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sorta invest jrnl esp nerdstuff 11 24 promote 2nd on ~ alt rt


acting US atty DC ed martin going after them, musk said ID illegal?!

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10 26

https://www.wired.com › story › us-law-enforcement-warns-of-anti-tech-extremism

US Law Enforcement Warns of 'Anti-Tech Extremism' as AI ... - WIRED

May 26, 2026As Americans stew over the looming risk of job-stealing AI and data centers in their back yards, the feds are raising the alarm about a new category of threat, documents obtained by WIRED show.

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A reportpublished by the US Census Bureau last month purported to uncover evidence backing up President Donald Trump’s baseless claims that noncitizens voting cost him the 2020 election. It was the latest salvo in Trump’s broader assault on the safety of US elections. “I WON THE ELECTION,” Trump quickly declared on Truth Social after the publication of the report.

However, though Trump and other government officials quickly shared and praised the report, a WIRED investigation has uncovered significant flaws in the data used to compile the report, as well as in the approval process used prior to publication. WIRED has also learned that a number of the report’s authors have links to the Trump administration and the Republican party. They include one former affiliate of Elon Musk’s so-called Department of Government Efficiency and two researchers from the America First Policy Institute (AFPI), a highly influential think tank founded by veterans of Trump’s first administration.

The report, titled “Noncitizen Voting in the 2020 Election: A Beginning Analysis,” claims that an analysis of over 128 million voter records from the 2020 election identified 24,000 people tied to administrative records indicating noncitizen status. The numbers range from 4,300 in California to fewer than 15 in Wyoming—not nearly enough to have affected the outcome of the presidential race. But even these fig...

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WIRED

Apple Took Down These ICE-Tracking Apps. The Developers Aren't Giving Up

“We are going to do everything in our power to fight this,” says ICEBlock developer Joshua Aaron after Apple removed his app from the App Store.

The developer behind Eyes Up, one of the many Immigration and Customs Enforcement-related apps removed by Apple in recent days, was busy on Wednesday evening at a local planning session for the nationwide “No Kings” protest, scheduled for later this month. When WIRED eventually reached him by phone, he asked to be only identified by his first name, Mark, for safety reasons. “The administration will act on their grudges,” he says. “And they are not afraid to do so, frequently.”

...Reece Rogers

Lily Hay Newman

Security

Oct 9, 2025 1:22 PM

Apple Took Down These ICE-Tracking Apps. The Developers Aren't Giving Up

“We are going to do everything in our power to fight this,” says ICEBlock developer Joshua Aaron after Apple removed his app from the App Store.

Apple Took Down These ICETracking Apps. The Developers Aren't Giving Up

The developer behind Eyes Up, one of the many Immigration and Customs Enforcement-related apps removed by Apple in recent days, was busy on Wednesday evening at a local planning session for the nationwide “No Kings” protest, scheduled for later this month. When WIRED eventually reached him by phone, he asked to be only identified by his first name, Mark, for safety reasons. “The administration will act on their grudges,” he says. “And they are not afraid to do so, frequently.”

He should know.

Mark’s app, a platform built to serve as a repository for videos and other materials documenting ICE activity, is not alone in getting kicked off Apple’s App Store. Earlier in October, ICEBlock was among the first ICE-related apps Apple removed. The decision followed claims from US attorney general Pam Bondi that such tools endanger ICE officers. Apple has also removed other tracking apps—including Red Dot and DEICER—as well as Eyes Up.

Like Mark, ICEBlock’s developer, Joshua Aaron, is determined to reverse the app store bans. “While I cannot speak to specifics right now, I can tell you that ICEBlock has an incredible legal team behind it and we are going to do everything in our power to fight this,” Aaron tells WIRED.

Apple did not respond to WIRED’s requests for comment.

Regarding Eyes Up, Mark says he has already appealed Apple’s decision to delist the app, twice.“I will appeal every single time they reject me, until it's back in the App Store,” he says. “Because it's pure cowardice, what they're doing. I'm not gonna let off the gas with Apple.”

The ban ignited a fire under Mark, who’s performing more community outreach to let people know about Eyes Up and encouraging them to upload publicly documented encounters with ICE agents to the app, which is still currently available on the Google Play store and the Eyes Up website.

Rafael Concepcion, who was previously a professor at Syracuse University, first designed DEICER to be a “rights app,” with the ICE-location map added on as an accountability tool. Concepcion was heavily inspired by musician Peter Gabriel and his WITNESS organization, started in the 1990s, that documented human rights violations. While gone from Apple’s App Store, DEICER is also still available via Google Play and a website.

While Apple has not yet commented on its decisions to remove ICE monitoring apps from the App Store, Migrant Insider reported this week that in the case of the DEICER iOS app, the company justified removal under a developer guideline that prohibits “defamatory, discriminatory, or mean-spirited content” toward “religion, race, sexual orientation, gender, national/ethnic origin, or other targeted groups.” Google, which has also removed ICE monitoring apps in recent days, told 404 Media last week that it also considers ICE officers to be a vulnerable group.

Google did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Tools that include a law enforcement monitoring or transparency mechanism are not unprecedented in mobile apps, though. In fact, Apple and Google both develop apps with these features. The driving directions and traffic app Waze—which is owned by Google and can also be downloaded for iOS—has long offered a crowdsourced tool for reporting and receiving alerts about police sightings on public roads. Apple Maps and Google Maps offer similar features.

“I am not in favor of Apple removing ICE-tracking apps from the App Store, nor the app that simply let users archive videos of ICE,” says Riana Pfefferkorn, a policy researcher at Stanford University. “This seems like more needless kowtowing by Tim Cook.” The Apple CEO has appeared at several events with President Donald Trump and reportedly donated $1 million to attend his inauguration.

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Legal experts WIRED spoke with say that the ICE monitoring and documentation apps that Apple has removed from its App Store are clear examples of protected speech under the US Constitution’s First Amendment. “These apps are publishing constitutionally protected speech. They're publishing truthful information about matters of public interest that people obtained just by witnessing public events,” says David Greene, a civil liberties director at the Electronic Frontier Foundation.

This hasn’t stopped the Trump administration from attacking the developers behind these ICE-related apps. When ICEBlock first rose to a top spot in Apple’s App Store in April, the Trump administration responded by threatening to prosecute the developer. “We are looking at him,” Bondi said on Fox News of ICEBlock’s Aaron. “And he better watch out.”

Neither the White House nor ICE immediately responded to requests for comment.

Digital rights researchers say that the situation illustrates the dangers when key platforms and communication channels are centrally controlled—whether directly by governments or by other powerful entities like big tech companies. Regardless of what is officially available through the Google Play store, Android users can sideload apps of their choosing. But Apple’s ecosystem has always been a walled garden, an approach that the company has long touted for its security advantages, including the ability to screen more heavily for malicious apps.

For years, a group of researchers and enthusiasts have tried to create “jailbreaks” for iPhones to essentially hack their own devices as a way around Apple’s closed ecosystem. Recently, though, jailbreaking has become less common. This is partly the result of advances in iPhone security, but partly related to the trend in recent years of attackers exploiting complex chains of vulnerabilities that could potentially be used for jailbreaking for malware instead, particularly mercenary spyware.

"The closed ecosystem motivation sort of dwindled as Apple added capabilities that previously required a jailbreak—like wallpapers, tethering, better notifications, and private mode in Safari," says longtime iOS security and jailbreak researcher Will Strafach. “But this situation with ICE apps highlights the issue with Apple being the arbiter and single point of failure.”

Stanford’s Pfefferkorn warns that while US tech companies are not state-controlled, they have in her view become “happy handmaidens” when it comes to “repressing free speech and dissent.”

“It’s especially disappointing,” Pfefferkorn says, “coming from the company that brought us the Think Different ad campaign, which invoked MLK, Gandhi, and Muhammad Ali—none of whom would likely be big fans of ICE today.”

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Reece Rogers is WIRED's service writer, focused on explaining crucial topics and helping readers get the most out of their technology. Prior to WIRED, Reece covered streaming at Business Insider. ... Read More

Service Writer

Lily Hay Newman is a senior writer at WIRED focused on information security, digital privacy, and hacking. She previously worked as a technology reporter at Slate, and was the staff writer for Future Tense, a publication and partnership between Slate, the New America Foundation, and Arizona State University. Her work ... Read More

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an 11 24

President-elect Donald Trump's transition team is reportedly having conversations with far-right militia groups in border states as it plans sweeping immigration raids and mass deportations.

According to a new report in Wired magazine, members of armed paramilitary groups are currently in contact with the incoming administration about assisting border agents and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on a volunteer basis. Tim Foley, who leads the group Arizona Border Recon, told Wired he expected to be called upon by the administration once Trump has been inaugurated as the 47th president of the United States.

"We’re in talks with a few different people,” Foley said. “We have a better lay of the land than the federal agents do.”

READ MORE:'Huge mistake': GOP senator trashes Trump's proposal to turn army into deportation force

Foley said his group has several dozen volunteers who routinely hike the rugged terrain around the Southern border, sometimes for as long as a week at a time. He wouldn't say exactly who his group has been in touch with, but that he was confident that his group would play a role in border enforcement, saying: “Everyone’s going to be tied up rounding people up and getting them out of here" and that there would be "a need for live, real-time intel.”

“This is my 14th year doing this,” Foley told Wired. “I’ve hiked over 2,000 miles of [migrant] trails. Most of my guys are certified trackers; we know how to read the ground, age tracks, and know if something’s old or new. We know how many people are traveling together and if they are carrying heavy packs on their backs.”

Trump has so far remained tight-lipped about how he would carry out his mass deportations, though he has said he would seek to use emergency powers to deploy the military as his own deportation force – something that Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) has already condemned. His new border czar, Tom Homan – who served as Trump's ICE chief during his first administration — has previously said that he would run "the biggest deportation force this country has ever seen."

Click here to read Wired's report in its entirety.

READ MORE:['Wait until 2025': Trump's former ICE chief makes chilling promise at far-right conference]

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an july

2024 Republican vice presidential nominee Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) reportedly keeps close company with far-right activists according to a new report, and they may soon find themselves embedded high up in the federal government if former President Donald Trump returns to power this fall.

On Thursday, tech publication Wired reported on the details of Vance's Venmo account, which is a popular platform used for online payments. Because Venmo automatically sets accounts to be publicly viewable, Wired was able to comb through the profiles of the several hundred people listed as "friends" on the Ohio senator's Venmo.

Many of those are controversial figures tied to the same academic and political establishment Vance has constantly railed against in his public speeches. But others are major figures in extremist political circles.

READ MORE:**'Last straw': JD Vance's best friend reveals moment he switched from Never Trump to MAGA**

According to Wired, names in the 2024 VP hopeful's contacts include Stop The Steal organizer Ali Alexander, conservative provocateur James O'Keefe and pro-Trump social media personality Laura Loomer. His profile also lists former Michael Cohen lawyer Lanny Davis, who also represents international mafioso Dmitry Firtash — a high-ranking member of the Russian mob.

This appears to be his actual personal contacts," Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington vice president Jordan Libowitz told Wired. "[T]he more personal data that is public about someone the more points of pressure or influence there are on that person."

Earlier this week, Andrew Torba — the CEO of far-right social media app Gab — tweeted that Vance was "influenceable" given the people he's surrounded himself with. Gab was thrust into the national spotlight after reports confirmed that the perpetrator of the 2017 Tree of Life Synagogue mass shooting was active on the platform and frequently posted anti-Semitic content.

"We have plenty of people in his orbit. Plenty of our guys can be put into positions of power because he’s there," Torba wrote. "Our focus should be on pulling him as far right as possible by 2028. Long game. Honey, not vinegar."

READ MORE:**Project 2025 leader as hoping for Vance pick — and got his way**

Torba's comments are particularly revealing, even though he didn't mention any particular names. After his nomination was announced, screenshots emerged of Vance in a Twitter group chat with several teenage "groypers" (the name associated with followers of white supremacist influencer Nick Fuentes).

"Yo Akron Caleb is thirsty," Vance wrote in response to a former George Santos staffer asking for Trump press secretary Karoline Leavitt to follow him back. "Just practicing my cool kid lingo with the simps chat."

Vance's Venmo also shows other "friends" in his contacts including a lobbyist for the Heritage Foundation (the chief organization pushing Project 2025), billionaire Todd Ricketts and Michael Flynn Jr.

READ MORE:'Less integrity than a Boeing 737': Comedian 'liberal redneck' recounts night out with JD Vance

*Click here to read Wired's report in its entirety.

ref

no lnx

uS senator J.D. Vance, an Ohio Republican and former US president Donald Trump’s pick for vice president, has a public Venmo account that gives an unfiltered glimpse into his extensive network of connections with establishment GOP heavyweights, wealthy financiers, technology executives, the prestige press, and fellow graduates of Yale Law School—precisely the elites he rails against.

A WIRED analysis of the account, the people listed as Vance’s friends, and, in turn, the people listed as their friends highlights sometimes bizarre and surprising connections. Experts, meanwhile, worry that the information revealed by the peer-to-peer payment app raises the potential for stalking, trolling, and impersonation.

More than 200 people appear on Vance’s Venmo “friends” list. Among them is Amalia Halikias, government relations director at the Heritage Foundation—the conservative think tank coordinating the controversial Project 2025. So is an assistant US attorney for the Southern District of New York, among many other lawyers for the Department of Justice, frequently decried by Trump loyalists as enemies and part of the “deep state.”

So are Jeff Flake, the famously anti-Trump former Arizona senator and current ambassador to Turkey; lobbyists from organizations like the Government Strategies Group; people affiliated with other conservative think tanks like the Hoover Institution and the American Enterprise Institute; journalists and media personalities like Bari Weiss and former Fox News host Tucker Carlson; and tech executives from Anthropic and AOL. (None of these people responded to requests for comment.)

Lanny Davis, a well-known political operative and former lawyer for Trump antagonist Michael Cohen, is among those who denied being Venmo friends with Vance despite seemingly appearing in Vance's contacts. (The account in question, which Davis declined to confirm or deny was his, was also linked to someone named Michael Cohen.) This points to one important caveat—being friends on Venmo does not mean two people have transacted together, or even know the payment app has designated them as friends.

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According to Venmo, when someone first uses the app, they are prompted to allow it to access their phone contacts. If they agree, Venmo will find any contacts already using the app and automatically populate the user’s friend list. Users can also intentionally add or remove friends. Along with the user’s transactions, their friends list is public by default. This means it’s likely that Vance’s list of friends was largely populated by the contacts in his phone when he set up his account in December of 2016.

Vance’s Venmo account was first discovered by a law enforcement and extremism researcher who asked to remain anonymous, citing security concerns. WIRED verified the senator’s account through its connections to his wife, Usha Vance, as well as actors or producers in the 2020 film adaptation of his 2016 memoir, Hillbilly Elegy. In total, Vance is connected directly to 211 people.

On Monday, Trump officially named Vance as his pick for vice president, reflecting the prominence of the party’s growing populist wing. Vance has frequently positioned himself as anti-elite, writing in Hillbilly Elegy: “Sometimes I view members of the elite with an almost primal scorn.” In an April post on X, Vance, who graduated Yale Law School in 2013, condemned “elite universities,” calling them “expensive day care centers for coddled children.” His network is largely made up of attorneys, the vast majority of whom received their law degrees from Yale Law around the same time he did.

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Despite his anti-elite stance, Vance's connections reveal a more complex relationship with establishment figures. At the same time, as the former president distances himself from Project 2025—a right-wing policy roadmap aiming to purge the federal government and reshape the executive branch and turn the US into what critics characterize as a Christian nationalist autocratic state—Vance’s Venmo network reveals his ties not just to Halikias but to others associated with a maximalist interpretation of MAGA. Gladden Pappin, for instance—president of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs and a figure with close ties to the intellectual wing of the far right—shows up as one of Vance’s friends.

Senator Vance’s office declined to comment on the record for this story. In an interview with Newsmax earlier this month, he said that the Project 2025 document has good ideas in it, as well as things he disagrees with. Vance did not elaborate on what exactly those good or bad ideas are. At the time of publication, Vance’s Venmo account remains fully public.

Vance’s friends have an average of 277 friends each. This wider network of associates shows an extended web of accounts who share names with high-profile political figures like Cohen, Nick Ayers, Todd Ricketts, and Michael Flynn Jr., as well as far-right activists like Project Veritas founder James O'Keefe, Laura Loomer, and Ali Alexander.

“What you guys need to realize is that Vance is influenceable,” wrote Andrew Torba on X. Torba is the founder of Gab, a social network popular with conspiracy theorists and Christian nationalists. He has long promoted antisemitic content on his social media accounts. “We have plenty of people in his orbit. Plenty of our guys can be put into positions of power because he’s there.”

“This appears to be his actual personal contacts," says Jordan Libowitz, the vice president of communications for Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, or CREW. He notes that the data found on Venmo is much more personal than what campaigns typically share through official channels, warning that “the more personal data that is public about someone the more points of pressure or influence there are on that person.”

Few of Vance’s transactions are public, and those that are seem mundane, like a payment to a staff member for doughnuts in January. WIRED also uncovered the Venmo account of his former Senate campaign manager, Jordan Wiggins, which shows a more extensive and occasionally eyebrow-raising transaction history, including more than 50 payments from as early as 2015, some labeled for things like “Back waxing & Happy Ending," and "adult 🎥". While these descriptions are likely jokes between friends, Wiggins didn’t respond to a request for comment.

After WIRED reached out to Vance’s Senate office on Wednesday, Wiggins made his account transactions private.

Experts say that the visibility of Vance’s account could create problems for the high-profile individuals connected to it. “Access to anyone’s social connections can reveal sensitive private information and expose them to security risks,” Jennifer Lynch, general counsel at civil liberties nonprofit the Electronic Frontier Foundation, tells WIRED. High-profile politicians like Vance, Lynch argues, may be especially prone to social engineering attacks and impersonation. “If someone who is a candidate for vice president hasn’t changed his privacy settings, I don't know how a company can expect the rest of us to stay on top of this.”

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This is far from the first time a government official’s Venmo account and list of friends has been discovered by the public. In 2017, the account of Sean Spicer, a former press secretary to Trump, was sent scores of joke payments through the app. In 2021 the Daily Beast reported that US representative Matt Gaetz had used Venmo to send payments to a person who was later convicted of sex trafficking a minor. (Gaetz, WIRED found, is friends with at least five people in Vance’s contact list.)

Last year, the Guardian reported that several lawyers, including one who successfully challenged race-conscious admissions at universities, used Venmo to pay a top aide to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. (The payments appeared to be related to a holiday party.)

Privacy advocates at the EFF have long criticized Venmo for its permissive privacy settings and the associated risks. It wasn't until reporters at BuzzFeed News found president Joe Biden and his family members on the app in 2021 that Paypal, the company that owns Venmo, allowed users to make their friends lists private. Even now, this option is not the default setting and must be manually adjusted.

In a statement, Venmo spokesperson Caitlin Girouard tells WIRED that “Venmo takes our customers’ privacy very seriously, which is why we let customers choose their privacy settings—and we make it incredibly simple for customers to make their account private if they choose to do so.”

In spite of the attention Venmo’s privacy shortcomings have garnered, it seems like many haven’t gotten that message. WIRED easily identified other high-profile individuals through Venmo, such as former NSA director and Open AI board member Paul Nakasone.

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freedomfest

https://www.c-span.org/video/?448963-9/change-good

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Tim Wu Explains Why He Thinks Facebook Should Be Broken ...

https://www.wired.com › story › tim-wu-explains-why-facebook-broken-up

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Jul 5, 2019 - Last week, at the Aspen Ideas Festival, I interviewed Tim Wu, a professor at Columbia Law School and author of a new book called The Curse of Bigness. We talked about antitrust and innovation, and he addressed arguments on the topic made by Facebook. ... Nicholas Thompson: What I'm ...

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swift boat funder 

Louis RossettoPublisher1949Wired co-founder

Wired magazine's Joel Johnson has written a stunning bit of PR for Foxconn, now-controversial supplier to the consumer electronics industry, duly wrapped in credibility-enhancing guilt over Western materialism.

The article, “1 Million Workers. 90 Million iPhones. 17 Suicides. Who’s to Blame?” pretends to be about Foxconn’s factories. But Johnson admits he’s a tech toy writer who apparently has no knowledge of manufacturing (I know I’ve had only limited contact with manufacturing, yet reading his piece, I’d bet serious money that I’ve seen more manufacturing operations than he has by dint of being a coated paper brat and doing due diligence on some oddball tech deals over the years, as well as visiting a motherboard maker back in the stone ages when motherboards were made in the US). Yet he’s remarkably uninhibited in using his fantasies and abject ignorance as a basis for making sweeping generalizations about the Taiwanese powerhouse. For instance:

"In the part of our minds where Americans hold an image of what an Asian factory may be, there are two competing visions: fluorescent fields of chittering machines attended by clean-suited technicians, or barefoot laborers bent over long wooden tables in sweltering rooms hazed by a fog of soldering fumes.

When we buy a new electronic device, we imagine the former factory. Our little glass, metal, and plastic marvel is the height of modern technological progress; it must have been made by worker-robots (with hands like surgeon-robots)—or failing that, extremely competent human beings.

But when we think “Chinese factory,” we often imagine the latter. Some in the US—and here I should probably stop speaking in generalities and simply refer to myself—harbor a guilty suspicion that the products we buy from China, even those made for American companies, come to us at the expense of underpaid and oppressed laborers."

Huh? Is he serious about this? Anyone who has been following China even slightly would imagine Chinese factories aren’t like Japanese car-makers, heavy on robotics, but are mainly labor intensive (with the exception of some sparkling new capital intensive factories where China is trying to go up the value added chain), and if they are in the Pearl River Delta, makers of watches, clothing and toys (hence not much soldering). And if higher tech, the operations HAVE to be pretty to very clean. But no, everyone in the Wired readership is assumed to share his blinkered imagination.

This extract really does serve as a window onto the entire piece, because it is unduly involved in his inner process, and is remarkably ungrounded in reality-vetting. Yes, he did visit a Foxconn factory, on a guided tour organized and led by executives and PR giant Burson Marsteller. That fails the objectivity smell test. Did he try to talk to Foxconn workers outside the factory? Ex Foxconn workers? Apparently not. The only perspective he has outside his guided tour and his noisy imagination is from one Paul, a “steward for Western electronics companies seeking to procure components or goods from one of the city’s thousands of suppliers.” Do you think someone who makes his living connecting Western tech executives to Chinese manufacturers is going to say ANYTHING bad about the biggest fish in the electronics pond?

The piece goes to obvious lengths to soften the perception of the situation. He frames his account in terms of the suicides, when the recent New York Times series on Apple and Foxconn did not focus on those deaths, but the extreme hours and sometimes grinding physical toll (such as workers getting swollen feet from standing and working more than 24 hours straight). So the article skips almost completely over that issue, juxtaposing the seeming niceness of the clean factory he visited versus the deaths, and only very much later gets to the conditions that produced the suicides.

Johnson is quick to claim that the Foxconn suicides are one-fourth the level of that of college students. So even the most attention getting factoid is not so bad, right? Not so fast. The right comparison is not the number of suicides to Foxconn’s total workforce, since only the employees who killed themselves on site are probably the ones that are included in that total. If a worker killed themselves off site, you can be sure it would be attributed to something else (and it would be hard to parse out the causes). Moreover, it is the workers who live on site, who are about 1/4 of all employees, who are subject to the most extreme work hours (the New York Times recounts how they were roused at midnight to meet an Apple production demand). So this means the suicide rate at least as high as that of college students.

And to be apples to apples (pun intended), you’d need to compare suicides at Foxconn to suicides by college students on campus, which would presumably be more closely correlated with the stress of campus life, than of students who were simply enrolled in college. So it is very likely that a more accurate measurement would have Foxconn showing a markedly higher suicide rate than those of college students.

Finally, and I hate to be morbid, but a highly regimented, low privacy environment like Foxconn probably reduces the number of suicides below what you might otherwise observe. You have many fewer options for offing yourself available to you if you are living on site at Foxconn compared to a US college student (I am not making this up: gunshot is out, pills are probably too costly to procure, slitting your wrists actually takes proper technique). And Foxconn now has netting up to prevent jumping off most buildings and presumably also has its guard force on closer watch. That means the suicide rate probably understates the level of stress experienced by the workers who live on site.

He also bizarrely tries to bifurcate the work content, which he makes sound OK but boring, from what critics charge are more than occasional extreme hours, and completely ignores safety problems that add to the Foxconn death count,highlighted in a New York Times article at the end of January:

"But the work itself isn’t inhumane—unless you consider a repetitive, exhausting, and alienating workplace over which you have no influence or authority to be inhumane. And that would pretty much describe every single manufacturing or burger-flipping job ever."Huh? “Every single manufacturing job ever”? Some manufacturing jobs ARE inhumane. Start with the meatpacking industry in the US. But there is a lot of light manufacturing where the work is not highly repetitive, and that is also true in highly capital intensive factories like the paper industry. This “all manufacturing jobs are bad, therefore Foxconn is not so bad” is simply a baldfaced assertion.

Now I am not saying that there is not a case to be made in defense of Foxconn. But this article is an embarrassment. It’s an intellectually lazy way to assuage the guilt of Wired-reading gadget-owners. For instance, he resorts to “everyone in an advanced economy is guilty” as a way of diminishing the issues specific to Foxconn:

"Every last trifle we touch and consume, right down to the paper on which this magazine is printed or the screen on which it’s displayed, is not only ephemeral but in a real sense irreplaceable. Every consumer good has a cost not borne out by its price but instead falsely bolstered by a vanishing resource economy. We squander millions of years’ worth of stored energy, stored life, from our planet to make not only things that are critical to our survival and comfort but also things that simply satisfy our innate primate desire to possess. It’s this guilt that we attempt to assuage with the hope that our consumerist culture is making life better—for ourselves, of course, but also in some lesser way for those who cannot afford to buy everything we purchase, consume, or own."

There is a huge, unexamined leap between “things critical to our survival” and those critical to what we have come to define as our comfort. It’s the unwillingness to examine the difference between the two, or any serious question raised by the role of Foxconn, that makes this piece so dubious. (And this is not an idle observation in my case. Your humble blogger fights planned obsolescence tooth and nail: I used a NeXT computer for 10 1/2 years, a TiBook for over 8, and am still using a Nokia that is probably from 2005. I am writing this post using an Apple monitor from 2002).

I find this little chart (hat tip Richard Smith) from ninety9 viaAlea (who is the antithesis of a socialist) to be more though-provoking than the entire Wired piece:

BROKEN IMAGE: file:///Users/lynn/Desktop/Screen-shot-2012-02-08-at-3.55.52-AM.png

BROKEN IMAGE: file:///Users/lynn/Desktop/Screen-shot-2012-02-08-at-3.55.52-AM.png

There have been numerous articles complaining about how the Chinese don’t consume enough, and the blame is laid on the high savings rate, which is in turn attributed to the lack of social safety nets (and a second, related issue is the lack of retail infrastructure). Yet it was a sonofabitch capitalist, Henry Ford, that helped create the American middle class in 1914 by paying his workers double the prevailing rate, which partly paid for itself by reducing costly turnover and increasing productivity (well paid workers are grateful workers and want to help their company what a thought!). But the big benefit for Ford was the higher wages were in large measure met by manufacturers in other cities, and created a consumer base for Ford’s own big ticket product. It was not safety nets that created higher consumption and greater American prosperity; it was higher wages.

Ford didn’t see his pay raise as a wage increases but as profit sharing. The chart Alea highlighted shows Apple could kick start a revolution in China that would help American companies, including Apple, at comparatively little cost to itself. What stood in the way when Jobs was alive was his monumental ego and his desire to leave a legacy though his products rather than his conduct as an industrialist. And now that he is dead, Apple’s practices are likely to be guided by American short-sightedness and bad incentives for executives of public companies.

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