step toward
eliminating the disparate impact of debt-collection litigation on
minorities who become targets of such litigation,” Koster said in a
press release.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster’s proposed the rule changes in <a href="https://www.propublica.org/documents/item/2638118-Missouri-Attorney-General-Letter-to-Commission.html">a letter</a> to the Missouri Supreme Court’s Commission on Racial and Ethnic Fairness. The commission was <a href="https://www.courts.mo.gov/page.jsp?id=93102">formed two months ago</a>
to investigate multiple parts of the justice system, including the
civil courts. The commission will recommend reforms to the seven-member
state supreme court which has the authority to change state court rules.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">===
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AG Koster says Missouri will join lawsuit challenging the EPA’s new carbon-emission regulations
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Oct 9, 2015, 09:37 AM</font></div>
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<center><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><strong>- Koster argues that EPA has exceeded its
authority in setting new standards and that the cost of compliance puts
Missouri’s economic strength at risk - </strong></font></center> <font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><strong> </strong></font> <p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><strong>Jefferson City, Mo. – </strong>Attorney
General Chris Koster today said Missouri will join more than 20 other
states in suing the EPA for exceeding its authority in issuing new
regulations, collectively known as the “Clean Power Plan,” that set
strict limits on carbon emissions for each state. </span></font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In a speech at
the <b>Missouri Electric Coop</b>’s annual meeting in Branson this morning,
Koster explained that he supports Missouri’s ongoing efforts to produce
energy more cleanly and efficiently, but that EPA’s plan sets a
compliance schedule that is economically risky and robs Missouri of its
competitive advantage in low consumer and industrial electrical rates. </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>“Cleaner
energy production is an important goal,” Koster said, “and one
Missouri’s energy producers are already working toward.” Koster observed
that over the past decade Missouri utilities have added more than 2,200
megawatts of generating capacity from wind power and other renewable
resources. </b></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b> </b></font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Despite this progress, Koster noted that Missouri’s
energy producers estimate that complying with EPA’s deadlines would cost
the state more than $ 6 billion. </b>He argued that Missouri is better off
maintaining the competitive advantage it enjoys through low-energy costs
while continuing to develop low- and zero-emission sources of energy on
a more reasonable timeline. “Renewable energy is a vital piece of our
state’s energy portfolio,” Koster said. “It is essential, however, that
we achieve this goal in an economically responsible way that makes sense
for Missouri.” </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Koster also emphasized that Missouri’s recent
history with EPA justifies skepticism when EPA creates sweeping
regulatory schemes imposing new obligations on Missouri residents and
businesses. During Koster’s tenure as Attorney General, Missouri
successfully challenged new EPA regulations regarding<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"> mercury emissions
and water rules, arguing in each case that EPA unlawfully encroached on
Missouri’s sovereign authority to regulate its air and water. </span></b></font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“I will continue to fight against federal overreach and to keep Missouri strong,” Koster concluded. </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster
said that he intends to join with other states in challenging the new
regulations when they are formally published. EPA has not publicly
announced a firm publication date. </font>
<font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The full text of Koster’s speech is available <a href="https://ago.mo.gov/docs/default-source/press-releases/2015/electriccoopmeeting2015-10-09.pdf?sfvrsn=2">here</a>.</font></p>
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ggl asks: why is missouri attorney general chris koster facing an inquiry
<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/30/us/politics/missouris-attorney-general-faces-scrutiny.html?r=0">http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/30/us/politics/missouris-attorney-general-faces-scrutiny.html?r=0</a>
5 hr
BS WT
<a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jul/21/missouri-attorney-general-to-investigate-planned-p/">http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jul/21/missouri-attorney-general-to-investigate-planned-p/</a>
</font><div class="meta" style="padding-top: 10px;"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="byline"> By Summer Ballentine </span><span class="source"> - <b>
Associated Press</b> -
Tuesday, July 21, 2015
</span></font></div><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. (AP) — Missouri’s Democratic Attorney General <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Chris Koster</a> launched an investigation Tuesday into the state’s only clinic that offers abortions, following an outcry over a <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a> executive discussing in a secretly recorded video the disposition of parts from aborted fetuses.</span></font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a> declined to give specifics on what his investigation, one of three announced since last week, would entail.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><br /></font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Officials in several other states, principally Republicans, have ordered investigations of <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a> facilities in their own states to determine if organs from aborted fetuses were being sold.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">“Regardless of whether one is pro-life or pro-choice, the questions raised by these videos require careful review,” <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a>,
who also is running for governor, said in a statement. “My office will
investigate whether the practices described have occurred within our
state and whether Missouri law has been violated.”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">The recording by anti-abortion activists released last week shows Dr. Deborah Nucatola, <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a>’s
senior director of medical services, discussing procedures for
providing fetal body parts to researchers. The commercial sale of fetal
tissue is illegal, but <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a> has said it legally helps women who want to make not-for-profit donations of their fetus’ organs for scientific research.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a>
of the St. Louis Region and Southwest Missouri issued a statement
saying the center does not participate in the program and that calls for
an investigation are about “political grandstanding.”</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Republican Senate President Pro Tem Tom Dempsey said Tuesday that his chamber will also conduct an investigation</b>, analyzing <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a>’s
business model, methods of disposing aborted fetuses and whether the
organization has broken any laws. That comes after Republican House
members last week made a similar announcement.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Despite the two
other reviews, the issue “rises to the level that the Senate would like
to look into” itself, Senate Republican spokeswoman Lauren Hieger said.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">A spokeswoman for <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a> declined to comment further, citing the pending investigation.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b><a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a>
is rare as a Democrat taking such action.</b> In addition to the
investigations ordered by the Republican governors of Georgia and
Indiana and Ohio’s attorney general, three Republican-led congressional
committees have also announced probes.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/planned-parenthood/">Planned Parenthood</a> told Congress on Monday that the recording is fraudulent and part of a pattern of harassment.</font></p><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">As a Republican in the Missouri Senate — before switching parties and running for attorney general as a Democrat in 2008 — <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a>
had voted in favor of some legislation imposing additional restrictions
on abortion clinics. One of the issues he cited in switching parties,
though, was a rift with the GOP over a Republican push to criminalize
embryonic stem cell research.</font></p><p><font size="4"><b><font face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/topics/chris-koster/">Mr. Koster</a>
is the only Democrat planning to run for governor in 2016. Democratic
Gov. Jay Nixon is barred from seeking re-election because of term
limits.</font></b></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">===
12/13
</font><font size="4">
</font><div class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><p><font size="4">While
Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon, Secretary of State Jason Kander and even some
Republicans talk about restoring limits on campaign donations, the man
considered the likely Democratic nominee for governor in 2016 is
collecting large donations at a frenetic clip.</font>
<font size="4">Just this year,
Missouri Attorney General Chris Koster has raised more than $1.2 million
from 68 donations larger than $5,000 apiece, according to the <a href="http://www.mec.mo.gov/">Missouri Ethics Commission</a>’s records. In fact, most of his large donations have been more than $10,000 each.</font>
<font size="4">The
large donations make up most of the $1.4 million he has reported
raising so far this year, according to his last major campaign-finance
report filed in mid-October. His year-end tally will likely be larger
when his next campaign-finance report is due Jan. 15.</font></p> <div class="wysiwyg-asset-image-wrapper inset"> <div class="wysiwyg-asset-image"> <font size="4"><a href="http://mediad.publicbroadcasting.net/p/kwmu/files/styles/x_large/public/201103/koster300Tallportrait.gif" class="popup"> <img class="pi_assets-image" data-interchange-default="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/sites/kwmu/files/styles/default/public/201103/koster300Tallportrait.gif" data-interchange-small="http://mediad.publicbroadcasting.net/p/kwmu/files/styles/small/public/201103/koster300Tallportrait.gif" data-interchange-medium="http://mediad.publicbroadcasting.net/p/kwmu/files/styles/medium/public/201103/koster300Tallportrait.gif" data-interchange-large="http://mediad.publicbroadcasting.net/p/kwmu/files/styles/large/public/201103/koster300Tallportrait.gif" /> </a></font> <div class="image-meta"> <div class="caption"><font size="4">Missouri Attorney General Chris Koster collects lots of large donations for 2016 bid for governor</font></div> <div class="credit"><font size="4">Credit (Official Portrait, Missouri Attorney General's office)</font></div> </div> </div> </div> <p><font size="4">Just
since Thanskgiving, Koster has collected $105,000 in large donations,
making him by far Missouri's biggest beneficiary of donor largess during
the holiday season.</font>
<font size="4">Koster makes no apologies. "We are pleased
and grateful for the fund-raising success we've had this year. It shows
the depth of support for a fiscally conservative, socially moderate
candidate in our state," said his political spokeswoman Rachel Levine.</font>
<font size="4">Koster
also has made no secret of his position on campaign donation limits. As
a Republican state senator, before switching parties, he voted to
eliminate them.</font>
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><font size="4">Koster hasn’t made any public statements about Nixon's<a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/post/nixon-calls-legislature-pass-ethics-reform-0"> latest push to resurrect campaign donation limits</a>.
The old limits -- abolished by the General Assembly and Republican Gov.
Matt Blunt in 2008 -- restricted statewide candidates to individual
donations of no more than $1,350.</font></span>
<font size="4">A bill pre-filed by state Sen.
Will Kraus, R-Lee’s Summit, would set the contribution limit for
statewide candidates at $10,000 apiece. Kraus joined Nixon, a Democrat,
at the governor’s news conference last week to announce his latest
effort to restore some limits. Kander, also a Democrat, backs donation
limits but opposes other provisions in Kraus’ bill.</font>
<font size="4">Critics of
limits on campaign donations say that limits reduce transparency by
prompting donors to find less visible avenues for directing their money
to their favored candidates or causes.</font>
<b><font size="4">For example: When limits
were in place, wealthy financier Rex Sinquefield once set up dozens of
political action committees, each with a different name, from which to
dole out contributions to candidates he supported. Koster was among
them.</font></b>
<font size="4">Sinquefield, the state’s largest political donor, has said
that the public, politicians and the press can now track his political
contributions more easily without contribution limits. (Check out the
St. Louis Beacon's <a href="http://powerplayers.stlbeacon.org/donors/rex-sinquefield-i/">Power Players: Missouri's 17 largest political donors from 2008 to 2013</a>.)</font>
<font size="4">Nixon
says the lack of limits has been "corrosive" on political campaigns,
and gives undue influence and power to a few wealthy donors, at the
expense of the general public.</font>
<b><font size="4">Koster’s large donors hail from a
broad spectrum, including unions, fellow lawyers, <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">utility companies </span>and
the health-care industry. So far in 2013, his largest donor is Michael
Ketchmark, a Kansas lawyer, who gave Koster $75,000 on May 1.</font></b>
<font size="4">Since
Thanksgiving, Koster's biggest donation is $50,000 from St. Louis-based
Supporters of Health Research and Treatments, which includes advocates
for embryonic stem-cell research. Over the years, Koster has received
generous donations from advocates of stem cell research. In fact, he has
cited his support for such research as among the reasons he left the
Republican Party in 2007.</font>
<font size="4">Koster, by the way, has been raising
money for other Democrats as well. He appears to have become Missouri's
most popular headliner for fundraisers this year for Democrats running
for the state House and state Senate. Koster has pledged to raise at
least $400,000 for legislative candidates through 2016.</font>
<font size="4"><strong>Holiday giving includes campaign donations</strong></font>
<font size="4">Koster
isn’t the only politician to benefit from campaign contributions during
the holiday season, although he is by far the largest beneficiary.</font>
<b><font size="4">Nixon,
who has yet to say if he will run for any other office, has collected
almost $32,000 from two large donations in December: $16,875 from
Ketchmark and $15,000 from Peabody Investments Corp., an arm of Peabody
Energy.</font></b>
<font size="4">State Auditor Tom Schweich, a Republican, has collected
$30,000 in large donations in December as he ramps up for his
re-election bid in 2014.</font>
<font size="4">This month, St. Louis County Councilman
Steve Stenger, D-Affton, has received more than $30,000 in donations of
at least $5,001 apiece as he prepares to challenge County Executive
Charlie Dooley, a fellow Democrat, in next summer's primary.</font>
<font size="4">Big money is also funding issues campaigns that could be front and center in 2014.</font>
<font size="4"><b>Stand
Up Missouri, a campaign committee set up by consumer installment
lenders (not payday loan firms), collected $38,000 from one donor in
December: </b>World Acceptance Corp., a small-loan consumer finance company.
Activists on both sides of the state's issue believe there may be a
serious push to get a proposal on the 2014 ballot to restrict the
interest rates charged by payday lenders.</font>
<font size="4">Various
pro-transportation groups have collected close to $50,000 in large
donations so far in December for an expected effort for a ballot
proposal to set up a special sales tax to pay for highway, bridge and
road improvements around the state.</font>
<font size="4">But the largest single
donation in December, so far, is a transfer of $175,000 from Civic
Progress – a group made up of executives from the region’s largest
companies – to its political-action committee.</font>
<font size="4">Spokesman Tim
Beecher said the money wasn’t designated, as yet, for any particular
issue. Civic Progress was simply getting the money in place in
preparation for 2014, when its members will make their decisions.</font>
<font size="4">Beecher
emphasized that Civic Progress is nonpartisan and that any campaign
spending next year will be “strictly for issues. Not for candidates or
parties.”</font></p> </div></div></div><div class="field field-name-field-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-inline clearfix"><div class="field-label"><font size="4">Tags: </font></div><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><font size="4"><a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/term/chris-koster">Chris Koster</a></font></div><div class="field-item odd"><font size="4"><a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/term/tom-schweich">Tom Schweich</a></font></div><div class="field-item even"><font size="4"><a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/term/campaign-donation-limits">campaign donation limits</a></font></div><div class="field-item odd"><font size="4"><a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/term/jay-nixon">Jay Nixon</a></font></div><div class="field-item even"><font size="4"><a href="http://news.stlpublicradio.org/term/steve-stenger">Steve Stenger</a></font></div></div></div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">==
wiki
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Chris Koster</b> (born August 31, 1964) is an American politician from the U.S. state of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri" title="Missouri">Missouri</a> and is the current <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attorney_General_of_Missouri" title="Attorney General of Missouri" class="mw-redirect">Attorney General of Missouri</a>. Prior to his election as Attorney General, he had served in the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri_Senate" title="Missouri Senate">Missouri Senate</a> since 2005 representing the 31st Senatorial District as a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Party%28United_States%29" title="Republican Party (United States)">Republican</a> until August 1, <b>2007 when he switched to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Party%28United_States%29" title="Democratic Party (United States)">Democratic Party</a></b></span>.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><div id="toc" class="toc">
<div id="toctitle">
<h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Contents</font></h2>
</div></div><div id="toc" class="toc">
<ul><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Early_life_and_career"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Early life and career</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Political_career"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Political career</span></a></font>
<ul><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Missouri_Senate"><span class="tocnumber">2.1</span> <span class="toctext">Missouri Senate</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-4"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Attorney_General"><span class="tocnumber">2.2</span> <span class="toctext">Attorney General</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-5"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Missouri_Governor.27s_Race.2C_2016"><span class="tocnumber">2.3</span> <span class="toctext">Missouri Governor's Race, 2016</span></a></font></li></ul>
</li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Controversies"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">Controversies</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-7"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Electoral_history"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">Electoral history</span></a></font>
<ul><li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-8"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#As_Attorney_General"><span class="tocnumber">4.1</span> <span class="toctext">As Attorney General</span></a></font></li></ul>
</li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-9"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#References"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-10"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#Sources"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">Sources</span></a></font></li><li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-11"><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#External_links"><span class="tocnumber">7</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></a></font></li></ul>
</div><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Early_life_and_career">Early life and career</span></font></h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster was born and raised in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/St.Louis,Missouri" title="St. Louis, Missouri" class="mw-redirect">St. Louis</a>, where he attended <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Louis_University_High_School" title="Saint Louis University High School" class="mw-redirect">Saint Louis University High School</a>. He went on to study at the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Missouri" title="University of Missouri">University of Missouri</a> in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbia,Missouri" title="Columbia, Missouri">Columbia</a> where he received his <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bachelor_of_Arts" title="Bachelor of Arts">Bachelor of Arts</a> degree in 1987. Four years later, he received his <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juris_doctor" title="Juris doctor" class="mw-redirect">juris doctor</a> degree from the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Missouri-Columbia_School_of_Law" title="University of Missouri-Columbia School of Law" class="mw-redirect">University of Missouri School of Law</a> in 1991. Additionally, he earned his masters in business administration from <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington_University" title="Washington University" class="mw-redirect">Washington University</a> in St. Louis in 2002. Prior to becoming a county prosecuting attorney, Koster practiced law with the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kansas_City,Missouri" title="Kansas City, Missouri">Kansas City</a> law firm of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwell_Sanders" title="Blackwell Sanders" class="mw-redirect">Blackwell Sanders</a>
from 1993 to 1994. He also served as an Assistant Attorney General for
the Office of the Missouri Attorney General from 1991-93.<sup class="noprint Inline-Template Template-Fact" style="white-space:nowrap;">[<i><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed" title="Wikipedia:Citation needed"><span title="This claim needs references to reliable sources. (April 2015)">citation needed</span></a></i>]</sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Before his election to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri_Senate" title="Missouri Senate">Missouri Senate</a> in 2004, Koster served as Prosecuting Attorney of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cass_County,_Missouri" title="Cass County, Missouri">Cass County</a>
for ten years. He was first elected prosecutor in 1994 and was
subsequently reelected in 1998 and 2002 by wide margins. As prosecutor,
he supervised a staff of 20 individuals dedicated to enforcing
Missouri’s criminal laws in Cass County. Additionally, his office served
as the civil counsel for all non-criminal matters before the county
government. During his tenure, Koster supervised litigation in
approximately 20,000 cases. He led investigations into many of
Missouri’s most notorious criminal cases, including the investigation
against serial killer <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Edward_Robinson_%28serial_killer%29" title="John Edward Robinson (serial killer)" class="mw-redirect">John E. Robinson</a>. He has developed extensive trial experience and has argued and won cases before the Missouri Supreme Court.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Political_career">Political career</span></font></h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Missouri_Senate">Missouri Senate</span></font></h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster was first elected to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri_Senate" title="Missouri Senate">Missouri Senate</a> in 2004 as a Republican. He represented Missouri's 31st Senatorial District which consists of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cass_County,Missouri" title="Cass County, Missouri">Cass</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johnson_County,Missouri" title="Johnson County, Missouri">Johnson</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bates_County,Missouri" title="Bates County, Missouri">Bates</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vernon_County,Missouri" title="Vernon County, Missouri">Vernon</a> counties. During his time in the Missouri General Assembly, Koster played key roles in the debates over <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Embryonic_stem_cells" title="Embryonic stem cells" class="mw-redirect">stem cell research</a>, tort reform, and the elimination of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medicaid" title="Medicaid">Medicaid</a> fraud. Additionally, in 2006 he successfully carried legislation in the Senate to dramatically over-haul Missouri’s <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eminent_domain" title="Eminent domain">eminent domain</a> laws. He served on the following committees in the Senate:</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><ul><li><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Economic Development, Tourism, and Local Government</font></li><li><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Judiciary and Civil and Criminal Jurisprudence</font></li><li><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Pensions, Veterans' Affairs and General Laws</font></li><li><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Commerce, Energy and the Environment</font></li><li><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Agriculture, Conservation, Parks and Natural Resources</font></li></ul><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster championed legislation for Truth in the Missouri Court System, and proposed a bill <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.senate.mo.gov/07info/bills/sb055.htm">(SB55)</a>
for the elimination of paternity fraud. On August 1, 2007, Koster made
Missouri political history when he announced that he was leaving the
Missouri Republican Party to become a Democrat. Citing his longstanding
differences with the Republican Party on issues like stem cell research,
workers’ rights, and the non-partisan court plan, Koster said that the
Missouri Republican Party had become too beholden to the extreme
right-wing to lead the state of Missouri forward.<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> He commented, "Today, Republican moderates are all but extinct."<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Before his change of parties, Koster was Chairman of the Republican
Caucus, the majority party's fourth-ranking position in the Missouri
State Senate.<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Attorney_General">Attorney General</span></font></h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">On August 5, 2008, Koster narrowly defeated State Representative
Margaret Donnelly in the Democratic primary for the nomination for
Missouri Attorney General. Koster won despite accusations that his
campaign violated state law in raising money from multiple committees.
He also survived the disclosure that he played a supporting role in a
plagiarism episode that damaged Attorney General William Webster’s
campaign for governor in 1992. Fresh out of law school, Koster worked
for Webster, a Republican, as an assistant state attorney general.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup>
His campaign was not easily won because he had to overcome the label of
"opportunist" as a result of switching parties during the '08 election.
He then went on to defeat Republican State Senator <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_R._Gibbons" title="Michael R. Gibbons">Mike Gibbons</a> in the general election, 52.83% to 47.17%.<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-6">[6]</a></sup> He was sworn in as Attorney General on January 12, 2009, succeeding now <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jay_Nixon" title="Jay Nixon">Governor Jay Nixon</a>.</font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Koster is an advocate of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_penalty" title="Death penalty" class="mw-redirect">death penalty</a></span>, and as of July 2013, there were 21 inmates on death row in Missouri whose executions he was pressing the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supreme_Court_of_Missouri" title="Supreme Court of Missouri">Supreme Court of Missouri</a> to expedite. After the 21 inmates filed suit before the state Supreme Court against the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri_Department_of_Corrections" title="Missouri Department of Corrections">Missouri Department of Corrections</a> over the use of the drug <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Propofol" title="Propofol">propofol</a> used in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lethal_injection" title="Lethal injection">lethal injections</a>, concerning <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cruel_and_unusual_punishment" title="Cruel and unusual punishment">cruel and unusual punishment</a>, the state Supreme Court temporarily halted the further use of the death penalty until the case had been ultimately decided.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup> With Missouri law allowing for the use of other forms of the death penalty in cases where lethal injection is not available,<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup> Koster has advocated the use of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gas_chambers" title="Gas chambers" class="mw-redirect">gas chambers</a> to execute Missouri prisoners.<sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-10">[10]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-11" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-11">[11]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster supports <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Same-sex_marriage" title="Same-sex marriage">same-sex marriage</a>, but defends his state's constitutional ban on it because voters approved it.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-12">[12]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">Koster's office recently defended U.S. District Judge <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catherine_D.Perry" title="Catherine D. Perry">Catherine D. Perry</a> after she denied a motion for temporary restraining orders on six police officers enforcing a 5-second rule in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferguson,Missouri" title="Ferguson, Missouri">Ferguson, Missouri</a>, citing the need for law enforcement's protection of property and the availability of a "free-speech zone".<sup id="cite_ref-13" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-13">[13]</a></sup> However, at the time of this ruling the free speech zone was off-limits to the public.<sup id="cite_ref-14" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-14">[14]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">A 2012 audit by state Auditor <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Schweich" title="Tom Schweich">Tom Schweich</a>
criticized Koster for his practice of awarding contingency fee
contracts to law firms that had donated hundreds of thousands of dollars
to his campaign.<sup id="cite_ref-stlouistoday_15-0" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-stlouistoday-15">[15]</a></sup> In 2014, Koster endorsed Missouri's contentious right-to-farm amendment, which passed.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_16-0" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:0-16">[16]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">In October 2014, a California judge dismissed a lawsuit which Koster
had filed, rejecting the arguments of six states that challenged
California's prohibition on the sale of eggs laid by caged hens kept in
conditions more restrictive than those approved by California voters in a
2008 ballot initiative, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proposition_2" title="Proposition 2" class="mw-redirect">Proposition 2</a>.</span>
Judge Kimberly Mueller ruled that the states lacked legal standing to
sue on behalf of their residents and that Koster and other plaintiffs
were representing only the interests of egg farmers, rather than "a
substantial statement of their populations".<sup id="cite_ref-17" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-17">[17]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-18" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-18">[18]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-19" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-19">[19]</a></sup> According to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kansas_City_Star" title="Kansas City Star" class="mw-redirect">Kansas City Star</a>. Koster's office spent more than $83,000 on the failed lawsuit.<sup id="cite_ref-stlouistoday_15-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-stlouistoday-15">[15]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-20" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In October 2014, House Speaker <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tim_Jones_%28politician%29" title="Tim Jones (politician)">Tim Jones (politician)</a>
announced his plans to investigate charges that Koster took actions in
office that were designed to benefit campaign contributors. News
coverage revealed that <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The Simmons Firm had donated two $50,000 checks
to Koster's campaign in 2013 only months after Koster filed a lawsuit
against Republic Services over its underground fire at the Bridgeton
Landfill(Simmons subsequently won a nearly $7 million settlement from
Republic in a class-action lawsuit)</span>.; that Koster had ended an inquiry
focusing on the company <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/5-hour_Energy" title="5-hour Energy">5-hour Energy</a>
after conversations with a lobbyist for the company who was also a
Koster contributor; and that Koster had negotiated an agreement with <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pfizer" title="Pfizer">Pfizer</a>,</span>
another campaign contributor, to pay Missouri $750,000 in connection
with a multistate investigation of illegal marketing practices, at
approximately $350,000 less than what the state would have collected had
it participated in a joint negotiation with other states, and attended a
Pfizer convention as a speaker and guest during the settlement
negotiation.<sup id="cite_ref-stlouistoday_15-2" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-stlouistoday-15">[15]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:1_21-0" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:1-21">[21]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:2_22-0" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:2-22">[22]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:3_23-0" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:3-23">[23]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Missouri_Governor.27s_Race.2C_2016">Missouri Governor's Race, 2016</span></font></h3><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">As his second term as Attorney General is coming to an end, Koster is running for <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missouri_gubernatorial_election,_2016" title="Missouri gubernatorial election, 2016">Governor</a>.</span><sup id="cite_ref-24" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-24">[24]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-25" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-25">[25]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><span class="mw-headline" id="Controversies">Controversies</span></font></h2><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Contingency Contracts:</b></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">A 2012 audit by state Auditor <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Schweich" title="Tom Schweich">Tom Schweich</a>
criticized Koster for his practice of awarding contingency fee
contracts to law firms that had donated hundreds of thousands of dollars
to his campaign.<sup id="cite_ref-stlouistoday_15-3" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-stlouistoday-15">[15]</a></sup> In 2014, Koster endorsed Missouri's contentious right-to-farm amendment, which passed.<sup id="cite_ref-:0_16-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:0-16">[16]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4"><b>Pay to Play allegations:</b></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
</font><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">In October 2014, House Speaker <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tim_Jones_%28politician%29" title="Tim Jones (politician)">Tim Jones (politician)</a>
announced his plans to investigate charges that Koster took actions in
office that were designed to benefit campaign contributors. News
coverage revealed that The Simmons Firm had donated two $50,000 checks
to Koster's campaign in 2013 only months after Koster filed a lawsuit
against Republic Services over its underground fire at the Bridgeton
Landfill(Simmons subsequently won a nearly $7 million settlement from
Republic in a class-action lawsuit).; that Koster had ended an inquiry
focusing on the company <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/5-hour_Energy" title="5-hour Energy">5-hour Energy</a>
after conversations with a lobbyist for the company who was also a
Koster contributor; and that Koster had negotiated an agreement with <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pfizer" title="Pfizer">Pfizer</a>,
another campaign contributor, to pay Missouri $750,000 in connection
with a multistate investigation of illegal marketing practices, at
approximately $350,000 less than what the state would have collected had
it participated in a joint negotiation with other states, and attended a
Pfizer convention as a speaker and guest during the settlement
negotiation.<sup id="cite_ref-stlouistoday_15-4" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-stlouistoday-15">[15]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:1_21-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:1-21">[21]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:2_22-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:2-22">[22]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-:3_23-1" class="reference"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Koster#cite_note-:3-23">[23]</a></sup></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="4">
<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/10/28/us/4-Attorney-General-Chris-Koster-of-Missouri-and-Dickstein-Shapiro.html">http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/10/28/us/4-Attorney-General-Chris-Koster-of-Missouri-and-Dickstein-Shapiro.html</a>
part 2 lipton
When the executives who distribute 5-Hour Energy, the popular caffeinated drinks, learned that attorneys general in more than 30 states were investigating allegations of deceptive advertising — a serious financial threat to the company — they moved quickly to shut the investigations down, one state at a time.
But success did not come in court or at a negotiating table.
Instead, it came at the opulent Loews Santa Monica Beach Hotel in California, with its panoramic ocean views, where more than a dozen state attorneys general had gathered last year for cocktails, dinners and fund-raisers organized by the Democratic Attorneys General Association.<b> A lawyer for 5-Hour Energy roamed the event, setting her sights on Attorney General Chris Koster of Missouri</b>, whose office was one of those investigating the company.
“My client just received notification that Missouri is on this,” the lawyer, Lori Kalani, told him.
<b>
Ms. Kalani’s firm, Dickstein Shapiro</b>, had courted the attorney general at dinners and conferences and with thousands of dollars in campaign contributions. Mr. Koster told Ms. Kalani that he was unaware of the investigation, and he reached for his phone and called his office. By the end of the weekend, he had ordered his staff to pull out of the inquiry, a clear victory for 5-Hour Energy.
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The quick reversal, confirmed by Mr. Koster and Ms. Kalani, was part of a pattern of successful lobbying of Mr. Koster by the law firm on behalf of clients like Pfizer and AT&T — and evidence of a largely hidden dynamic at work in state attorneys general offices across the country.</span>
Attorneys general are now the object of aggressive pursuit by lobbyists and lawyers who use campaign contributions, personal appeals at lavish corporate-sponsored conferences and other means to push them to drop investigations, change policies, negotiate favorable settlements or pressure federal regulators, an investigation by The New York Times has found.
A robust industry of lobbyists and lawyers has blossomed as attorneys general have joined to conduct multistate investigations and pushed into areas as diverse as securities fraud and Internet crimes.
But unlike the lobbying rules covering other elected officials, there are few revolving-door restrictions or disclosure requirements governing state attorneys general, who serve as “the people’s lawyers” by protecting consumers and individual citizens.
A result is that the routine lobbying and deal-making occur largely out of view. But the extent of the cause and effect is laid bare in The Times’s review of more than 6,000 emails obtained through open records laws in more than two dozen states, interviews with dozens of participants in cases and attendance at several conferences where corporate representatives had easy access to attorneys general.
Courting Favor
Articles in this series examine the explosion in lobbying of state attorneys general by corporate interests and the millions in campaign donations they now provide.
Often, the corporate representative is a former colleague. Four months after leaving office as chief deputy attorney general in Washington State, Brian T. Moran wrote to his replacement on behalf of a client, T-Mobile, which was pressing federal officials to prevent competitors from grabbing too much of the available wireless spectrum.
“As promised when we met the A.G. last week, I am attaching a draft letter for Bob to consider circulating to the other states,” he wrote late last year, referring to the attorney general, Bob Ferguson.
A short while later, Mr. Moran wrote again to his replacement, David Horn. “Dave: Anything you can tell me about that letter?” he said.
“Working on it sir,” came the answer. “Stay tuned.” By January, the letter was issued by the attorney general largely as drafted by the industry lawyers.
The exchange was not unusual. Emails obtained from more than 20 states reveal a level of lobbying by representatives of private interests that had been more typical with lawmakers than with attorneys general.
“The current and increasing level of the lobbying of attorneys general creates, at the minimum, the appearance of undue influence, and is therefore unseemly,” said James E. Tierney, a former attorney general of Maine, who now runs a program at Columbia University that studies state attorneys general. “It is undermining the credibility of the office of attorney general.”
Private lawyers also have written drafts of legal filings that attorneys general have used almost verbatim. In some cases, they have become an adjunct to the office by providing much of the legal work, including bearing the cost of litigation, in exchange for up to 20 percent of any settlement.
Money gathered through events like the one in February 2013 at the Loews hotel is flooding the political campaigns of attorneys general and flowing to party organizations that can take unlimited corporate contributions and then funnel money to individual candidates. The Republican Attorneys General Association alone has pulled in $11.7 million since January.
It is a self-perpetuating network that includes a group of former attorneys general called SAGE, or the Society of Attorneys General Emeritus, most of whom are now on retainer to corporate clients.
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Money Going to Attorneys General
Several of the largest donors to the Republican and Democratic Attorneys General Associations are companies or groups that have been targets of investigations or are seeking help from attorneys general in challenging federal regulations.
OPEN Graphic
Giant energy producers and service companies like Devon Energy of Oklahoma, the Southern Company of Georgia and TransCanada have retained their own teams of attorney general specialists, including Andrew P. Miller, a former attorney general of Virginia.
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For some companies, the reward seems apparent, according to the documents obtained by The Times. In Georgia, the attorney general, after receiving a request from a former attorney general who had become a lobbyist, disregarded written advice from the state’s environmental regulators, the emails show. In Utah, the attorney general dismissed a case pending against Bank of America over the objections of his staff after secretly meeting with a former attorney general working as a Bank of America lobbyist.
That Bank of America case was cited in July when the two most recent former attorneys general in Utah were charged with granting official favors to donors in exchange for golf getaways, rides on private planes and a luxury houseboat.
While the Utah case is extreme, some participants say even the daily lobbying can corrode public trust.
“An attorney general is entrusted with the power to decide which lawsuits to file and how to settle them, and they have great discretion in their work,” said Anthony Johnstone, a former assistant attorney general in Montana. “It’s vitally important that people can trust that those judgments are not subject to undue influence because of outside forces. And from what I have seen in recent years, I am concerned and troubled that those forces have intensified.”
Several current and former attorneys general say that while they are disappointed by the increased lobbying, they reject the notion that the outside representatives are powerful enough to manipulate the system.
“There is no Mr. Fix-It out there you can hire and get the job done no matter what the merits are,” said Attorney General Tom Miller of Iowa, the longest-serving state attorney general in the country, at 19 years.
<b>Mr. Koster said he regretted the prominence of groups like DAGA and RAGA — as the Democratic and Republican attorneys general associations are known — saying the partisanship and increased emphasis on money had been damaging.</b>
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">“I wish those two organizations did not exist,” Mr. Koster said during an interview at his office in Kansas City, even though the Democratic group has contributed at least $1.4 million to his election campaigns, more than any other source.</span>
Lobbying State Attorneys General
Here is a look at some of the organizations and players that are part of the fast-growing and largely secretive world of lobbying state attorneys general. All documents.
But he rejected any suggestion that his office had taken actions as a result of the lobbying, instead blaming mistakes made by his staff for moves that ended up benefiting Dickstein’s clients.
Some companies have come grudgingly to the influence game.
Executives from the company that distributes 5-Hour Energy, for example, have contributed more than $280,000 through related corporate entities in the last two years to political funds of attorneys general.
Company executives wrote those checks after the investigation into false claims and deceptive marketing, which initially involved 33 states, opened in January 2013. Requests started to come in for contributions, including a phone call this year directly from Mr. Ferguson of Washington State, whose staff was involved in the inquiry.
In a statement after the company was sued by three states in July, the company strongly denied the allegations and compared being solicited for contributions to being pressured to pay “ransom.” It asked, “Is it appropriate for an attorney general to ask for money from a company they plan to sue?”
A spokesman for Mr. Ferguson first called the allegation baseless. But after being shown a copy of an invitation to a fund-raising event that Mr. Ferguson held in May during a DAGA conference — where 5-Hour Energy was listed as a sponsor — his spokesman confirmed that Mr. Ferguson had made a personal appeal to the company.
Secluded Access
Breakfast was served on a patio overlooking the Pacific Ocean — a buffet of fresh baked goods, made-to-order eggs, lox and fruit — as the Republican attorneys general, in T-shirts and shorts, assembled at Beach Village at the Del, in Coronado, Calif.
<b>These top law enforcement officials from Alabama, South Carolina, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Indiana and other states were joined by Ms. Kalani, of Dickstein Shapiro, and representatives from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Pfizer, Comcast and Altria, among other corporate giants.</b>
The group had gathered at the exclusive <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Beach Village at the Del — where rooms go for as much as $4,500 a night</span> and a special key card is required to enter the private compound — for the<b> most elite event for Republican attorneys general, a gathering of the Edmund Randolph Club (named for the first United States attorney general).</b>
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">The club, created by the Republican Attorneys General Association, has a $125,000 entry fee — money used to fund the campaigns of attorney general candidates with as much as $1 million, and to pay for the hotel bills, airfare and meals for the attorneys general who attend the events.</span>
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PAM BONDI Corporate sponsors or state taxpayers generally cover airfare, hotels and meals at conferences for the Florida attorney general and her counterparts. Credit Steve Cannon/Associated Press
As at the Democrats’ event, the agenda included panels to discuss emerging legal issues. But at least as important was the opportunity for the lobbyists, corporate executives and lawyers to nurture relationships with the attorneys general — and to lobby them in this casual and secluded setting. (A reporter from The Times attended this event uninvited and, once spotted, was asked to leave.)
The appeals began the moment the law enforcement officials arrived, as gift bags were handed out, including boxes of 5-Hour Energy, wine from a liquor wholesalers group and music CDs (Roy Orbison for the adults, the heartthrob Hunter Hayes for their children) from the recording industry.
Andy Abboud, a lobbyist for Las Vegas Sands, which donated $500,000 through its chief executive to the Republican group this year, has been urging attorneys general to join an effort to ban online poker. At breakfast, he approached Attorney General Pam Bondi of Florida.
“What are you going to be doing today?” he asked.
“Sailing,” Ms. Bondi replied.
“Great, I want to go sailing, too,” Mr. Abboud said, and they agreed to connect later that day.
The increased focus on state attorneys general by corporate interests has a simple explanation: to guard against legal exposure, potentially in the billions of dollars, for corporations that become targets of the state investigations.
It can be traced back two decades, when more than 40 state attorneys general joined to challenge the tobacco industry, an inquiry that resulted in a historic $206 billion settlement.
Microsoft became the target of a similar multistate attack, accused of engaging in an anticompetitive scheme by bundling its Internet Explorer with the Windows operating system. Then came the pharmaceutical industry, accused of improperly marketing drugs, and, more recently, the financial services industry, in a case that resulted in a $25 billion settlement in 2012 with the nation’s five largest mortgage servicing companies.
The trend accelerated as attorneys general — particularly Democrats — began hiring outside law firms to conduct investigations and sue corporations on a contingency basis.
The widening scope of their investigations led companies to significantly bolster efforts to influence their actions. John W. Suthers, who has served as Colorado’s attorney general for a decade, said he was not surprised by this campaign.
<b>CHRIS KOSTER The office of the Missouri attorney general pulled out of an inquiry into 5-Hour Energy after he spoke with a lawyer from the law firm Dickstein Shapiro.</b> Credit Whitney Curtis for The New York Times
“I don’t fault for one second that corporate America is pushing back on what has happened,” Mr. Suthers said. “Attorneys general can do more damage in a heartbeat than legislative bodies can. I think it is a matter of self-defense, and I understand it pretty well, although I have got to admit as an old-time prosecutor, it makes me a little queasy.”
Republican attorneys general were the first to create a party-based fund-raising group, 14 years ago. An initial appeal for contributions to corporate lobbyists and lawyers said that public policy was being shaped “via the courthouse rather than the statehouse.” It urged corporate lawyers “to round up your clients and come see what RAGA is all about.” The U.S. Chamber of Commerce alone has contributed $2.2 million this year to the group, making it the association’s biggest donor.
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>The Democrats at first fought the idea, but two years later formed a counterpart.</b></span>
Dickstein, and a handful of other law firms, moved to capitalize by offering lobbying as well as legal assistance to deal with attorneys general, whom Dickstein called “the new sheriffs in town.”
In an effort to make allies rather than adversaries, Bernard Nash, the head of the attorney general practice at Dickstein and the self-proclaimed “godfather” of the field, tells clients that it is essential to build a personal relationship with important attorneys general, part of what his firm boasts as “connections that count.”
“Through their interaction with A.G.s, these individuals will become the ‘face’ of the company to A.G.s, who are less likely to demagogue companies they know and respect,” said a confidential memo that Dickstein sent late last year to one prospective client, Caesars Entertainment.
Executing this strategy means targeting the attorneys general “front office,” a reference to the handful of important decision makers.
“Front office interest or lack of interest in an issue can come from an assessment of media reports and potential media scrutiny; advocacy group requests; political benefit or detriment; legislative inquiries; and ‘pitches’ made by law firms or other professionals in whom the front office has confidence,” Dickstein said in the memo pitching business to executives at Caesars that asked the company to pay $35,000 a month, plus expenses, for lobbying and strategic advice, not including any legal work.
Mr. Nash and his team build relationships through dinners at exclusive spots like the Flagler Steakhouse in Palm Beach, Fla., and Brown’s Beach House Restaurant in Waimea, Hawaii, during attorneys general conferences, as well as with a constant stream of campaign contributions, totaling at least $730,000 in the last five years.
Dickstein is hardly alone.
Other dinner invitations have come from former Attorney General Thurbert E. Baker of Georgia, whose clients have included AT&T and the debt buyers industry; former Attorney General Patrick C. Lynch of Rhode Island, who represents payday lenders, Comcast and makers of online video games; and former Attorney General Rob McKenna of Washington State, who has been retained by Microsoft and T-Mobile.
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BERNARD NASH The head of Dickstein’s attorney general practice and the field’s self-proclaimed “godfather.” Credit Gabriella Demczuk/The New York Times
In several cases, these former officials are clearly acting as lobbyists. Mr. Lynch, who declined several requests for comment, tells prospective clients that he can guide them “through the national network of attorneys general associations and work with them to build relationships,” yet The Times could find no record that he had registered as a lobbyist in more than two dozen states where he has worked.
State lobbying laws generally require registration when corporations hire someone to influence legislation, but appeals targeting attorneys general are not explicitly covered, even if a company is pushing its agenda.
The documents obtained by The Times include dozens of emails that Mr. Lynch has sent to attorneys general on behalf of clients. He is also a regular at the attorney general conferences, which include social events like trap shooting, fitness training and all-terrain-vehicle rides, in addition to cocktail parties and meals.
These conferences also include panels on topics like regulation of oil and natural gas pipelines.
Yet often a seat on these panels is, in effect, for sale. A large donation can secure the right to join a panel or provide an opportunity for a handpicked executive to make a solo presentation to a room full of attorneys general. That is what a top executive from TransCanada, the company behind the Keystone XL pipeline, did at two recent attorneys general meetings in Utah and Colorado.
For the attorneys general, there is a personal benefit, too: Their airfare, meals and hotel bills at these elite resorts are generally covered, either by the corporate sponsors or state taxpayers.
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);"><b>Ms. Bondi, </b>the Florida attorney general, for example, received nearly $25,000 worth of airfare, hotels and meals in the past two years just from events sponsored by the Republican Attorneys General Association, state disclosure reports show. That money came indirectly from corporate donors.</span>
She has charged Florida taxpayers nearly $14,000 since 2011 to take additional trips to meetings of the National Association of Attorneys General and the Conference of Western Attorneys General, including travel to Hawaii. Those events were also attended by dozens of lobbyists. Ms. Bondi, in a statement, said the support she had received — directly or through the Republican Attorneys General Association — had not had an impact on any of her actions as attorney general.
But Matthew L. Myers, the president of the nonprofit Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, who was on a panel about e-cigarettes at an event in Park City, Utah, was startled by what he saw: lobbyists from regulated industries — financial, energy, alcohol, tobacco and pharmaceutical companies — socializing with top state law enforcement officers.
“You play golf with somebody, you are much less likely to see them as a piranha that is trying to devour consumers, even if that is just what they are,” said Mr. Myers.
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“My client just received notification that Missouri is on this.” LORI KALANI, a Dickstein partner, discussing the 5-Hour Energy case with the state’s attorney general. Credit Gabriella Demczuk/The New York Times
Mr. Tierney, the former Maine attorney general, said that lobbyists were entitled to set up a meeting with the attorneys general in their offices. But to write a check, for as much as $125,000, to gain days’ worth of private time with the attorneys general is another matter, he said.
“When you start to connect the actual access to money, and the access involves law enforcement officials, you have clearly crossed a line,” he said. “What is going on is shocking, terrible.”
<b>An Ear in Missouri
In Missouri, as in other states, the attorney general’s office has provided a springboard to higher office, either to the governor’s mansion or the Senate. So even before Mr. Koster was sworn in for his second term, he was being mentioned as a candidate for higher office. And that made him an ideal target for the team at Dickstein.</b>
The Dickstein lawyers have donated to his campaigns, invited him and his chief deputy to be featured speakers at law firm events and hosted Mr. Koster at dinners, and stayed in close contact with his office in emails that suggest unusual familiarity.
The relationship seems to have benefited some Dickstein clients.
Pfizer, the New York-based pharmaceutical giant, had hired Dickstein to help settle a case brought by at least 20 states, which accused the company of illegally marketing two of its drugs — Zyvox and Lyrica — for unapproved uses, or making exaggerated claims about their effectiveness.
Instead of participating in the unified investigation with other states — which gives attorneys general greater negotiating power — Mr. Koster’s office worked directly with Mr. Nash and Pfizer’s assistant general counsel, Markus Green.
Mr. Nash negotiated with Deputy Attorney General Joseph P. Dandurand through a series of emails, followed by a visit to Missouri in April 2013.
<b>But both Pfizer and Dickstein had already built a relationship with Mr. Koster.</b> Dickstein had participated in at least four fund-raising events for Mr. Koster, with its lawyers and the firm donating $13,500 to his campaigns, records show.
Several of those contributions came after Mr. Nash had invited Mr. Koster to participate in an “executive briefing” at the Park Hyatt for Dickstein’s clients. That same day, Mr. Koster held a fund-raising event, taking in contributions from Mr. Nash and other lawyers involved in matters that Mr. Koster would soon be, or already was, investigating, the records show.
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“The folks at Pfizer are very appreciative and excited to hear from the General.” J. B. KELLY, a Dickstein partner, writing to a Missouri official about an appearance by the attorney general at an event sponsored by Pfizer. Credit Gabriella Demczuk/The New York Times
<b>Pfizer had directly donated at least $20,000 to Mr. Koster since 2009 </b>— more than it gave to any other state attorney general, according to company records. That does not include the $320,000 that Pfizer donated during the same period to the Democratic Attorneys General Association, which in turn has donated to Mr. Koster’s campaigns.
Mr. Koster said his office was forced to negotiate directly with Mr. Nash and Pfizer because a staff lawyer missed a deadline to participate in the multistate investigation.
<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">
“This was an accident,” Mr. Koster said, adding that since he became attorney general in 2009, his office has participated in six cases against Pfizer that brought a total of $26 million to Missouri.</span>
But the emails show that just as the negotiations on the 2013 case were intensifying, Mr. Koster’s chief deputy received an unusual invitation: Would the attorney general be interested in flying to Chicago to be the keynote speaker at a breakfast that Pfizer was sponsoring for its political action committee?
The topic was “the importance of corporations’ building productive relationships with A.G.s,” according to an email in March from Dickstein to Mr. Dandurand.
“As you know, these relationships are important to allow A.G.s and corporations to work together to address important public policy issues of concern to both the A.G. and the corporation,” the invitation said. “The conference participants also would like to hear how these relationships can help to efficiently address A.G.s’ questions or concerns before they escalate into major problems (like multistate investigations or litigation), as well as how they can carry over when A.G.s are elected to higher offices.”
Mr. Dandurand worked to accommodate the request.
“Trying now to clear his calendar,” Mr. Dandurand wrote back to the Dickstein lawyer, before confirming that Mr. Koster would accept the invitation.
“The folks at Pfizer are very appreciative and excited to hear from the General,” J. B. Kelly, a partner at Dickstein, replied.
Five days later — and just before Mr. Koster was scheduled to give the speech — Mr. Dandurand and Mr. Nash met to discuss a settlement in the fraud investigation. They agreed that Pfizer would pay Missouri $750,000 — at least $350,000 less than it would have collected if it had been part of the multistate investigation.
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Rob McKenna of Washington State. Credit Greg Gilbert/The Seattle Times, via Associated Press
“Thank you for the meeting,” Mr. Nash wrote to Mr. Dandurand, after the settlement meeting in Missouri. “Pfizer is pleased.”
Mr. Koster said Missouri received a smaller payment from Pfizer because the state had less leverage after missing the multistate deadline. Oregon, the other state to negotiate directly with Pfizer on the Zyvox matter, secured a settlement worth $3.4 million — four times what Missouri received — even though Oregon’s population is far smaller.
Pfizer was not the only Dickstein client pleased with the firm’s representation before Mr. Koster’s office.
<b>AT&T was also subject to an investigation by Mr. Koster’s office, something that Mr. Nash learned at the conference held at the Loews hotel. And like Ms. Kalani, Mr. Nash pleaded his case directly with Mr. Koster.</b>
Three weeks after the conversation with Mr. Nash, Mr. Koster’s office took a step that questioned the legal strategy of a multistate investigation of AT&T’s billing practices, email records show. Mr. Koster did not officially back out of the inquiry, and Missouri ultimately benefited from a national settlement announced this month.
But frustrating leaders of the multistate investigation, Mr. Koster decided to join a small group of attorneys general who, to the industry’s pleasure, wanted to resolve the matter without subpoenas or the threat of a lawsuit, the emails show.
AT&T has been a major campaign contributor to Mr. Koster’s political causes, donating more than $27,000 in just the last two years, half before and half after his actions regarding the investigation.
<b>Mr. Koster said the donations had no effect on his actions</b>, adding that he was determined to investigate the company for its deceptive billing practices. With 5-Hour Energy, he added, he pulled out of the investigation because he did not believe it was merited — adding that he personally uses the energy drink.
Yet he said he was angry that his staff had not notified him before joining investigations into these two major companies.
“Its stock price would move at the mere mention of our involvement,” Mr. Koster said, referring to AT&T.
Mr. Nash’s appeals were not finished.
A month after returning from the Santa Monica meeting, Mr. Koster adopted a new office policy requiring lawyers and managers in his consumer affairs division to get approval from his top aides before opening any investigations involving a publicly traded company or any company with more than 10 employees.
<b>Mr. Nash and Lisa A. Rickard, a senior executive from the <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">U.S. Chamber of Commerce, </span>were so pleased with the change that they asked Mr. Koster to give a talk about his new office policy at a meeting of attorneys general in Washington.</b>
“This is going to be titled my Lisa Rickard memorial presentation,” Mr. Koster said at the February 2014 meeting. “She was the one who initiated this idea.”
The email records also reveal the personal nature of the relationship between Mr. Koster’s office and the lawyers at Dickstein.
In an August 2013 exchange, in which the attorney general’s office assured Mr. Nash that it would not share potentially damaging information on a Dickstein client with another state attorney general who was investigating the company — saying the documents were considered confidential — the conversation took a sudden turn away from business.
“Let’s go bowling sometime,” Mr. Dandurand wrote.
“Thanks,” Mr. Nash wrote back. “I’d rather eat and drink with you any time, any place.”
And an Ear in Florida
The email records show a similarly detailed interaction with the office of Ms. Bondi, the Florida attorney general and a fast-rising star in the Republican Party.
Mr. Nash and his partners worked to help Ms. Bondi further her political ambitions at the same time they were lobbying her office on behalf of companies under investigation by it.
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Thurbert E. Baker of Georgia. Credit Associated Press
Accretive Health, a Chicago-based hospital bill collection company, whose operations in Minnesota had been shut down by the attorney general’s office there for abusive collection practices, had turned to Dickstein Shapiro to try to make sure that other states did not follow Minnesota’s lead. Mr. Nash contacted Ms. Bondi’s chief deputy and urged the office to take no action.
“We persuaded A.G.s not to sue Accretive Health following the filing of a lawsuit by the Minnesota A.G.,” Dickstein wrote in a recent marketing brochure.
<b>Bridgepoint Education</b>, a for-profit online school that has been under scrutiny for what Mr. Miller, the Iowa attorney general, called “unconscionable sales practices,” turned to Dickstein to set up meetings with Ms. Bondi’s staff, to urge her not to join in the inquiries underway in several states. Again, her office decided not to take up the matter, citing the small number of complaints about Bridgepoint it has received.
Dickstein set up a similar meeting for Herbalife, which has been investigated by federal and state authorities for sales practices related to its nutritional shakes and other products. No investigation was opened; again, Ms. Bondi’s staff said her office had received few complaints.
Perhaps the greatest victory in Florida for Dickstein relates to a lawsuit filed by Ms. Bondi’s predecessor against online reservation companies, including Travelocity and Priceline, which Dickstein then represented, based on allegations that they were conspiring to improperly withhold taxes on hotel rooms booked in the state.
Local officials in Florida were confounded by the fact that the case, which was filed before Ms. Bondi was sworn in, suddenly seemed to come to a halt.
“As our state’s highest-ranking law enforcement official, and as the people’s attorney, you have the authority to pursue action on behalf of the citizens of Florida,” Mayor Rick Kriseman of St. Petersburg, a Democrat, wrote to Ms. Bondi in 2011, while he was a state legislator, estimating that Florida was losing $100 million a year.
Behind the scenes, Dickstein had been working to get the case dropped.
“Thank you so much for chatting with me last week about the online travel site suit,” said a January 2012 email to Deputy Attorney General Patricia A. Conners from Christopher M. Tampio, a former lobbyist for the convenience store industry who was hired to work in Dickstein’s attorney general practice, even though he is not a lawyer or a registered lobbyist in Florida.
A year later, a second round of emails arrived in Ms. Bondi’s office: first, one inviting Ms. Bondi or her top aide to dinner at Ristorante Tosca in Washington, and then one from a Dickstein lawyer pointing out that similar online travel cases had recently been dismissed by Florida judges.
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HOTEL DEL CORONADO A conference of the Republican Attorneys General Association was held in June in Coronado, Calif. Representatives from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Pfizer, Comcast and Altria, as well as a Dickstein Shapiro lawyer, attended the event. Credit Sandy Huffaker for The New York Times
The email records provided to The Times show no response to Dickstein, other than a terse “thanks.” But two months later, Ms. Bondi’s office moved to do what the firm had sought.
“Dismissed before hearing,” the state court docket shows, as the case was closed in April 2013 even before it was officially taken up by the court.
A spokesman for Ms. Bondi said her office had dropped the matter after concluding, as Dickstein had argued, that state tax law was ambiguous. The office urged the State Legislature to clarify the matter. But several Florida counties have continued to pursue the matter, taking it to the State Supreme Court.
<b>Dickstein also took unusual steps to promote Ms. Bondi’s political career.</b>
The firm’s lawyers helped arrange a cover article for Ms. Bondi in a magazine called InsideCounsel, which is distributed to corporate lawyers, and invited her, as it did Mr. Koster, to appear at an event in Washington that included the firm’s clients.
<b>And as with Mr. Koster, the assistance included direct political contributions. <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Mr. Nash was a sponsor of an elaborate fund-raising event this year in Ms. Bondi’s honor at the Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, owned by Donald J. Trump, which is considered one of the most opulent mansions in the United States.</span></b>
Ms. Bondi, in a statement, said none of these efforts had affected her decisions.
“My office aggressively protects Floridians from unfair and deceptive business practices, and absolutely no access to me or my staff is going to have any bearing on my efforts to protect Floridians,” she said.
The Revolving Door
In at least 31 states and in Congress, elected officials are banned from lobbying their former colleagues during a cooling-off period, which is intended to limit their ability to cash in on their contacts. Once they do start to lobby, they are required to register to disclose the work.
But even in states like Georgia, where the law prohibits state officials from registering as lobbyists or engaging in lobbying for one year after leaving office, a former attorney general made appeals almost immediately to his former office.
Mr. Baker, who left his post as the state’s attorney general in January 2011, wrote repeatedly that year to the office of his successor, Sam Olens, and to Mr. Olens’s chief deputy, who had served in the same role during Mr. Baker’s tenure, to ask them to take actions that would benefit AT&T, which he had been hired to represent.
“Hi Thurbert,” Jeff Milsteen, Georgia’s chief deputy attorney general, replied to one of the emails that Mr. Baker sent to him in 2011, as Mr. Baker sought his successor’s public support for the proposed merger between T-Mobile and AT&T. “I’ll let you know as soon as I can.”
The next day, Mr. Milsteen wrote back. “I’ve talked to Sam,” he said, “and he is fine with you adding him to the letter.”
A spokesman for Mr. Olens said that he saw nothing wrong with the exchanges because Mr. Baker was acting as a lawyer, not as a lobbyist, and therefore was exempt from the one-year ban — which covers only lobbying of the legislature or the governor, not the attorney general.
But Mr. Baker declined, when asked by The Times, to identify a single legal filing concerning AT&T that he had been involved with. He wrote back to say that this definition of “lawyer” was too narrow.
“Lawyers are advocates,” he said.
In Washington State, both Mr. McKenna, the former attorney general, and Mr. Moran, who had been his top deputy, were pressing their former colleagues within months of leaving their jobs last year, on behalf of clients including Microsoft and T-Mobile, emails show.
For Mr. McKenna, it was quite a turnaround. He had sued T-Mobile in September 2011 to block its proposed merger with AT&T. Now, as a corporate lawyer, Mr. McKenna was setting up meetings with his successor, Mr. Ferguson, to ask him to intervene with federal officials on T-Mobile’s behalf in the inquiry over whether the company was seeking to prevent its competitors from acquiring what it thought was too large a share of the available federal wireless spectrum.
“I write today on behalf of the millions of consumers of wireless and mobile computing services,” said a letter, drafted initially by T-Mobile, but sent out by Mr. Ferguson in January, although it made no mention of the role played by the company or the former attorney general.
Email records show a similar intervention by Mr. McKenna on behalf of Washington State-based Microsoft, with outcomes that brought praise from the corporate executives. “I know that Microsoft was very pleased that you made yourself available,” Mr. McKenna wrote to Mr. Ferguson last October. “Thank you again.”
Mr. Baker and Mr. McKenna are both regulars at the attorneys general retreats. As former attorneys general, they are also special guests at events of the Society of Attorneys General Emeritus.
They have good company in the SAGE club: More than a dozen of the members are now lawyers and lobbyists for corporations, or work at plaintiff’s law firms that are seeking to secure commission-based contracts and then sue corporations on a state’s behalf.
The schedule of attorney general conferences for the coming year is laid out — after a pause for the elections — with events set for the Fontainebleau resort in Miami Beach, the Four Seasons Hotel at Mandalay Bay in Las Vegas and the Grand Wailea resort on Maui, among many others. The invitations for corporate sponsorships are already being sent.
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