Dunlop, B Norton

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https://virginiainstitute.org/leaders/board/becky-norton-dunlop/

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Becky Norton Dunlop is a vice president at The Heritage Foundation, a nonpartisan think tank based in Washington, D.C. Before joining Heritage, she served as secretary of natural resources for the Commonwealth of Virginia in Governor George Allen’s cabinet. Mrs. Dunlop served as deputy assistant to the president in Ronald Reagan’s White House. She also served in the U.S. Department of Justice from 1985 to 1987 and in the U.S. Department of the Interior from 1987 to 1989.She is the author of Clearing the Air. Mrs. Dunlop graduated from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio.

5. Becky Norton Dunlop

Another conservative linked to the Heritage Foundation, Dunlop started her political career in the White House under Reagan.

She has met Helmer several times, including at the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe in November 2016 and the Jerusalem Leaders’ Summit a year earlier.

She is currently working in Trump’s transition team as deputy to Ed Feulner, who is understood to be assembling lists of recommendations for appointments in the next cabinet.

Jon Kyl

Now a lobbyist for an international law firm, Kyl was a senator in Arizona for 18 years, and was ranked in 2007 as the fourth-most conservative senator in the US.

He met Helmer in 2008 when they both addressed a reception at the Margaret Thatcher Centre in Washington, DC, which is also part of the Heritage Foundation.

Kyl may be on the verge of joining politics again, as he is one of the potential picks for defence secretary in Trump’s government.

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/20/magazine/trump-government-heritage-foundation-think-tank.html

How One Conservative Think Tank Is Stocking Trump’s Government

By placing its people throughout the administration, theHeritage Foundation has succeeded in furthering its right-wing agenda.

no lnx

By Jonathan Mahler

June 20, 2018

On the day after Thanksgiving in 2016, Ed Corrigan, then the vice president for policy promotion at the Heritage Foundation, was summoned to Trump Tower in New York to join the senior leadership team of the Trump transition. From inside the building where the climactic personnel decisions of “The Apprentice” were once taped, Corrigan oversaw the staffing of 10 different domestic agencies. Donald Trump, the former reality-TV star, was now the president-elect of the United States, and he had an administration to fill.

The job of staffing the government is the first, and in many ways defining, challenge faced by every president. As the size of the government has grown to accommodate the nation’s economy, frequent military interventions and increasingly complex geopolitical obligations, so have the scale and gravity of the task. In 1933, there were just over 200 presidential appointees in the executive and legislative branches. At the end of the Barack Obama’s second term, there were 4,100.

Filling enough of these jobs in time to get the government off the ground on Jan. 20 is difficult in the best of circumstances, which is to say when the president-elect has some sort of pre-existing political infrastructure to draw upon. Even Ronald Reagan, who, like Trump, campaigned as a Washington outsider, relied on both his inner circle from the California Statehouse and a kitchen cabinet of mostly self-made millionaires who helped finance his political rise. Trump would be coming to the White House with little more than the remnants of a campaign staff that included his daughter and son-in-law, a contestant from his reality-TV show and his longtime bodyguard. What is more, in the days after his election, Donald Trump replaced the head of his preliminary transition operation, Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, with Vice President-elect Mike Pence and purged Christie’s allies from the team, throwing away months’ worth of their work recruiting and vetting personnel; a senior Trump aide, Stephen K. Bannon, made a show of gleefully dumping binders filled with résumés into the trash.

The Trump team may not have been prepared to staff the government, but the Heritage Foundation was. In the summer of 2014, a year before Trump even declared his candidacy, the right-wing think tank had started assembling a 3,000-name searchable database of trusted movement conservatives from around the country who were eager to serve in a post-Obama government. The initiative was called the Project to Restore America, a dog-whistle appeal to the so-called silent majority that foreshadowed Trump’s own campaign slogan.

In some ways, Trump and Heritage were an unlikely match. Trump had no personal connection to the think tank and had fared poorly on a “Presidential Platform Review” from its sister lobbying shop, Heritage Action for America, which essentially concluded that he wasn’t even a conservative. (“Despite his rhetoric, Trump’s history suggests a reluctance to engage in debates over protecting civil society from the imposition of left-wing values,” it read in part.) After Trump mocked John McCain’s P.O.W. experience in Vietnam, Heritage Action’s chief executive, Michael Needham, called the candidate “a clown” on Fox News and said “he needs to be out of the race.” Trump claimed to want to shake up the Washington establishment. The Heritage Foundation is a Washington institution. Its large, stately headquarters sits just a few blocks from Capitol Hill.

And yet Heritage and Trump were uniquely positioned to help each other. Much like Trump’s, Heritage’s constituency is equal parts donor class and populist base. Its $80 million annual budget depends on six-figure donations from rich Republicans like Rebekah Mercer, whose family foundation has reportedly given Heritage $500,000 a year since 2013. But it also relies on a network of 500,000 small donors, Heritage “members” whom it bombards with millions of pieces of direct mail every year. The Heritage Foundation is a marketing company, a branding agency — it sells its own Heritage neckties, embroidered with miniature versions of its Liberty Bell logo — and a policy shop rolled into one. But above all, Heritage is a networking group. It has spent decades fashioning itself into the hub of a constellation of conservative individuals and organizations united by their opposition to government regulations — from taxes to gun control to environmental protections — and socially progressive causes like same-sex marriage.

Today it is clear that for all the chaos and churn of the current administration, Heritage has achieved a huge strategic victory. Those who worked on the project estimate that hundreds of the people the think tank put forward landed jobs, in just about every government agency.Heritage’s recommendations included some of the most prominent members of Trump’s cabinet: Scott Pruitt, Betsy DeVos (whose in-laws endowed Heritage’s Richard and Helen DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society), Mick Mulvaney, Rick Perry, Jeff Sessions and many more. Dozens of Heritage employees and alumni also joined the Trump administration — at last count 66 of them, according to Heritage, with two more still awaiting Senate confirmation. It is a kind of critical mass that Heritage had been working toward for nearly a half-century.

“Feulner’s first law is people are policy,”Ed Feulner, Heritage’s founder and former president, told me recently. Feulner was the head of domestic policy for the Trump transition, charting the direction of the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Agriculture and several other agencies. We met late on a Friday afternoon, in a sitting room at the Metropolitan Club in Washington, a private social club founded by a group of Treasury Department officials during the Civil War. At his feet as we spoke sat a small box of table cards for a dinner he was hosting at the club that evening for the newly appointed director of Trump’s National Economic Council, the television personalityLarry Kudlow— another name on Heritage’s Project to Restore America list. Now 76, ruddy, white-haired and content, almost jovial, Feulner founded Heritage decades ago as an ambitious young legislative aide with a radical dream built on a simple concept. As he put it, sinking deeper into his club chair: “First, you have to have the right people.”

Heritage was born in the spring of 1971 in the basement cafeteria of the United States Capitol. Feulner had just turned 30 and was working for Representative Philip Crane, an Illinois Republican who had written a book, “The Democrat’s Dilemma: How the Liberal Left Captured the Democratic Party,” arguing that left-wing radicals inspired by the Fabian Society, a socialist group in Britain, were secretly trying to turn America into a socialist state via the Democratic Party. As an undergraduate at Regis College, Feulner had been drawn to an emerging conservative movement that saw as its enemy not only Democrats but also moderate Republicans who threatened to do to their party what they believed the Fabians had done to the Democrats. In 1964, as a graduate student at the Wharton School, he organized a campus group to support the insurgent presidential candidacy of his political hero, Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.

Over breakfast at the Capitol,Feulner and another Hill aide, 28-year-old Paul M. Weyrich — later credited with coining the phrase “moral majority” — commiserated over a recent study from the American Enterprise Institute, an established conservative think tank, about a proposed supersonic transport plane. The report could have helped buttress their argument that the government should continue to fund the plane as part of its effort to win the Cold War, but A.E.I. had withheld it until after the Senate voted on the issue so as not to bias the debate. This was, to their thinking, the wrong approach. What if they could create a new sort of think tank, one that would actively seek to cultivate and influence politicians, and in the process advance the cause of movement conservatism?

Soon after, they made their pitch to Joseph Coors, the highly motivated Colorado beer baron who would later, at the suggestion of the Reagan White House aide and future National Rifle Association president Oliver North, wire $65,000 to a Swiss bank account to buy a cargo plane for Nicaraguan rebels. Coors had come to Washington in search of a conservative institution in which to invest. The meeting was held in the office of the irreverent ex-newspaperman and Nixon aide Lyn Nofziger. Weyrich had heard that Coors was also considering investing in A.E.I., which gave Nofziger the idea for “a little artifice,” as the official history of the Heritage Foundation describes it. Before Coors arrived, Nofziger sprinkled some cigar ashes on a thick American Enterprise Institute study resting on his bookshelf. When Coors asked about A.E.I., he took the book off-the-shelf and blew off the ashes. “A.E.I.?” he asked. “That’s what they’re good for — collecting dust.”

Coors invested $260,000 in the new venture, and within a few years, Heritage had taken its place at the center of the growing conservative counterestablishment. Its initial fund-raising success foreshadowed the rise of the Republican donor class as a political force: Another early and generous giver was the banking and oil heir Richard Mellon Scaife, who went on to invest hundreds of millions of dollars in conservative media outlets and nonprofit organizations that, among other projects, targeted the Clintons during the 1990s. (Heritage trustees used to joke that Coors gave six-packs; Scaife gave cases.)

Feulner packaged his fledgling think tank’s ideology into five basic principles: free enterprise, limited government, individual freedom, traditional values and a strong national defense. They would guide Heritage’s agenda, which would be set by Feulner and his senior leadership team. Feulner also anticipated the danger of his new think tank’s being dismissed as a tool of rich Republicans. To build a Heritage member base that would assert the foundation’s anti-establishment identity, he turned to Richard Viguerie, the conservative marketing pioneer known for his high-quality mailing list and his uniquely apocalyptic warnings of imminent national collapse.

Think tanks are sometimes referred to as universities without students, suggesting intellectual diversity within a general philosophical orientation. Heritage, by contrast, was strictly results-oriented. Feulner once likened his strategy to Procter & Gamble’s approach to Crest toothpaste: “They sell it and resell it every day by keeping the product fresh in the consumer’s mind.” One way to promote Heritage’s brand was to inundate Congress with an unending barrage of bite-size “backgrounders”; another was by networking. Heritage hosted weekend retreats for lawmakers, study groups for young congressional staffers and semester-long internships for college students, complete with Heritage housing. In its early years, Heritage took up numerous political battles: It published papers advocating making Social Security voluntary, argued against giving striking workers access to food stamps and warned parents about the danger posed by the advancement of “secular humanism” in public schools. To Feulner, they were all worthy fights, but they were just a prelude to what Heritage’s official history calls “the Big Gamble” — its decision to invest in the presidential candidacy of the 68-year-old Ronald Reagan.

Feulner saw something in Reagan long before he became president.“We had met with him when he was governor in California; we had visited his ranch and seen copies of Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek with marginal notes in the book,” Feulner told me. “So we knew that he was one of us.” In the run-up to the 1980 election, Heritage spent $250,000 to assemble a comprehensive guidebook for conservative rule that it called “Mandate for Leadership” and aggressively marketed it to members of Reagan’s transition team, in particular Edwin Meese, who was Reagan’s chief of staff in California and later became his attorney general in Washington.

The big gamble paid off: Meese told me that Reagan asked that the 1,093-page document be distributed at his first cabinet meeting. Reagan also turned to Heritage and Feulner to help staff and organize his administration. An enduring, mutually beneficial friendship was born. Meesewrote a letter on White House stationery stating that members of Heritage’s President’s Club — at the time, donors of $1,000 or more — would “provide a vital communications link between policymakers and those key people who made possible Reagan’s victory,” as Sidney Blumenthal reported in his 1986 book “The Rise of the Counter-Establishment.” The relationship worked both ways. When Reagan’s second term ended, Meese joined Heritage as its first Ronald Reagan Fellow in Public Policy, with an annual salary of more than $400,000. Now 86, he remains at the think tank as distinguished fellow emeritus of the Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies.

Reagan’s image is everywhere at Heritage, the informal poses and settings — on a horse, on a putting green, relaxing at his ranch — suggesting less a political actor than a beloved family member. But Heritage had its complaints about Reagan at the time. On the first anniversary of his presidency, the think tank issued a report characterizing his tenure as a disappointment to conservatives. Heritage laid much of the blame on personnel who were insufficiently committed to the president’s agenda. “They were looking for competent people,” Nofziger, who had gone on to become a key political strategist for Reagan, later recalled. “I tried to explain to them that the first thing you do is get loyal people, and competence is a bonus.”

Over the following decades, Feulner continued to pursue his dream of turning the counterestablishment into the establishment. The prospects had perhaps never looked bleaker than they did in 2012, when Obama was easily elected to his second term. Having just turned 70, Feulner decided that it was time to retire. At that moment in conservative history, it was not difficult for him to see where the future of the think tank lay: the Tea Party. Heritage had helped organize and underwrite the anti-tax, anti-government — and, most of all, anti-Obama — movement, even creating a lobbying organization, Heritage Action, to help harness the energy it unleashed.

A couple of years earlier, in 2010, Feulner heard a talk given by one of the movement’s leading figures,Senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina,at a meeting of a conservative dinner group in Georgetown. “When it was over, Richard Viguerie said to Jim: ‘That was such a fantastic speech. Why don’t you run for president?’ ” Feulner told me, recounting the events of the evening. “DeMint locked eyes with me and said, ‘The only thing I’ve ever wanted to be president of is the Heritage Foundation.’ ”

Feulner decided DeMint was someone to watch, and the next year, the senator earned the highest possible rating on Heritage Action’s new congressional scorecard, which evaluated lawmakers’ voting records on the think tank’s principles — higher than Michele Bachmann and much higher than Paul Ryan or Mitch McConnell. (“With each vote cast in Congress, freedom either advances or recedes,” Needham said when Heritage Action unveiled the new rating system.)

DeMint had fought the federal bailouts of the banks and carmakers, supported school prayer and opposed abortion and Obamacare. No less important, DeMint, who had an M.B.A. from Clemson University, shared the Heritage belief that politics was as much about sales and recruiting as it was about legislating or governing. Before running for office at the age of 47, he had operated his own marketing company; as a senator, he created a political-action committee, the Senate Conservatives Fund, to raise cash for select conservative candidates. He was clearly a skilled fund-raiser, which was a big part of the Heritage job. He would have to be willing to give up his Senate seat to run a think tank, which was maybe not as far-fetched as it sounded. In addition to influence, Heritage offered something the government couldn’t: money. Without even having to taint his reputation by becoming a lobbyist, he would get a roughly 400 percent raise from his government salary, to nearly $900,000 in his first full year.

DeMint started at Heritage in 2013. He created a new layer of senior staff that included allies from Capitol Hill, in the process effectively demoting many of Heritage’s veteran leaders. He also went on a hiring spree of young conservatives for the think tank’s media and internet operations. “Conservative ideas are invigorating,” DeMint told The New York Times in 2014. “We had allowed them to become too serious.” (DeMint declined to be interviewed for this article.)

While Feulner and his senior staff had reserved the right to review policy papers, they generally avoided intervening in the research and publication process. DeMint and his leadership team were much more aggressive. Papers were heavily edited or even withheld from release altogether. Several scholars quit. DeMint replaced them, bringing in as Heritage’s chief economist Stephen Moore, a Wall Street Journal editorial writer and a founder of the Club for Growth, a lobbying group that advocates cutting taxes.

DeMint intensified the think tank’s marketing efforts, targeting Obamacare in particular. A Heritage billboard went up in Times Square — “Warning,” it read, “Obamacare may be hazardous to your health” — and DeMint led a “Defund Obamacare Tour” across the country. In Congress, he had been something of a one-man ideological enforcer. Now he had at his disposal the power of an $80 million institution whose name was a one-word shorthand for movement conservatism; the backing of some of the country’s richest, most politically engaged Republicans; and a significant slice of the conservative base. Within months of his arrival, he was pressing House Republicans to send the president a spending bill that wouldn’t fund the Affordable Care Act, thus inviting a government shutdown. “There’s no question in my mind that I have more influence now on public policy than I did as an individual senator,” he said in an interview with National Public Radio in 2013.

But his most audacious bid for influence came the following year, when he inaugurated the Project to Restore America.“What we learned from talking to Heritage folks who had been in the Reagan administration was that we needed to be in the game early,” Ed Corrigan, one of DeMint’s Capitol Hill hires, told me. With its focus on staffing, the new effort was the logical extension of his fixation on recruiting the right conservatives for Congress, not to mention the concept at the very heart of Feulner’s vision for Heritage. To lead the project, DeMint turned to a woman who had spent decades building Heritage’s network and knew just how to staff a government:Becky Norton Dunlop, a former deputy personnel director for Reagan.“I know this is going to be hard to believe, but he said — and I agreed — that it was highly likely that a conservative would be elected president,” Dunlop told me, recalling her first conversation about the effort with DeMint. “We needed to be prepared.”

Dunlop’s name may be unfamiliar to most Americans, but she is something of a legend among movement conservatives.She came to Washington in 1973 straight from college to work for the American Conservative Union, the lobbying group best known for organizing the annualConservative Political Action Conference, and later married an aide to Senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina, who gave her away at their wedding. (Her father, a Baptist minister, officiated.) Congress eventually pushed her out of the Interior Department for trying to demote or fire several National Park Service employees and replace them with political appointees.Years later, after a controversial stint as Virginia’s secretary of natural resources — “Gunning for the Environment?”was the headline of a 1997 Washington Post profile in the Style section —she landed at Heritage as its vice president for external relations and has been there ever since.

Dunlop tapped her extensive network, groups like the Family Research Council, Liberty University and theCouncil for National Policy, an organization that brings together advocates of various conservative causes. “I talked to them all,” Dunlop said. “ ‘You need to think about this, and you need to spread the word. If you’re interested, get your house in order, talk to your spouse and get ready, because we need to save our country.’ ”

Not only was Trump an awkward fit for a staunch conservative like DeMint, but the Heritage president had strong ties to two of his primary opponents. His PAC had raised close to $600,000 for Marco Rubio’s 2010 Senate campaign, and he and Rubio were both associated with the C Street house, a group residence on Capitol Hill affiliated with the Fellowship Foundation, the nonprofit organization that sponsors the National Prayer Breakfast. Ted Cruz — to whom DeMint’s PAC had given nearly $1 million for his 2012 Senate run — had been a featured speaker on DeMint’s “Defund Obamacare” tour. Trump’s campaign promises to punish American companies that export jobs were anathema to Heritage’s 45-year history of support for free trade, not to mention the interests of some of its biggest donors. Even as Trump was gaining momentum, some senior staff members continued to resist the idea of embracing him, arguing that it would damage Heritage’s reputation, but DeMint decided to get out ahead of the rest of his party and work with Trump’s insurgent campaign.

DeMint understood better than most what lit up the conservative base; after all, he had spent years stoking its anger at the Republican establishment. At a private dinner on Capitol Hill in January 2016, two weeks before the Iowa caucuses, DeMint was the only one of a group of a dozen conservatives, including Yuval Levin of the Ethics and Public Policy Center and Fred Barnes of The Weekly Standard, who predicted that Trump would win the nomination.

Trump’s political views were less important than his approach to hiring. With DeMint’s guidance, he could bring in trusted conservatives who supported a Heritage agenda that included opening offshore drilling on federal lands; opposing mandatory labeling of genetically engineered food; reducing regulations on for-profit universities; revoking an Obama executive order on green-energy mandates for federal agencies; phasing out federal subsidies for housing; and opposing marriage equality and nondiscrimination protections based on sexual orientation and gender identity. “The watchword of personnel is: Get people who you want on the bus, and then figure out what seat you want to put them in,” Dunlop said.

In March 2016, the Republican establishment stepped up its effort to stop Trump. More than 100 Republican national-security experts signed an open letter publicly committing to fight his election, calling him a “racketeer” and denouncing his dishonesty and “admiration for foreign dictators.” A number of the signatories were fellows of conservative think tanks; none were affiliated with Heritage at the time. Heritage treated Trump as it would any other candidate, giving his campaign staff more than a dozen briefings and sending them off with decks of cards bearing Heritage policy proposals and market-tested “power phrases.” At the same time, Heritage’s leaders were lobbying furiously behind the scenes to secure senior appointments to Trump’s post-nomination transition team. “It was the top priority for everyone at Heritage,” Dunlop told me.

Later that month, Trump’s campaign lawyer (and future White House counsel) Donald McGahn convened a gathering of conservative leaders at the Capitol Hill offices of his law firm, Jones Day. Only a small group attended: Newt Gingrich, Senator Jeff Sessions, a handful of other sitting lawmakers who were supportive of Trump — and DeMint. “At that time,” Gingrich told me, “Trump’s views were so unknown to the average conservative the concern was, is he going to be reliable?” As the conversation evolved, an idea emerged: What if Trump could present to the public a list of Supreme Court nominees? DeMint enthusiastically volunteered to help provide one. When he returned to Heritage’s offices, though, some senior staffers balked. One concern they raised was that it would be counterproductive for Heritage to explicitly endorse possible judicial appointees: Because the think tank was considered to the right of the Republican mainstream, its approval of candidates could make them toxic in the confirmation process. But DeMint was adamant, insisting that this was an opportunity Heritage should not pass up. The head of Heritage’s Center for Legal and Judicial Studies, John Malcolm, ultimately wrote the list in the form of a post for Heritage’s news and commentary website, The Daily Signal. By then, Trump had already singled out Heritage at a news conference, announcing that it was one of the groups he was working with on a Supreme Court list.

Feulner, still active at Heritage as a member of its board, was the first from the think tank to join the Trump transition after the Republican National Convention. “August 2016, Christie calls, and then candidate Trump calls to confirm: Would I take over the domestic side?” Feulner told me. As he saw it, Trump held even more promise for Heritage than Reagan had. “No.1, he did clearly want to make very significant changes, and No.2, his views on so many things were not particularly well formed,” Feulner said. “And so if he somehow pulled the election off, we thought, wow, we could really make a difference.”

Yet even as he was drilling further into the Trump team, DeMint was running into trouble inside his own building. Over the summer, complaints about his heavy-handed management style started to reach some members of Heritage’s 22-person board. DeMint and his loyalists rejected the criticisms of his leadership, suggesting that they were the work of Mike Needham, the 36-year-old chief executive of Heritage Action. Needham came from a different world than DeMint. He grew up on the Upper East Side of Manhattan and joined the think tank straight out of Williams College, beginning as Feulner’s research assistant and rising to become his chief of staff. He left in 2007 to work on the presidential campaign of Rudolph W. Giuliani and then went on to attend Stanford Business School but returned after he graduated. As DeMint and his allies saw it, Needham was trying to orchestrate a palace coup, turning a handful of isolated complaints about his hiring practices and handling of Heritage’s research into a major case against DeMint as part of his own campaign to take control of the think tank. They knew, too, that Needham and Feulner were close and were convinced that Needham was trying to undermine DeMint with Heritage’s founder.

By early November, the tension between DeMint and Needham had escalated, and the senior staff was divided by their respective loyalties. It was just the sort of factionalism that would soon come to define the nascent Trump administration, with its personnel conflicts and firings. As the election approached, it seemed to some at Heritage that DeMint’s future was uncertain. The Republican Party appeared to be headed for defeat and years of soul-searching, which might present a natural occasion for new leadership at the think tank.

On election night, Heritage turned its first floor over to a viewing party with an open bar, chicken wings and red, white and blue cupcakes. The mood grew increasingly celebratory as the evening wore on and Trump’s tally of electoral votes built toward 270. Some staff members stayed until dawn, went out for breakfast and came back for an all-staff meeting called by DeMint in the larger of Heritage’s two auditoriums. “As you know, I’m kind of a serious guy, so it’s rare that I feel giddy,” he began. DeMint said that Heritage had taken a huge risk — “we were criticized by a lot of our friends in the movement for even going to meetings with Trump” — but that it had paid off. “Most of you are too young to remember the old ‘Mission: Impossible’ series on television, but after they had accomplished their impossible mission, they were all sitting around lighting cigarettes, and the commander would always say, ‘I love it when a plan comes together!’ ” (He was most likely recalling another television program, “The A-Team.”)

Corrigan had been in close contact with the Trump campaign for months. Now he told the assembled crowd of about 200 people what Heritage had been doing for the campaign and previewed the opportunities ahead. There were thousands of jobs to fill, and the priority was to fill them with “change agents,” he said. “When it comes to personnel decisions, that is the most frequently asked question, even before ‘Are they qualified?’ ‘Are they a change agent?’ ” In the coming days, employees were encouraged to join the transition and were assured that as long as they were working as volunteers, Heritage could continue to pay their salaries and hold their jobs for them.

The Trump transition offices quickly filled with Heritage staff members recruiting and vetting hires for the administration. The upheaval inside the transition caused by Christie’s firing worked to DeMint’s advantage: Pence was an old friend and conservative ally on Capitol Hill. Christie’s departure also opened the way for Rick Dearborn to take control of the daily decision-making. Dearborn, the longtime chief of staff to Jeff Sessions, had already been a strong presence on the transition team. He went back years with Corrigan, who was the director of the Senate’s conservative caucus for nearly a decade before joining Heritage with DeMint. Corrigan had been informally feeding Dearborn names for months.

Matthew Buckham, [dad ed MTG?] a project administrator in Heritage’s communications department who joined the transition to vet ambassadors and diplomats, told me that he and the rest of Heritage’s staff on the transition tried to put forward every Heritage employee who wanted to work for the administration, whether in policy, administration or management jobs. “Any list we touched we made sure had as many Heritage people as possible,” he said. One of Heritage’s labor economists, James Sherk, an advocate of rolling back labor rights, joined the White House domestic-policy council; another, David Kreutzer, who was a co-author of a Heritage policy paper arguing that “no consensus exists that man-made emissions are the primary driver of global warming,” joined the Environmental Protection Agency. Roger Severino, the director of Heritage’s DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society, who has opposed extending civil rights protections to gay, lesbian and transgender people, joined the Department of Health and Human Services to run its Office for Civil Rights.Sean Doocey, a former Heritage employee who had worked at the think tank’s Training and Recruitment Center, joined the Presidential Personnel Office — the little-known agency responsible for recruiting and vetting appointees for the executive branch — as its deputy director.

Heritage helped place countless others, from staff assistants to cabinet secretaries. In some cases, DeMint intervened directly, calling Pence to argue for Mick Mulvaney, a former congressman whose political career DeMint helped start years earlier in South Carolina.Mulvaney is now the director of the Office of Management and Budget,and as this article went to press, he was serving out the remaining time in a stint as the acting director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a consumer-protection watchdog agency that he had voted to disband in Congress. (He recently fired all 25 members of the agency’s advisory board.) “Not only were we not going to bash the president,” Buckham told me. “We were going to help him and push our friends into positions of policy and influence.”

In the spring of 2017, just a few months into his tenure, President Trump expressed his gratitude to both DeMint and Heritage in a speech at the National Rifle Association: “Those people have been fantastic; they’ve been real friends.” And yet even in this moment of triumph, DeMint was losing the battle to keep his job. Emboldened by Trump’s victory, he asked for a new contract on the eve of the inauguration. (He earned $1.2 million the previous year.) Heritage’s three-person leadership team — Barb Van Andel-Gaby, a member of one of the families that founded the multilevel-marketing company Amway; Thomas A. Saunders III, a private-equity executive; and Nersi Nazari, a Silicon Valley entrepreneur — were noncommittal. Soon after, they came to Washington for a few days to perform their own internal investigation of the personnel problems, interviewing various staff members about DeMint’s leadership.

By the time the foundation’s largest donors — $10,000 or more a year — gathered in April 2017 for their annual retreat at the Fairmont Grand Del Mar in San Diego, Heritage’s senior management, like that of the administration it was staffing, was consumed by chaos, confusion, resentments and infighting. DeMint, by now, was blaming Feulner as well as Needham; he was certain that Feulner still effectively controlled the board and was turning it against him. Shortly after DeMint and his management team returned to Washington, he was stripped of his power while his severance package was negotiated. Many of the people he had brought in, including Corrigan, James Wallner (a research executive), Wesley Denton (a communications executive) and Buckham, soon left, too. Rumors swirled that Stephen Bannon would be taking over. He was still at the White House at the time, but he was close to Mercer, and it was no secret that Trump was turning on his power-hungry, attention-seeking chief strategist.

Amid the upheaval, Saunders, the board’s chairman, issued a statement on the ouster. “Heritage is bigger than any one person,” it read. In his first address to the staff, the think tank’s new interim president, Ed Feulner, assured them that Heritage would continue to be “Donald Trump’s favorite think tank.”

Heritage’s longer-term future was placed in the hands of an 11-person presidential search committee, made up of trustees. They spent months looking for a candidate who could provide continuity, building on the relationship with Trump that DeMint had established, but also signal a departure from the DeMint era. By last fall, they had assembled a short list that was leaked to The Washington Post. It included Marc Short, the White House legislative director and longtime aide to Mike Pence; Todd Ricketts, the Chicago Cubs co-owner and major Republican donor who had recently been nominated as deputy commerce secretary; and David Trulio, then the vice president for international government affairs at the defense contractor Lockheed Martin. None of them got the job. Just as Dick Cheney had once led George W. Bush’s search for a vice president before securing the position for himself, thepresidency of Heritage went to the chairwoman of the search committee, Kay Coles James.

James, who is 69, is an almost total anomaly in the political world: a black female Republican who supports Donald Trump. In her first address to the Heritage staff, she spoke about her difficult childhood in Richmond, Va., with an absentee father and a mother on welfare. The hiring of a black woman as its president seemed like a coup for an institution that has been widely accused of representing only the interests of white men. “She did not get the job because of her gender or race,” Feulner told me. “She got it because she’s such an extraordinary individual. My only regret is that she’s not 10 years younger.”

In many respects, James does have the perfect résumé for Heritage. She served under Reagan and George Bush and was the director of the office of personnel management for George W. Bush. Along the way, she worked for several conservative organizations, including Pat Robertson’s Regent University, and served on the board of Focus on the Family, the evangelical group known for its opposition to abortion, premarital sex and gay and transgender rights. In 2005, she did a brief stint with a defense contracting firm whose founder, Mitchell Wade, pleaded guilty a year later to bribing a congressman with more than $1 million in return for favors and earmarks. James went on to start her own nonprofit, the Gloucester Institute, which describes itself as a leadership training center; it offers mentoring and networking programs to black and Latino undergraduate and graduate students. According to Gloucester’s 990 tax form, she earned $50,000 as president of the organization in 2016, the year before she became president of Heritage.

James worked on the Trump transition, overseeing the White House’s budget and personnel management offices. In March, on a Politico podcast, she said that she had been eager to join the administration to work on the president’s “urban agenda.” She was blocked by Omarosa Manigault Newman, the former “Apprentice” villain and director of communications for the White House Office of the Public Liaison, who during the campaign was charged with African-American outreach. “The way it was described to me is she approached the whole thing like it was ‘The Apprentice,’ ” James said on the podcast. “So she looked around Washington and said, ‘O.K., who do I need to get rid of first?’ ” (Newman herself was pushed out last year.)

I met James, who has short, graying hair and favors colorful blazers, in May in her new Heritage office, which is enormous and looks out at the Capitol. After we settled onto a large, comfortable couch, she described her new job at Heritage as “the crown jewel” of her career in the conservative movement. I asked James how she thought Trump was doing. “People are focused up here on the trouble and all of the noise that you hear in Washington,” she said, gesturing at eye level. “But down here, the bass notes are strong and loud. There’s a lot of good that is going on, but we are in such a partisan, vitriolic atmosphere in this town right now that very often we overlook the bass notes.”

In recent months, James has applauded Trump’s tax cuts and deregulatory agenda; his crackdown on illegal immigration; his choice of the hard-liner John Bolton as national security adviser; his effort to rescind funding for a variety of federal programs, including the Children’s Health Insurance Program; and an executive order that will curtail the amount of time that federal union representatives can spend helping colleagues file claims for workplace grievances, including sexual harassment. Part of her task at Heritage, James told me, will be to expose a more diverse audience to the think tank’s ideology. “If you talk to anyone about shaping the future of this nation, they will tell you that there are certain demographics that must be touched — millennials, women and minorities,” she said. “And so I tell people that unless our ideas are reaching those demographics, then we are going to be looking at a shrinking minority view in this country.”

A few weeks later, on a rainy morning in Washington, Heritage held a party for the dedication of a new dormitory for its interns, a gift from the family of E.W. Richardson, a World War II bomber pilot who went on to become a successful Ford dealer. Donors ate finger food and drank mimosas under a tent on Heritage’s rooftop. Some wore name tags on their lapels and dresses identifying them by their level of giving; those who had added Heritage to their wills wore an extra ribbon: “Legacy Society.” James was the only person of color I saw in a crowd that easily exceeded 200 people.

Forty-five years after its founding, Heritage may finally be the establishment, but its self-image remains fixed in time. It is, as ever, the nation’s last line of defense against the advancing forces of progressivism, perpetually in need of financial reinforcements. Speaking to the gathered group of donors and Heritage staff members, James, standing beside an American flag and a large portrait of Richardson in his flight gear, described the new intern dorm as an expansion of the think tank’s “base of operations” against what she characterized as a “very determined and very well-resourced foe. They want to change America into something she was never intended to be. And they might succeed if we don’t fight every single day of our lives.”

On the first anniversary of Trump’s inauguration, Heritage marked the occasion with news releases and a booklet, “Blueprint for Impact,” promoting how much of Heritage’s agenda Trump had already embraced — 64 percent, according to the think tank’s analysis. Heritage’s director of congressional and executive branch relations, Thomas Binion, went on “Fox & Friends” to discuss the report, saying the think tank was “blown away” by Trump’s performance. The president, apparently watching in the White House, promptly tweeted, inaccurately: “The Heritage Foundation has just stated that 64% of the Trump Agenda is already done, faster than even Ronald Reagan.”

The president and his favorite think tank continue to draw closer. Administration officials speak regularly at Heritage and give frequent interviews to The Daily Signal. In April, Pruitt and Attorney General Jeff Sessions were both scheduled to speak at a Heritage donor conference in Palm Beach, Fla. (Sessions, under fire from the president because of the Russia investigation, dropped out.)

Even with DeMint gone, Feulner is enjoying unique access to the Trump administration.During one of our conversations, he told me he had recently accompanied the vice president on Air Force Two to Hillsdale College, a Christian stronghold of conservative thought in Michigan. And last year, he was the lone think-tank head invited to a White House dinner for the conservative movement’s “grass-roots leaders.” He was seated right beside the president. Feulner’s dream had finally been fulfilled. I asked him if he believed the Trump presidency would be transformative for the country. “I think we’re very, very optimistic,” he said.

There is still a huge number of vacancies across the administration. At this point in their presidencies, Obama had filled 584 of his politically appointed, Senate-confirmed positions, and George W. Bush had filled 652; Trump has filled just 450. The Presidential Personnel Office was portrayed in a recent Washington Post article as a frat house, with widespread workplace vaping and happy-hour drinking games involving Smirnoff Ice.

The turnover rates have also been historic. In March, The New York Times reported that nine of the top 21 White House and cabinet positions have been emptied and refilled at least once; neither Obama nor Bush had lost a single cabinet member by that point in their administrations. Since taking office, Trump has replaced more than half of his 65 most influential advisers, according to a tracker created by the Brookings Institution. Christie recently laid the blame for the turnover on what he described as a “brutally unprofessional” transition, saying that proper vetting would have caught a lot of Trump’s most problematic appointees. A number of other senior advisers seem to be on shaky ground with the president, and an exodus is anticipated after the November midterm elections.

Churn is a central feature of this administration, even for its unofficial staffing agency. Paul Winfree, a Heritage economist who helped draft Trump’s first budget, is back at the think tank. So are Stephen Moore, who worked on the Trump tax cuts;David Kreutzer, who played a key role in dissolving a White House working group that was studying the monetary costs associated with climate-warming carbon dioxide; and Hans von Spakovsky, who helped run the now-defunct voter-fraud commission, which was created to find evidence to support Trump’s baseless claim that millions of people voted illegally for Hillary Clinton.

In a sense, the transition is still going, and as long as Trump remains in office it may never end. “I get calls from people every day who still want to go in,” Dunlop told me. “Or I’ll hear from the White House, or I’ll run into someone at a reception or over coffee, and I’ll say, ‘I’ve got a name for you. I’ll send it along.’ ”

:{JANUARY 4, 2021 :(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}:

Trump Lawyer Cleta Mitchell Signs Letter by Hard-Right Leaders Urging GOP Senators to Contest Swing State Electors

group of right-wing movement leaders signed a Dec. 30 letter to Senate Republicans urging them to “protect the republic” by contesting electors from battleground states won by Joe Biden. Also signing the letter was Cleta Mitchell, the right-wing lawyer who took part in President Donald Trump’s instantly notorious call badgering Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” new votes and “recalculate” the results of the 2020 presidential election to deliver the state’s electoral votes to Trump. On the call, Mitchell said she has been working with Trump’s team for “weeks.”

The letter was released by theConservative Action Project, which is affiliated with the Council for National Policy,a secretive and influential network of leaders spanning different sectors of the right-wing movement. Many of its leaders have been active in the so-called “Stop the Steal” campaign to overturn Biden’s victory. The group released another letter a few weeks ago, signed by many of the same people, urging state legislatures to overturn swing state results.

The new letter says the Constitution gives state legislatures “plenary power” to choose electors. But, the letter claims, since state election laws were “ignored or violated” this year, “the decisions regarding the electors must revert to the constitutional procedures.”

Here is more from the letter, which repeats claims that have been repeatedly debunked or rejected by courts:

Following the 2020 election, substantial evidence has been presented to courts and state legislatures of clear and extensive election irregularities, violations of state law, and large numbers of illegal votes that were counted and certified. In several states, there are more illegal votes included in the certified numbers than the margin of victory for the certified winner from the state.

More than 50 million American voters believe the election was stolen or somehow illegitimate due to the large number of irregularities, illegal votes improperly counted, the myriad state laws that were ignored or violated, and elections that were conducted in a manner significantly inconsistent with state law.

This situation is unsustainable in a democratic republic. The people must know there is integrity in the election process and that their votes matter. The American people have a right to know and believe that the election of the President of the United States is legitimate and conforms to the plain language of the laws and the United States Constitution.

We call upon you to do your duty under the Constitution. We ask you to conduct a public hearing prior to the counting of electoral votes on January 6, and receive and review the evidence of the problems of the state elections, particularly in Georgia, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona. We ask you to study carefully and consider the Constitutional obligations and duties conferred upon you as Senators. Be willing to stand up for the Constitution and the rule of law, and contest the electoral votes from these states. Only then will these matters be addressed publicly, and the restoration of the constitutional system assured.

Ken Blackwell, known as a relentless deployer of voter suppression techniques when he served as Ohio secretary of state, also signed the letter. Blackwell, who has used wildly inflammatory rhetoric in making unsubstantiated claims about how the 2020 election was carried out in Pennsylvania, tweeted a video Monday morning urging people to “protect our republic” by demanding that legislators support challenges to the Electoral College certification.

Full list of signers of the Dec. 30 letter as posted by the Conservative Action Project

Alfred S. Regnery

Chairman, Conservative Action Project

President, Republic Book Publishers

The Honorable J. Kenneth Blackwell

Chairman

Constitutional Congress, Inc.

Brent Bozell, III

Founder and President

Media Research Center

The Honorable Bob McEwen

U.S. House of Representatives

Former Member, Ohio

The Honorable Morton C. Blackwell

President

The Leadership Institute

Thomas Fitton

President

Judicial Watch, Inc.

Jenny Beth Martin

Chairman

Tea Party Patriots Citizen Fund

Kelly J. Shackelford, Esq.

Chairman, CNP Action, Inc.

President and CEO, First Liberty Institute

Cleta Mitchell

Attorney

The Honorable Becky Norton Dunlop

White House Advisor

President Ronald Reagan (1981-1985)

Mary Vought

Executive Director

Senate Conservatives Fund

Myron Ebell

Director, Center for Energy and Environment

Competitive Enterprise Institute

The Honorable Jim DeMint

Chairman, Conservative Partnership Institute

Member, US Senate (SC 2005-2013)

Ed Corrigan

Vice Chairman, Conservative Action Project

President & CEO, Conservative Partnership Institute

Wesley Denton

Chief Operating Officer

Conservative Partnership Institute (CPI)

William L. Walton

President

Council for National Policy

The Honorable Colin A. Hanna

President

Let Freedom Ring, Inc.

The Honorable Tony Perkins

President

Family Research Council

The Honorable Donald Paul Hodel

U.S. Secretary of Energy (1982-1985)

U.S. Secretary of Interior (1985-1989)

Tags: Alfred Regnery Becky Norton Dunlop Bob McEwen Brent Bozell III Cleta Mitchell Colin Hanna Donald Trump Ed Corrigan Jenny Beth Martin Jim DeMint Kelly Shackelford Ken Blackwell Mary Vought Morton Blackwell Myron Ebell Paul Hodel Tom Fitton Tony Perkins Wesley Denton William Walton Disinformation Election 2020 Conservative Action Project Council for National Policy Donald J Trump for President

JANUARY 31, 2020 1:03 PM

Right-Wing Leaders Urge Senate to Shut Down Impeachment Trial Without Witnesses

MARCH 2, 2017 1:00 PM

Secretive Council For National Policy Pushing Trump To Sign ‘Religious Liberty’ Order

JULY 26, 2016 11:08 AM

Revealed: The Right-Wing Movement’s Agenda For Trump’s First 180 Days

https://www.nndb.com/people/950/000129563/

aKA Becky Norton

Born: 2-Oct-1951

Birthplace: Minneapolis, MN

Gender: Female

Religion: Baptist

Race or Ethnicity: White

Sexual orientation: Straight

Occupation: Government, Activist

Party Affiliation: Republican

Nationality: United States

Executive summary: Conservative activist

Husband: George S. Dunlop (former Assistant Secretary of Agriculture)

University: BA Political Science, Miami University of Ohio (1973)

US Interior Department Deputy Under Secretary (1987-89)

US Justice Department Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney General (1985-86)

African American Republican Leadership Council Advisory Panel

Alexis de Tocqueville Institution Senior Fellow

American Conservative Union Board of Directors

American Educators Foundation

Association for American Educators Foundation

Atlas Economic Research Foundation Visiting Fellow

Bush-Cheney '04

Calvert Institute for Policy Research

Citizens for a Sound Economy Senior Fellow for Environmental Policy

Council for National Policy

Defenders of Property Rights Board of Directors

Enough is Enough Managing Director

Family Foundation of Virginia Board of Directors

Federalist Society Advisory Board Member

Friends of George Allen

Fund for a Free Market America

George W. Bush for President

The Heritage Foundation Vice President, External Relations

Hunters for the Hungry Advisory Council

Institute for 21st Century Agriculture

Institute for Corean-American Studies Fellow

John McCain 2008

:{ Landmark Legal Foundation Advisory Council

National Center for Policy Analysis Environmental Task Force}:

National Conservative Campaign Fund Board of Directors

:{National Republican Senatorial Committee

National Wilderness Institute Board of Directors}:

Philanthropy Round Table

Phillips Foundation Board of Trustees

Reagan Alumni Association

Reagan Ranch Board of Governors

Salvation Army

Steele for Maryland

Virginia Institute of Public Policy Board of Directors

Young America's Foundation Board of Trustees

http://web.archive.org/web/20170517004058/http://www.heritage.org/environment/event/convicted-how-climate-alarmism-harms-the-worlds-poor

May 17, 2017

Convicted: How Climate Alarmism Harms the World’s Poor

Co-Hosted by The Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creation

Learn why top experts risk their jobs, funding, and public reputations to oppose the politicization of science.

iStock

Wednesday, May 17, 2017

5:00 pm - 6:30 pm

The Heritage Foundation

Allison Auditorium

214 Massachusetts Ave NE

Washington, DC

20002

RSVP FOR THIS EVENT

Co-Hosted by

E. Calvin Beisner, Ph.D.

Founder and National Spokesman, The Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creation

Becky Norton Dunlop

Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow

Description

The Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creation presents its latest documentary, Convicted: How Climate Alarmism Harms the World’s Poor (working title). As the sequel to Where the Grass is Greener: Biblical Stewardship vs. Climate Alarmism, Convicted delves into the deadly impacts of climate alarmism on people in developing countries, and what Biblical Stewardship requires of us: “To seek justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with our God.”

Learn why top experts risk their jobs, funding, and public reputations to oppose the politicization of science and the use of scientific theories to push social, economic, and political agendas. The science is not settled, watch Convicted: How Climate Alarmism Harms the World’s Poor to know more.

View the trailer at https://vimeo.com/216242322

A Woman Who Changed the Face of the Conservative Movement

By Ron Robinson | November 25, 2011

Editor’s note: We at HUMAN EVENTS are pleased to bring you this week a series of profiles from theClare Boothe Luce Policy Institute. These are profiles of influential and prominent conservative women who have made a tremendous impact for the better on this great country.

In the 1980s, too many conservative groups looked like all-male organizations. Although the conservative movement was once stereotyped as a “group of little old ladies in tennis shoes,” the left exploited an opportunity by nominating an obscure woman, Geraldine Ferraro, for Vice-President and by clamoring for “women’s studies programs” in our schools.

One high-level Reagan Administration official, Michelle Easton, was confident conservative women could play a more crucial, perhaps decisive, role in public policy. She also believed that most American women were inherently conservative.

While she completed her years of service in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush Administrations, Easton decided to launch a conservative women’s group—the Clare Boothe Luce Public Policy Institute—that would balance the ideological scales.

Conservatives, including Sarah Palin, Michele Bachmann, Nikki Haley, Condoleezza Rice, Marsha Blackburn, and Kristi Noem, personify the modern day conservative movement that Michelle Easton championed at the Luce Institute. The Institute eschewed taxpayer subsidies and quick gimmicks to get press. Instead the Easton-led group highlighted a new core of national leaders through Washington policy luncheons, campus lectures, seminars and even its famous annual calendar—“Great American Conservative Women”—featuring the country’s leading conservative women.

Easton also recruited top flight business executives Marji Ross, Kellyanne Conway, and Barb Kenney; veteran Washington hands Ursula Meese, Kate Obenshain, and Frank Donatelli; and beyond-the-beltway leaders Darla Partridge and Clare Luce to serve on the Clare Boothe Luce Board of Directors. Easton enlisted help from other top conservatives, including Becky Norton Dunlop, Bridget Wagner, Cleta Mitchell, Star Parker, S.E. Cupp and Kathryn Lopez, to create a reputation of hosting solid, conservative events.

Recently, David Horowitz honored Michelle Easton with the Freedom Center’s Lifetime Achievement Award for her public policy work. In addition to her accomplishments with the Luce Institute, Easton is an attorney, and mother of three boys, was the principal caregiver for her ailing parents and serves on several boards of other conservative organizations. Easton also served as the president of the Virginia Board of Education, where she authored and championed Gov. Allen’s acclaimed “Standards of Learning (SOLs).” Easton’s career changed the face of the conservative movement.

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Revealed: The Right-Wing Movement’s Agenda For Trump’s First 180 Days

Peter Montgomery on Tuesday, 7/26/2016

The Conservative Action Project is a network of more than 100 right-wing leaders created in 2008 as “an offshoot” of the secretive far-right Council for National Policy, making it part of an array of conservative coalitions that bloomed around and after the election of Barack Obama. Originally chaired by Edwin Meese, the Conservative Action Project is now headed by Becky Norton Dunlop, Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow at the Heritage Foundation. It includes leaders of all of what are often described as the three legs of the conservative movement: social, economic, and national security conservatives.

The Washington Post reported in 2010 that the Conservative Action Project was helping fuel closer coordination across the multifaceted conservative coalition with its weekly Wednesday morning meetings at the Family Research Council. The group also promotes shared messaging and strategy with its “Memos for the Movement.”Now this collection of right-wing leaders has identified its policy priorities for the first 180 days of a new administration.

At a forum organized by the American Conservative Union Foundation at the Republican National Convention, participants were given of a set of pocket cards containing policy proposals, quick facts and “market tested messages” on the one dozen highest priorities selected by Conservative Action Project leaders. The 12 priorities are divided into four categories: Constitutional Issues and the Judiciary; Preserving and Protecting Our Culture; Freeing Our Economy so Everyone Can Win; and Defending Our Freedoms.

The package provides a clear picture of the ideas that right-wing organizations are pushing Trump to embrace. Some are vague, like, “The President should revive Public Diplomacy,” but others are quite specific. Taken together, they’re a pretty good indication of what we’d have in store on the policy front with Trump in the White House.

Among the proposals, which signal the intense desire of right-wing organizations to infuse their priorities throughout the federal government’s executive branch agencies:

Immediately rescind all Obama Executive Orders consistent with recommendations by Constitutional and trusted advisors such as The Federalist Society, The Heritage Foundation, and other conservative advisors and transition committees.
Terminate all executive branch individuals still within their probationary period and freeze hiring for all regulatory positions.
The President should eliminate taxpayer funding of Planned Parenthood using executive actionand seek a permanent legislative solution.
ThePresident should freeze and withdraw all regulatory activity on the Obama energy and climate agenda.
Submit legislation to repeal Obamacare in its entirety.
The President should support therule of lawand reject amnesty proposals and fully enforce and strengthen interior enforcement measures in the United States.

The policy proposals listed under “Restore Religious Freedom” include calls for the president to ensure passage of the First Amendment Defense Act, which carves out exceptions from nondiscrimination laws for people who claim anti-LGBT religious beliefs, and to “issue an Executive Order requiring that the Executive branch respect the 1st Amendment and provisions of the First Amendment Defense Act.”

The package proposes a new tax code that is “simpler, fairer, flatter and stimulates growth,” insisting that all tax reform “should lower individual and business tax rates, particularly the top marginal rates, to encourage saving and investing.”

It says senators “should vigorously question judicial nominees about their intent to remain faithful to the original meaning of the Constitution and laws.”

On education, the movement’s priority is to “Advance School Choice,” and it calls on the president to appoint “a movement conservative” as secretary of education. It wants the president to “champion the policy of dollars following the children,” language used by advocates for private school vouchers and other forms of public school privatization.

The Conservative Action Project’s “memos for the movement” provide a further sense of the group’s worldview. For example, it responded to last year’s marriage equality decision by the Supreme Court in apocalyptic terms, saying, “The Court’s abuse of power is of such historic proportions that the conservative movement, and indeed every American who cherishes liberty must now address the serious damage done to the cause of freedom and the very foundation of our civil society.”

The group has intensely opposed efforts to expand disclosure requirements for political “dark money,” portraying conservatives as “a persecuted class” who are “bullied to either conform or suffer retribution.”

Among its2016 releases was a March memo urging Senate Republicans to be resolute in refusing to consider a nominee from President Obama to fill the Supreme Court seat that became vacant with the death of Justice Antonin Scalia. Here’s an excerpt from the group’s thoughtful and rational rhetoric:

The president and his liberal allies know what is at stake and so do we. It is nothing short of their intent to eradicate precious constitutional rights. These leftists have made clear their first target is our 1st Amendment right to political speech and thesilencing of conservative voices. They mock the 2nd Amendment right of the people to protect themselves and their families and are determined to take away our constitutional right to bear arms. They welcome the prospect of unleashing unaccountable federal agencies like the IRS and EPA to impose a liberal policy agenda that will harm Americans and punish any who dare to disagree with their worldview. And not least of all, they vow to use the Court’s power to impose an “unconditional surrender” in their cultural war against our fundamental institutions of faith, family, marriage, home, and school — and will wipe out any pro-life protections, instead imposing abortion on-demand, up to the moment of birth, paid for by the taxpayers.

FILED UNDER

OMG:

[caption with derigeur unflattering foto: A group of conservative leaders calls on Americans to urge their representatives in Washington to protect citizens from abuse by IRS officials such as Lois Lerner, above. ] cute Portrait of Leah Jessen, so a PR platform for baby ideological entre?

@_LeahKay_

Leah Jessen is a news reporter for The Daily Signal and graduate of The Heritage Foundation's Young Leaders Program. Send an email to Leah.

sw 8 22

Becky Norton Dunlop is a senior fellow at the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution (AdTI) and oversees its programs on environmental regulation. She is vice president for External Relations of the Heritage Foundation, serves as a board member for the National Wilderness Institute, Defenders of Property Rights, the Family Foundation of Virginia, the Virginia Institute for Public Policy, the American Conservative Union, the Association of American Educators, the Institute for 21st Century Agriculture and the Reagan Alumni Association.

She is on the Advisory Council for the Landmark Legal Foundation and Hunters for the Hungry, a member of the Philanthropy Roundtable and a Fellow with the Atlas Economic Research Foundation. She recently served as an appointee of the Senate Majority Leader on the Women's Progress Commemoration Commission. Dunlop and her husband, George, reside in Arlington, Virginia.

Documents Contained at the Anti-Environmental Archives
Documents written by or referencing this person or organization are contained in the Anti-Environmental Archive, launched by Greenpeace on Earth Day, 2015. The archive contains 3,500 documents, some 27,000 pages, covering 350 organizations and individuals. The current archive includes mainly documents collected in the late 1980s through the early 2000s by The Clearinghouse on Environmental Advocacy and Research (CLEAR), an organization that tracked the rise of the so called "Wise Use" movement in the 1990s during the Clinton presidency. Access the index to the Anti-Environmental Archives here.

Documents Contained at the Anti-Environmental Archives

Documents written by or referencing this person or organization are contained in the Anti-Environmental Archive, launched by Greenpeace on Earth Day, 2015. The archive contains 3,500 documents, some 27,000 pages, covering 350 organizations and individuals. The current archive includes mainly documents collected in the late 1980s through the early 2000s by The Clearinghouse on Environmental Advocacy and Research (CLEAR), an organization that tracked the rise of the so called "Wise Use" movement in the 1990s during the Clinton presidency. Access the index to the Anti-Environmental Archives here.

Books

Becky Norton Dunlop, "Clearing the Air, How the People of Virginia Improved the State's Air and Water Despite the EPA", Alexis de Tocqueville Institution, October 25, 2000, ISBN 0-9705485-0-8 [1]

Other SourceWatch Resources

Think tanks

External Links

"Becky Norton Dunlop Biography", Alexis de Tocqueville Institution, August 2000
"Becky Norton Dunlop, Biographic Sketch", Institute for Corean-American Studies, February 28, 2002
"Becky Norton Dunlop", Heritage Foundation, 2004
"Becky Norton Dunlop", American Conservative Union
Becky Norton Dunlop, "Virginians and Energy", Virginia Institute for Public Policy, December, 2001

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no lnx

becky Norton Dunlop 3rd degree ion3rd

Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow at The Heritage Foundation

The Heritage Foundation

Miami University, Oxford, Ohio

Washington DC-Baltimore Area Contact info

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Becky Norton Dunlop commented on a post • 6d6d

Keep making those who think think more Alex. More energy today from fossil fuels will mean more innovation and new ideas! Solar and wind also depend heavily on China, not good!

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Becky Norton Dunlop commented on a post • 6d6d

Job well done. It was a pleasure being your colleague at Heritage. I think your days ahead will be even busier than your days behind. Be blessed!

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Becky Norton Dunlop commented on a post • 2w2w

God has used you in mighty ways. And He knew just what you needed to assure that you could help so many and share this story.

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ExperienceExperience

The Heritage Foundation logo

The Heritage FoundationThe Heritage Foundation

24 yrs 2 mos24 yrs 2 mos

Ronald Reagan Distinguished FellowRonald Reagan Distinguished Fellow

May 2016 - Present · 6 yrs 4 mosMay 2016 - Present · 6 yrs 4 mos

Washington, DCWashington, DC

Vice PresidentVice President

Jul 1998 - May 2016 · 17 yrs 11 mosJul 1998 - May 2016 · 17 yrs 11 mos

Member of Board of GovernorsMember of Board of Governors

Reagan Ranch Board of GovernorsReagan Ranch Board of Governors

1999 - 2014 · 15 yrs1999 - 2014 · 15 yrs

Santa Barbara, CaliforniaSanta Barbara, California

Board of Governors oversee management of Reagan Ranch owned by the Young America's Foundation and home of Ronald Reagan during his presidency and following. It is an historic home of a former President privately owned and preserved. Private contributions support the Reagan Ranch and museum in Santa Barbara.

Commonwealth of Virginia logo

Secretary of Natural Resources

Commonwealth of VirginiaCommonwealth of Virginia

1994 - 1998 · 4 yrs

Richmond, VARichmond, VA

Served in the Cabinet of Governor George F. Allen Served in the Cabinet of Governor George F. Allen

U.S. Department of the Interior logo

Deputy Undersecretary and Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife and Parks Deputy Undersecretary and Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife and Parks

Department of the Interior Department of the Interior

Jan 1987 - Mar 1989 · 2 yrs 3 mosJan 1987 - Mar 1989 · 2 yrs 3 mos

Department of the InteriorDepartment of the Interior

served in the subcabinet of President Ronald Reagan and on the management team of SecretaryDonald Paul Hodelserved in the subcabinet of President Ronald Reagan and on the management team of Secretary Donald Paul Hodel

U.S. Department of Justice logo

Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney GeneralSenior Special Assistant to the Attorney General

U.S. Department of JusticeU.S. Department of Justice

Jan 1985 - Dec 1986 · 2 yrsJan 1985 - Dec 1986 · 2 yrs

Managed Attorney General Edwin Meese's portfolioas President Reagan's Domestic Policy Chairman.Managed Attorney General Edwin Meese's portfolio as President Reagan's Domestic Policy Chairman.

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EducationEducation

Miami University, Oxford, Ohio Miami University, Oxford, Ohio

Bachelor's DegreeBachelor's Degree

1969 - 19731969 - 1973

SkillsSkills

Public PolicyPublic Policy

Endorsed by John Mashburn and 70 others who are highly skilled at thisEndorsed by John Mashburn and 70 others who are highly skilled at this

Endorsed by 35 colleagues at The Heritage Foundation Endorsed by 35 colleagues at The Heritage Foundation

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Endorsed by Chuck Brooks and 34 others who are highly skilled at thisEndorsed by Chuck Brooks and 34 others who are highly skilled at this

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James WillisJames Willis

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Founder & editor of Marcellus Drilling News, a publication that helps people and businesses profit from shale energy in the northeast.Founder & editor of Marcellus Drilling News, a publication that helps people and businesses profit from shale energy in the northeast.

February 6, 2008, James reported directly to Becky NortonFebruary 6, 2008, James reported directly to Becky Norton

Young Leaders Program

Heather Pfitzenmaier, Director

Elinor Renner, Program Associate

The Young Leaders Program promotes the mission of The Heritage Foundation to the next generation by developing and implementing outreach to younger audiences. We offer young conservatives from around the country Washington, DC’s best internship program. Through our Young Leaders Program Facebook Page and our Student Virtual Think Tank, young conservatives can interact with Heritage policy experts on their campuses. For those visiting Washington, the Young Leaders Program will host a briefing about Heritage and policy issues.

Click below or contact YoungLeadersProgram@heritage.org for more information.

Legislation that would prevent the Internal Revenue Service from requiring tax-exempt organizations to include the names, addresses, or identifying information of donors in yearly returns could end up on President Barack Obama’s desk.

The House passed the bill, introduced by Rep. Peter Roskam, R-Ill., by a vote of :{240-182:(style="font-weight:400"):}:.

The White House Office of Management and Budget :{said:(style="font-weight:400"):}: the Obama administration opposes the House legislation. The bill “would constrain the Internal Revenue Service’s ability to enforce tax laws and reduce transparency,” it said.

House votes to stop IRS from collecting info of nonprofit donors – https://t.co/46w7GZhPSM – @WashTimes

— Peter Roskam (@PeterRoskam) June 14, 2016

“We voted to eliminate a confidential form the IRS proved incapable of securing,” Roskam said in a prepared statement after the legislation passed June 14. “The agency has said it doesn’t even need this form for tax administration in the first place.”

Currently, 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) nonprofits must provide donor names and addresses to the IRS on Form B of their annual Form 990 information :{returns:(style="font-weight:400"):}:. These tax-exempt organizations must disclose the identities and other information for donors who contribute more than :{$5,000:(style="font-weight:400"):}:.

The :{Conservative Action Project:(style="font-weight:400"):}:, comprised of leaders at over 100 organizations working toward common goals within the conservative movement, recently issued a memo calling for a curtailment of IRS power.

Chairwoman of the group is Becky Norton Dunlop, a former White House adviser to President Ronald Reagan who is The Heritage Foundation’s longtime vice president for external relations and currently the think tank’s Ronald Reagan distinguished fellow.

“The IRS itself has conceded that it has great difficulty maintaining the statutory confidentiality of donors’ identity,” the Conservative Action Group’s :{memo:(style="font-weight:400"):}: says, adding:

Many believe that compelling the disclosure of donor information violates the contributors’ and [tax-]exempt organizations’ First Amendment rights to freedom of association and that Congress should prohibit the continued collection by the IRS of this sensitive information.

>>> Conservatives Impatient With House Leadership on Impeaching IRS Chief

Roskam’s bill, :{H.R. 5053:(style="font-weight:400"):}:, was titled the “Preventing IRS Abuse and Protecting Free Speech Act.”

The memo, signed by over 70 conservative leaders, called for support of Roskam’s legislation:

In 2013, senior IRS official Lois Lerner admitted that organizations were targeted because of their titles or beliefs, but claimed that the practice was ‘absolutely incorrect, insensitive, and inappropriate.’

H.R. 5053 will assist the IRS in doing its job: If the IRS doesn’t have information about donors to 501(c) organizations, it can’t release it, by mistake, or by direction of a successor to Lois Lerner—one of whom might, soon, be a Republican.

The Senate Committee on Finance released a report last fall that claims the IRS :{mishandled:(style="font-weight:400"):}: tea party and conservative groups’ applications for tax-exempt status, but Lerner, former director of the agency’s Exempt Organizations Division, was not charged by the Department of Justice.

The current IRS commissioner, John Koskinen, is also under :{threat of impeachment:(style="font-weight:400"):}: by the House Judiciary Committee for :{failing to produce documents:(style="font-weight:400"):}: in relation to the Lerner scandal.

“When the IRS scandal broke, Congress demanded answers from the agency’s top officials. Were they targeting groups for their religious and political beliefs?” House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., :{wrote :(style="font-weight:400"):}:in an op-ed for The Daily Signal. “No, they said, it was just a few rogue employees in Ohio—if anything at all. Well, what happened to Lois Lerner’s emails? Oh, they were lost in a tragic hard drive crash.”

J. Russell George, the Treasury Department’s inspector general, testified before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, telling lawmakers that IRS employees erased 422 backup tapes that housed 24,000 emails sent to and from Lerner. The erasure came a month after IRS officials had been told the emails were missing due to a hard drive crash, The Daily Signal previously reported.

>>>**IRS Employees Erased 422 Backup Tapes Containing 24,000 of Lois Lerner’s Emails**

One of the signatories on the Conservative Action Project memo, Jenny Beth Martin, co-founder and president of Tea Party Patriots, released the following :{statement:(style="font-weight:400"):}::

In our republic, it is the government that needs to be transparent about the ways it exercises its enormous power, and the American people are guaranteed privacy and the freedom to associate in the Bill of Rights. On behalf of our over 2 million supporters I want to sincerely thank the House of Representatives for taking action on this important issue to help protect and expand the First Amendment and I call on the U.S. Senate to join the House in passing this bill so it can be sent to the president’s desk as soon as possible.

Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., introduced on June 15 a :{companion bill:(style="font-weight:400"):}: to the legislation passed in the House. Scott’s legislation was referred to the Senate :{Committee on Finance:(style="font-weight:400"):}:.

“The IRS’ targeting of groups based on their political beliefs is totally unacceptable, and we must take concrete steps to ensure it never happens again,” Scott said in a prepared :{statement:(style="font-weight:400"):}:.

:{The Daily Signal depends on the support of readers like you:{ [link to HERITAGE.ORG]}:

bs bio

http://prfamerica.org/biography/Biography-NortonDunlop-Becky.html

prop rts fgn

mt vernon statement

http://rationalwiki.org/wiki/Mount_Vernon_Statement

Mount Vernon Statement is a declaration of principles for the modern conservative movement. It was posted to the Internet on February 17, 2010. }:The Statement is notable mostly for the collection of high profile right-wing figures who signed it.

Contents [hide]

[] Content

The Statement is mostly conservative boilerplate about "founding principles" and "limited government" and similar Tea Party rhetoric. No specific planks are addressed, and while the site boasts links to the text of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, neither is directly addressed. The closest the Statement comes to specificity is a series of five points defining "Constitutional conservatism":

It applies the principle of limited government based on the rule of law to every proposal.

It honors the central place of individual liberty in American politics and life.

It encourages free enterprise, the individual entrepreneur, and economic reforms grounded in market solutions.

It supports America’s national interest in advancing freedom and opposing tyranny in the world and prudently considers what we can and should do to that end.

It informs conservatism’s firm defense of family, neighborhood, community, and faith.

[edit] Signatories

The actual content of the Statement is secondary to the list of signatories, including Reagan-era conservatives and heads of major conservative organizations. For a statement centered around limited government, there are a surprisingly large number of social conservatives featured. Also, it calls explicitly for rule of law, and yet supporters of torture and indefinite detention were among the signatories.^[1]

[ The List

Edwin Meese
Edwin Feulner, Jr.
Lee Edwards
Tony Perkins
Becky Norton Dunlop
L. Brent Bozell III
Alfred Regnery
David Keene
David McIntosh
T. Kenneth Cribb
Grover Norquist
William Wilson
Elaine Donnelly
Richard Viguerie
Kenneth Blackwell
Colin Hanna
Kathryn J. Lopez

Erick Erickson was also to be a signatory, but in spite of actually travelling to Mount Vernon (to sign an Internet petition), he is not featured among the signers.^[2]

[edit] Richard Viguerie

Interestingly, Viguerie initially pushed back against the Statement, saying "If the people in the leadership of the conservative movement are going to put out pablum like this, the tea party people are going to make them seem irrelevant. And the tea party people are going to march to the forefront."^[3] Nevertheless, he signed it just a few weeks later, calling it an "attempt to draft a document that conservatives...can get behind and begin the process of reclaiming the Republican Party for small-government conservatives."^[4]

[External links

The Mount Vernon Statement

[Footnote

↑ [1]
↑ Mount Vernon Lulz, Instaputz
↑ Conservative manifesto makes bid to reunify, The Washington Times
↑ 'Mount Vernon Statement' to unite conservatives, Point of View

Categories:

Clare Boothe Luce Policy Institute > CBLPI Issues > Energy & Environment > 8 Principles to Guide Environmental Policies

8 Principles to Guide Environmental Policies

Posted on: June 1, 2013

ByBecky Norton Dunlop

Principles matter. Without sound principles to guide decisionmaking, good public policy can easily be derailed by pure emotional appeal, manipulative advocacy, and greedy con artists. The following eight time-tested principles are essential to development good environmental policies for the nation.

This principle divides the left and the right. There are people across the country and around the world who believe that people are a blights on the planet, and the planet would be better off if people would just get off. History and experience prove otherwise.

It is human intellect, accumulated knowledge and creativity that provide the means to make responsible decisions in the conservation and stewardship of the environment and all natural resources. Ultimately, a policy cannot be good for the environment if it is bad for the people who live under – and are affected by – that policy.

The statists, the environmental radicals, the liberals think the Earth is static and diminishing and that human impact harms it. Conservatives think the opposite: that renewable natural resources are regenerated through growth, reproduction, and other naturally occurring processes that cleanse, cycle, or otherwise create them anew.

Wise management is an important term in this principle. We know that if we walk through a forest today and go back to the same spot in a year, the forest will be different even if no other human treads on it in the interim. Resources constantly change, and humans can improve the quality and condition of those resources.

Even the youngest person understands this truth: When you own something, you tend to take care of it and improve it in quality and condition. There are many examples of free-market environmental improvements because someone developed a better design. For example, the goal of car manufacturers isn’t to build cars that use the most gasoline; it is to build cars that satisfy people, which is why there are far more Priuses on the road today than Hummers.

The annual Index of Economic Freedom confirms this principle. The report consistently finds that the nations with the greatest private property protections and the most free markets are also the ones with the best environments.

Too many foolishly seem to measure environmental benefits in terms of the number of people who attend environmental conferences.

Science provides a means of rationally assessing real – rather than theoretical – environmental impacts. Human health and safety, economic well-being, and liberty should be the primary criteria by which we assess environmental measures and outcomes.

Consider Coca-Cola cans. the original cans were made of steel that couldn’t be dented. Over time, manufacturers replaced steel with ever-thinning aluminum to the point that they can be crushed by the human hand today.

Trees were once milled strictly for their lumber, with bark and sawdust discarded in rapidly filling landfills. Over time, entrepreneurs found valuable uses for bark (chip wood for landscaping) and sawdust (mixed with plastic market bags to make plastic lumber for picnic tables, piers, docks, etc.), turning waste into new marketable products and reducing waste headed for landfills.

In the 1990s, a Washington-directed command-and-control, one-size-fits-all environmental policy shifted into high gear. It treated all states and regions the same. Yet states and regions are different and require different solutions. Virginia 0 with its seashores, farmland, rivers, mountains and valleys – is very different from Texas, which is different from Idaho.

Logic and science dictate that each state, and even regions within states, will have different environmental challenges and require unique solutions. One size-fits-all policies control people, but they are an ineffective way to genuinely improve the environment.

Good, demonstrated science is one element to guide policy decisions, but it should never dictate public policy decisions. Cost-benefit analyses and impacts should be considered in policy decisions as well.

Beware, too, of fear mongering in the name of science. Years ago, actress Meryl Streep offered ‘testimony’ to Congress that was summed up this way: I don’t want Alar sprayed on applies because it will kill my babies. Although fear of Alar spread, demonstrated science confirmed that if an aspirin tablet-sized amount of Alar was put into an Olympic pool-size amount of water and the water sprayed on apples, it significantly improved the quality and condition of applies, with no harm whatsoever to any humans, including babies.

Increasingly, the most polluted spots on the Earth today are places that were ruled by the old Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was against pollution and, as a communist regime, it centrally controlled everything: manufacturing, inspecting, permitting, and certainly people. Yet it’s central control, along with lack of human freedom and free-market incentives, resulted in the greatest pollution on earth.

Today, horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing (fracking) of oil and natural gas on private U.S. lands are proving this principle. The increased production and use of these energy sources is largely credited in dramatically reducing carbon pollution in the U.S. in the past five years.

If followed, these eight principles would greatly aid the nation in making wise management decisions concerning the environment.

About the Author: Becky Norton Dunlop is Vice President – External Relations at the Heritage Foundation and the former Secretary of Natural Resources of the Commonwealth of Virginia. This paper was adapted from her presentation to the Conservative Women’s Network

stewardship bs:

Uploaded on Sep 12, 2011

The Honorable Becky Norton Dunlop discusses the importance of including climate change ideas into the Christian worldview.Ignorance of the worldview behind environmentalism, and cultural separation of the issue makes Christians, and the whole world, vulnerable to attack by an anti-biblical movement.Christians need to demonstrate we are not only good stewards, but better stewards of the environment. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z0OYLgaQlXE resisting the green dragon.com

ownership improves taking care of property

Becky Norton Dunlop is a senior fellow at the **Alexis** de Tocqueville Institution (AdTI) and oversees its programs on environmental regulation. She is vice president for External Relations of the **Heritage**Foundation, serves as a board member for the National Wilderness Institute, Defenders of Property Rights,theFamily Foundation of Virginia, the Virginia Institute for Public Policy, the American Conservative Union, the Association of American Educators, the Institute for 21st Century Agriculture and the Reagan Alumni Association.

Books

Becky Norton Dunlop, "Clearing the Air, How the People of Virginia Improved the State's Air and Water Despite the EPA", Alexis de Tocqueville Institution, October 25, 2000, ISBN 0-9705485-0-8 [1]

Other SourceWatch resources

Think tanks

External links

"Becky Norton Dunlop Biography", Alexis de Tocqueville Institution, August 2000
"Becky Norton Dunlop, Biographic Sketch", Institute for Corean-American Studies, February 28, 2002
"Becky Norton Dunlop", Heritage Foundation, 2004
"Becky Norton Dunlop", American Conservative Union
Becky Norton Dunlop, "Virginians and Energy", Virginia Institute for Public Policy, December, 2001

Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow

The Heritage Foundation

May 2016 – Present (3 months)

The Heritage Foundation

Vice President

The Heritage Foundation

July 1998 – May 2016 (17 years 11 months)

Member of Board of Governors

Reagan Ranch Board of Governors

1999 – 2014 (15 years)

Commonwealth of Virginia

Secretary of Natural Resources

Commonwealth of Virginia

1994 – 1998 (4 years)

Served in the Cabinet of Governor George F. Allen

Department of the Interior

Deputy Undersecretary and Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife and Parks

Department of the Interior

January 1987 – March 1989 (2 years 3 months)

served in the subcabinet of President Ronald Reagan and on the management team of Secretary Donald Paul Hodel

U.S. Department of Justice

Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney General

U.S. Department of Justice

January 1985 – December 1986 (2 years)

Managed Attorney General Edwin Meese's portfolio as President Reagan's Domestic Policy Chairman.

Deputy Assistant to the President for PPO

The Reagan White House

1983 – 1985 (2 years)

Special Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Cabinet Affairs

The White House

1981 – 1983 (2 years)

managed the Cabinet Office, the communications link between President Reagan and his Cabinet Secretaries and Agency heads. Prepared briefing papers for President Reagan on policy matters. Managed events that included the President and one or more of his Cabinet Secretaries.

Skills

Public PolicyPolicyGovernmentPoliticsLeadershipPublic SpeakingStrategic CommunicationsManagementCoalitionsStrategic PlanningPolitical CampaignsFundraisingNonprofitsPublic RelationsGrassroots OrganizingSee 20+

How's this translation?

Great•Has errors

Education

Miami University, Oxford, Ohio

Bachelor's Degree

1969 – 1973

Interests

new technology

Recommendations

A preview of what LinkedIn members have to say about Becky Norton:

Becky Norton is the best public speaker I've ever had the pleasure of hearing ... a friendly conversational tone mixed with the exact right blend of passion and facts. Hearing her speak about Founding Fathers is a real lift.

It's not often you stay in touch with a former boss from 25 years ago, but such is the character of Becky Norton Dunlop (and her husband George). When I was a new kid in Washington, DC, Becky mentored me, first as an intern at The White House, and later when she hired me to work for her on staff at The White House. Becky gave me an incredible opportunity--the chance to work for Ronald Reagan--for which I am eternally grateful. Becky often introduced me to the top leaders of our government, including then Presidential Advisor Ed Meese, and Senator Jesse Helms. She even treated me to breakfast at The White House Mess! Becky has been a leading conservative voice since the 1980s, and continues to have a profound and positive impact on our country in her role at the Heritage Foundation. This recommendation is made spontaneously and without being requested. I simply wanted to thank Becky for the important role she played in my life, for the conservative foundation she gave me, and for the many important things she has done and continues to do for our great country.

Groups

Awakening, Inc.

Risk Group

8th Congressional District Republican Committee - Virginia

President Ronald W. Reagan Administration Appointees and Volunteers

AFBI - American Family Business Institute

Cyber-security

scrape:

Kyle Bonnell

Recruitment and Job Bank Manager at The Heritage Foundation

John Fogarty

Robert Bluey

Bridgett Wagner

Vice President, External Relations at The Heritage Foundation

Jennifer Marshall

Vice President, Institute for Family, Community, and Opportunity at The Heritage Foundation

Ryan Nichols

Associate Director, Coalition Relations at The Heritage Foundation

Heather Pfitzenmaier

Director, Chapter Programs at America's Future Foundation

Ed Feulner

Founder and Chairman, Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation

Steven Bucci, Ph.D.

Independent Consultant and Visiting Research Fellow for Special Operations and Counter Terrorism at The Heritage Foundation

David Azerrad

Director, Center for Principles and Politics & AWC Family Foundation fellow at The Heritage

http://www.exxonsecrets.org/html/personfactsheet.php?id=273

Vice President for External Relations, Heritage Foundation.

Board Member, Reagan Alumni Association. Board Member, Family Foundation of Virginia. Board of Governers,Reagan Ranch. Board Member, American Conservative Union. Advisory Board Member, Federalist Society. Former Secretary for Natural Resources, Commonwealth of Virginia. Director of Cabinet Staff under Ronald Reagan. Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney General, U.S. Department of Justice, (1985-1986). Deputy Under Secretary of the U.S. Department of Interior and Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife, and Parks (1987-1989). Former Political Director, American Conservative Union.

Dunlop was the American Conservative Union's political director during the 1970's, and had a series of federal jobs during the Reagan Administration. She is married to lobbyist George Dunlop whose former employer, Senator Jesse Helms, gave her away at their wedding.

Dunlop was forced to resign from her former position as assistant secretary of fish, wildlife and parks at the US Department of the Interior in 1989 by Democrats and Republicans in Congress who "accused her of trying to politicize the civil service."

Lauren Mintzmyer, who was National Park Service regional director in Denver at the time of the incident, said of Dunlop: "I didn't feel she had environmental motivations. She was very development oriented." [Washington Post, 1/24/94] At the 1998 Alliance for America Fly In for Freedom, Dunlop advoatedprivate ownership of public land during a panel discussion on "Individuals, Liberty and the Environment." Alliance for America is the national umbrella organization for the "wise use" movement. Dunlop is the author of "Clearing the Air: How the People of Virginia Improved the State’s Air and Water Despite the EPA," published by the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution.

Full biography available at: http://www.icasinc.org/bios/dunlop_b.html

KEY EVENTS

Call to Truth, Prudence and the Protection of the Poor: An Evangelical Response to Global Warming

http://www.heritage.org/press/events/ev072506b.cfm

The relationship of Becky Norton Dunlop to the event: Host

ORGANIZATIONS

**National Wilderness Institute**

Source: National Wilderness Institute website, 3/04

**Heritage Foundation**

Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04

**Alexis de Tocqueville Institution**

Source: Alexis de Tocqueville Institution website 5/04

**:{Federalist Society:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}: for Law and Public Policy Studies**

Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04

**Landmark Legal Foundation**

Source: Heritage Foundation website 4/04

**Defenders of Property Rights**

Source: Defenders of Property Rights website

**Virginia Institute for Public Policy**

Source:

**Lindenwood University**

Source: Lindenwood University

**Interfaith Stewardship Alliance**

Source: :{Heritage :(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}:Foundation Press Release (2006)

SOURCES

National Wilderness Institute website, 3/04

http://www.nwi.org

Heritage Foundation website 4/04

http://www.heritage.org

Alexis de Tocqueville Institution website 5/04

http://www.adti.net/

Defenders of Property Rights website

http://www.yourpropertyrights.org/about/boardadvisors.asp

http://gcep.stanford.edu/sponsors_exxonmobil.html

Lindenwood University

The Institute for the Study of Economics and the Environment Economic Policy Lecture Series

http://www.lindenwood.edu

Heritage Foundation Press Release (2006)

http://www.heritage.org/press/events/ev072506b.cfm

KA Becky Norton

Born: 2-Oct-1951

Birthplace: Minneapolis, MN

Gender: Female

Religion: Baptist

Race or Ethnicity: White

Sexual orientation: Straight

Occupation: Government, Activist

Party Affiliation: Republican

Nationality: United States

Executive summary: Conservative activist

Husband: George S. Dunlop (former Assistant Secretary of Agriculture)

University: BA Political Science, Miami University of Ohio (1973)

US Interior Department Deputy Under Secretary (1987-89)

US Justice Department Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney General (1985-86)

African American Republican Leadership Council Advisory Panel

Alexis de Tocqueville Institution Senior Fellow

American Conservative Union Board of Directors

American Educators Foundation

Association for American Educators Foundation

Atlas Economic Research Foundation Visiting Fellow

:{ Bush-Cheney '04

}::{Calvert Institute:(style="background-color:#ffff66;"):}: for Policy Research

Citizens for a Sound Economy Senior Fellow for Environmental Policy

Council for National Policy

Defenders of Property Rights Board of Directors

Enough is Enough Managing Director

Family Foundation of Virginia Board of Directors

Federalist Society Advisory Board Member

Friends of George Allen

Fund for a Free Market America

George W. Bush for President

The Heritage Foundation Vice President, External Relations

Hunters for the Hungry Advisory Council

Institute for 21st Century Agriculture

Institute for Corean-American Studies Fellow

John McCain 2008

Landmark Legal Foundation Advisory Council

National Center for Policy Analysis Environmental Task Force

National Conservative Campaign Fund Board of Directors

National Republican Senatorial Committee

:{ National Wilderness Institute Board of Directors

Philanthropy Round Table

Phillips Foundation Board of Trustees}:

Reagan Alumni Association

Reagan Ranch Board of Governors

Salvation Army

Steele for Maryland

Virginia Institute of Public Policy Board of Directors

Young America's Foundation Board of Trustees

Vice President for External Relations, Heritage Foundation.

Senior Fellow, Alexis de Tocqueville Institution. Fellow, Atlas Foundation. Advisory Council, Landmark Legal Foundation. Member, Philanthropy Round Table. Board Member, National Wilderness Institute. Board Member, Defenders of Property Rights. Board Member, Virginia Institute of Public Policy. Board Member, Association of American Educators. Board Member, Institute for 21st Century Agriculture. Board Member, Reagan Alumni Association. Board Member, Family Foundation of Virginia. Board of Governers, Reagan Ranch. Board Member, American Conservative Union. Advisory Board Member, Federalist Society. Former Secretary for Natural Resources, Commonwealth of Virginia. Director of Cabinet Staff under Ronald Reagan. Senior Special Assistant to the Attorney General, U.S. Department of Justice, (1985-1986). Deputy Under Secretary of the U.S. Department of Interior and Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife, and Parks (1987-1989). Former Political Director, American Conservative Union.

Dunlop was the American Conservative Union's political director during the 1970's, and had a series of federal jobs during the Reagan Administration. She is married to lobbyist George Dunlop whose former employer, Senator Jesse Helms, gave her away at their wedding. Dunlop was forced to resign from her former position as assistant secretary of fish, wildlife and parks at the US Department of the Interior in 1989 by Democrats and Republicans in Congress who "accused her of trying to politicize the civil service." Lauren Mintzmyer, who was National Park Service regional director in Denver at the time of the incident, said of Dunlop: "I didn't feel she had environmental motivations. She was very development oriented." [Washington Post, 1/24/94] At the 1998 Alliance for America Fly In for Freedom, Dunlop advoated private ownership of public land during a panel discussion on "Individuals, Liberty and the Environment." Alliance for America is the national umbrella organization for the "wise use" movement. Dunlop is the author of "Clearing the Air: How the People of Virginia Improved the State’s Air and Water Despite the EPA," published by the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution.

Full biography available at: http://www.icasinc.org/bios/dunlop_b.html

KEY EVENTS

Call to Truth, Prudence and the Protection of the Poor: An Evangelical Response to Global Warming

http://www.heritage.org/press/events/ev072506b.cfm

The relationship of Becky Norton Dunlop to the event: Host

Dr. E. Calvin BeisnerAssociate Professor of Social Ethics,

Knox Theological Seminary

Dr. David R. LegatesClimatologist and Director,

Center for Climatic Studies,

University of Delaware

Dr. Kenneth ChiltonDirector of the Institute for the Study of Economics and the Environment,

Lindenwood University, Missouri

Rev. Abdul Karim SesaySenior Pastor,

Kings and Priests Court International Ministries, Silver Spring, Maryland

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Becky Norton Dunlop, a prominent leader, strategist, and counselor in the conservative movement, is The Heritage Foundation's Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow. Dunlop, who joined the leading...

:{https://virginiainstitute.org:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:baseline"):}::{ › leaders › board › becky-norton-dunlop:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:baseline"):}:

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:{Becky Norton Dunlop | Conservative University:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:

Dunlop, who joined Heritage in 1998, oversees four program areas - Coalition Relations, Lectures and Seminars, Young Leaders Program and Strategic Outreach - that are focused on spreading conservative ideas in a host of outside forums. Her responsibilities include advising and consulting with fellow leaders in the private and public sectors.

:{Becky Norton Dunlop | The Heritage Foundation:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:

Becky Norton Dunlop, a prominent leader, strategist, and counselor in the conservative movement, is The Heritage Foundation's Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow. Dunlop, who joined the leading think tank in 1998, holds the only policy chair in the country to be officially named for the 40th president. She succeeds Ed Meese, the U.S. attorney general under Reagan, who assumed emeritus status.

:{https://www.linkedin.com:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:baseline"):}::{ › in › becky-norton-dunlop-20b13:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:baseline"):}:

:{Becky Norton Dunlop - Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow - LinkedIn:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:

"It's not often you stay in touch with a former boss from 25 years ago, but such is the character of Becky Norton Dunlop (and her husband George). When I was a new kid in Washington, DC, Becky...

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Becky Norton Dunlop is a senior fellow at the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution (AdTI) and oversees its programs on environmental regulation.

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Becky Norton Dunlop is on Facebook. Join Facebook to connect with Becky Norton Dunlop and others you may know. Facebook gives people the power to share and makes the world more open and connected.

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Becky Dunlop is 70 years old today because Becky's birthday is on 10/02/1951. Before moving to Becky's current city of Arlington, VA, Becky lived in Bonita Springs FL and Richmond VA. Sometimes Becky goes by various nicknames including Rebekan L Norton, Rebekah Norton Dunlop, Rebekah N Dunlop, Rebekah Louise Dunlop and Rebekah L Norton.

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View the profiles of people named Becky Norton Dunlop. Join Facebook to connect with Becky Norton Dunlop and others you may know. Facebook gives people...

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Becky Norton Dunlop B ecky Norton Dunlop, a prominent leader, strategist, and counselor in the conservative movement, is The Heritage Foundation's Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow. Dunlop, who joined the leading think tank in 1998, holds the only policy chair in the country to be officially named for the 40th president.

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:{Becky Norton Dunlop, Author at The Daily Signal:(style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;font-style:inherit;font-variant:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-stretch:inherit;vertical-align:top;display:inline-block;max-width:100%;overflow:hidden;text-overflow:ellipsis;white-space:nowrap"):}:

Becky Norton Dunlop, a prominent leader, strategist, and grassroots activist in the conservative movement, is The Heritage Foundation's Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow. View all authors Articles...

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Becky Norton Dunlop. AKA Becky Norton. Conservative activist. Birthplace: Minneapolis, MN. Gender: Female Religion: Baptist Race or Ethnicity: White Sexual orientation: Straight Occupat. Husband: George S. Dunlop (former Assistant Secretary of Agriculture) University: BA Political Science, Miami University of Ohio (1973) US Interior Department Deputy Under ...

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Becky Norton Dunlop serves on the senior management team of The Heritage Foundation as Vice President for External Relations. Her responsibilities include the departments engaged in strategic outreach and communication to conservative public policy institutions and other leadership organizations, international, state and local government

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Becky Norton Dunlop's duties and travel itinerary as The Heritage Foundation's vice president for external relations have made her the think tank's "chief ambassador" outside the Beltway. Dunlop's speeches and other appearances keep her on the road about 60 days a year, addressing a variety of audiences on how conservative principles ...

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Dunlop, B Norton

Revealed: The Right-Wing Movement’s Agenda For Trump’s First 180 Days

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