George Mason Univ. GMU

<h2>=</h2><div>see 2 for newer</div><div>
</div><div>tag</div><div>capt 917</div><div></div><div>==</div><h2>ORIGIN?</h2><div>The big business reaction to Lewis Powell’s judicial and legal strategy was swift. Within a few years, nearly a dozen corporate-funded legal foundations were created. ThePacific Legal Foundation (PLF) was formed in California in 1973 to counter public-interest law firms and represent the interests of business and private property holders against environmental regulations. PLF’s prospectus quoted the Powell memo at length. (Kim Phillips-Fein, “<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/campaigns/global-warming-and-energy/polluterwatch/The-Lewis-Powell-Memo/judicial/#invisiblehands" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal;">Invisible Hands</a>,” p. 162).When asked for his opinion of the “most critical” area of public interest law, PLF’s then-executive legal director replied, “environmental law,” citing the firm’s support for the use of DDT, the construction of a dam and reservoir project, the use of herbicides in national forests and the use of public grazing lands without environmental impact review. The early cases established a clear pattern for PLF and its followers at the Mountain States Legal Foundation and other regionally named corporate defenders. Environmental cases would be a priority and the foundations’ positions in such cases would invariably be those of their business benefactors, including Monsanto, Weyerhaeuser, Gulf Oil, ARCO, Ford and other companies (Houck, "<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/campaigns/global-warming-and-energy/polluterwatch/The-Lewis-Powell-Memo/judicial/#houck" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">With Charity for All</a>," pp. 1461-1462). The work of these groups also supported the Wise Use movement; radical property rights activists and corporate front groups that attacked environmental laws and regulations on behalf of landowners, ranchers and the oil industry (Helvarg, <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/campaigns/global-warming-and-energy/polluterwatch/The-Lewis-Powell-Memo/judicial/#helvarg" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The War Against the Greens</a>). The conservative backlash against alleged liberal influence over the law went well beyond the corporate agenda that grew directly out of Powell’s analysis, but there were also tensions between the two. Corporate legal campaigns were primarily self-interested, practical and designed to get both immediate and longer-term results. The conservative legal movement that got its start in the 1970s was more ideologically driven; its greatest successes would take decades, and sometimes came about through indirect means (Teles, <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/campaigns/global-warming-and-energy/polluterwatch/The-Lewis-Powell-Memo/judicial/#teles" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement</a>).At the juncture between these two was the “law and economics” school, with leading proponents such as Richard Posner at the University of Chicago and George Mason University’s Henry Manne. Manne organized seminars for federal judges through his Law and Economics Center, with support from the Olin Foundation, which also backed some of the leading “second generation” conservative public policy law firms, like the Center for Individual Rights. The foundation’s chairman, John M Olin, was inspired by Powell’s memo to write to William Baroody at the American Enterprise Institute: “The Powell Memorandum gives a reason for a well organized effort to re-establish the validity and importance of the American free enterprise system.” (“<a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/campaigns/global-warming-and-energy/polluterwatch/The-Lewis-Powell-Memo/judicial/#invisiblehands" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Invisible Hands</a>,” Kim Phillips-Fein)For its part, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce also eventually followed Powell’s advice by creating two legal groups that have carried out a multi-decade legal strategy -- the <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.chamberlitigation.com/" class="zoom" target="blank" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal; padding: 0px 15px 0px 0px; background: url(https://web.archive.org/web/20141114235917/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/Templates/Planet3/Styles/images/bg-zoom.gif) 100% 2px no-repeat;">National Chamber Litigation Center</a> (NCLC) and the <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.instituteforlegalreform.org/" class="zoom" target="blank" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal; padding: 0px 15px 0px 0px; background: url(https://web.archive.org/web/20141114235917/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/Templates/Planet3/Styles/images/bg-zoom.gif) 100% 2px no-repeat;">Institute for Legal Reform</a> (ILR). NCLC served as the Chamber’s law firm, using aggressive and strategic litigation to challenge regulations and laws. Entering 134 new cases of significance to the business community in 2009, for example, the NCLC helped to <a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20141114114235/http://www.uschamber.com/about/management/thomas-j-donohue" class="zoom" target="_blank" style="outline-style: none; color: rgb(70, 127, 13); font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal; padding: 0px 15px 0px 0px; background: url(https://web.archive.org/web/20141114235917/http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/Templates/Planet3/Styles/images/bg-zoom.gif) 100% 2px no-repeat;">secure 52 victories</a>.  GP on powell memeo</div>

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GP 2013 TT $:   GMU Foundation Law and Econ Center $1,170,000   horner FME?

=
By Tom Jackman January 9, 2014 Follow @TomJackmanWP

Each of the public universities in Virginia is overseen by a Board of Visitors, which

hires the university president and sets school policy. The governor

appoints the members of the board to four-year terms, so perhaps it’s

not too surprising that the current 16 members at George Mason

University in Fairfax, appointed by Republican Gov. Bob McDonnell,

donated almost $469,000 to Republican political candidates in the last

four years, and slightly less than $9,500 to Democratic candidates, a

new report in George Mason’s Fourth Estate student publication shows.
Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli,

shown here testing out an anti-gang video game on the George Mason

University campus in 2012, received thousands in donations from current

members of the Mason Board of Visitors. (

Executive Editor Frank

Muraca worked up the numbers from campaign finance reports compiled by

the Virginia Public Access Project. The spreadsheet showing each

member’s donations is here. In 2010, The Post’s Anita Kumar reported

that “It’s common for governors to use board of visitors appointments —

the most prestigious appointments they have to offer — as a thank-you to

longtime supporters and friends.” It would not be unheard of, then, for

the new Virginia governor to install a more Democratic-leaning board,

by this logic. Here is the Fourth Estate’s primer on what the Board of

Visitors is.

Most of the current members donated to McDonnell’s campaign in 2009 or his inauguration in 2010, with Robert F. Pence giving $25,703 to McDonnell (and

another $25,000 last year to Ken Cuccinelli), John Michael Jacquemin

(no relation) giving $17,500 to McDonnell and Rector Dan Clemente giving

$10,000 to McDonnell’s inauguration and about another $11,000 each to

Cuccinelli and Delegate Barbara Comstock. Only Mohammad Siddique Sheikh

of Prince William County dared to buck the trend, giving $4,977 to

Democrats, $1,700 to Republicans and zero to McDonnell. In addition, the

16 members gave another $163,000 to various PACs or associations,

listed as “Other” in the spreadsheet.

The full list of members of

the Board of Visitors, which also includes former Fairfax Board

Chairman Tom Davis and former Fairfax Supervisor Stuart Mendelson, is

here, along with their bios.

In

a related note, George Mason has been the beneficiary of some serious

donations in recent years from the wealthy Koch brothers,

known for their conservative views. According to the Investigative

Reporting Workshop, Koch charitable foundations gave more than $30

million to three Mason entities between 2007 and 2011: $16.3 million to

the George Mason University Foundation, $10.3 million to the Institute

for Humane Studies and $3.7 million to the Mercatus Center, the

business school . an economic research center. There are no allegations

in the story that any of the funds sent to Mason were used for political

purposes, and a Mason official is quoted as such. The Kochs donated to

221 universities in the five-year period, but Mason received by far the

most. The full story, headlined “Koch millions spread influence through

nonprofits, colleges,” is here.

Disclosure: I teach a class at

Mason as an adjunct professor in the criminology department. I have

donated to no candidates, and have received no money from the Koch

brothers. Also, I initially mischaracterized the Mercatus Center, and

have corrected that.
Tom Jackman has been covering criminal justice for The Post since 1998, and now anchors the new "True Crime" blog.<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/local/wp/2014/01/09/study-george-mason-board-of-visitors-members-donated-heavily-to-republicans/">https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/local/wp/2014/01/09/study-george-mason-board-of-visitors-members-donated-heavily-to-republicans/</a>
==
Gov. Bob McDonnell (R) announced Thursday that he has appointed

several of his biggest supporters and top donors to the board of

visitors of four of the state's premiere universities.

Sheila Johnson, co-founder of Black Entertainment Television and one

of McDonnell's most prominent black supporters, was appointed to the

University of Virginia board. R. Carter Pate, a partner with

PricewaterhouseCoopers and a major Republican donor who was Sen. John

McCain's Virginia finance chairman, was named to the George Mason

University board. Suzanne S. Obenshain, a Virginia Tech graduate and the

wife of Sen. Mark Obenshain (R), will serve on the Virginia Tech board.

It's common for governors to use board of visitors appointments --

the most prestigious appointments they have to offer -- as a thank-you

to longtime supporters and friends.

See below for the full list:

The College of William and Mary

· Charles A. Banks of Gloucester, Partner with Clayton, Dubilier & Rice, LLC

· Edward L. Flippen of Richmond, Partner with McGuire Woods LLP

· Laura L. Flippin of Arlington, Partner with Paul Hastings LLP

· L. Clifford Schroeder, Sr. of Richmond, President of Chronos Limited

George Mason University:

· Nancy Mitchell Pfotenhauer of Oakton, President of MediaSpeaks Strategies, LLC

· C. Daniel Clemente of Alexandria, Chairman & Chief Executive Officer of Clemente Development Company, Inc

· R. Carter Pate of McLean, Partner with PricewaterhouseCoopers, LLC

· David-Imad Ramadan of Loudoun County, President of RAMA International Inc

Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University:

· William B. Holtzman of Mt. Jackson, President of Holtzman Oil Corporation

· Suzanne S. Obenshain of Harrisonburg, Alumna Class of 1984

· Michael Quillen of Bristol, Chairman of Alpha Natural Resources

· John G. Rocovich, Jr., of Roanoke, Chairman of Moss & Rocovich Attorneys at Law

The University of Virginia and Affiliated Schools

· Hunter E. Craig of Charlottesville, President and Chief Executive Officer of Hunter E. Craig Company

· Marvin W. Gilliam, Jr. of Bristol, most recently Vice-President of Cumberland Resources Corporation

· Sheila C. Johnson of The Plains, Chief Executive Officer of Salamander Hospitality

· Mark Kington of Alexandria, Managing Director of X-10 Capital Management

===

<div>JUDGE JUNKETS</div>

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<h2 class="node-title" style="border: 0px none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; line-height: 23.52px; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2014/05/12489/federal-judge-who-halted-walker-dark-money-criminal-probe-attends-koch-judicial" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); text-decoration: none; line-height: 32.928001403808594px;">Federal Judge Who Halted Walker Dark Money Criminal Probe Attended Koch-Backed Judicial Junkets</a></h2>

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The federal judge who ordered a halt to Wisconsin's "John Doe" criminal investigation into spending during the 2011 and 2012 recall elections has regularly attended all-expenses paid "judicial junkets" funded by the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, and other ideological and corporate interests.

On May 6, federal District Court Judge Rudolph Randa<a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2014/05/12469/randa-kills-wisconsin-campaign-finance-law" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">blocked an ongoing John Doe criminal probe</a> into allegedly illegal coordination between nonprofit groups like Wisconsin Club for Growth, which spent $9.1 million on electoral ads during Wisconsin's recall elections, and the recall campaigns of Governor Scott Walker and state senators. John Doe investigations are similar to grand jury investigations, and Wisconsin Club for Growth -- and its director, Eric O'Keefe, a longtime compatriot of the Koch brothers -- asked the federal court to stop the probe, alleging it violated their "free speech" rights.

Judge Randa sided with O'Keefe, and also ordered prosecutors to <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2014/05/12469/randa-kills-wisconsin-campaign-finance-law" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">destroy all evidence</a> gathered in the investigation, an extraordinary edict in a criminal case made even more astounding by the fact that it came in the context of a preliminary injunction. The Seventh Circuit has blocked this part of his ruling; an appeal of the remainder of his decision is pending.

An analysis by the Center for Media and Democracy shows that Judge Randa attended privately-funded, all-expenses-paid judicial seminars put on by George Mason University in <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/files/rudolph-t-randa-financial-disclosure-report-for-2006.pdf" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">2006</a>, <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/files/rudolph-t-randa-financial-disclosure-report-for-2008.pdf" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">2008</a>, <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12368/corporations-pro-business-nonprofits-foot-bill-judicial-seminars" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">2010</a> and <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/files/rudolph_t_randa-2012.pdf" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">2012</a>, according to publicly-available financial disclosure forms. (The 2013 disclosure form has been requested but has not yet been publicly posted).

The George Mason University seminars are bankrolled by a long list of right-wing foundations, like Koch, Bradley, and the Searle Freedom Trust, as well as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and corporations like BP, Exxon Mobil, and Dow Chemical. Many of these interests have long opposed limits on money in politics, although it is not known whether campaign finance reform was a topic at the seminars Randa attended.

The seminars amount to a privately-funded all-expenses paid trip for judges, with conference sponsors picking up the costs of a judge's flights, hotel rooms, and meals. One seminar Judge Randa attended was in La Jolla, California, a swanky San Diego suburb that is home to both great golfing and Mitt Romney; the location of other seminars Randa attended is unknown. The content of the seminars has a decidedly pro-corporate bent, and the expensive gifts <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12368/corporations-pro-business-nonprofits-foot-bill-judicial-seminars" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">raise</a> <a href="http://vltp.net/alecs-koch-funded-cabal-educating-our-state-and-federal-judges/" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">concerns</a> about improper influence when corporate sponsors have a stake in a case before a judge. (<a href="http://www.commondreams.org/headlines/072500-01.htm" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Some reports</a> have directly connected the trips <a href="http://abcnews.go.com/2020/story?id=124086" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">to judge's decisions</a>).

No other federal district judges in Wisconsin attended the privately-funded George Mason seminars, according to the Center for Media and Democracy's review of <a href="http://www.judicialwatch.org/judicial-financial-disclosure/" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">publicly available financial disclosure documents</a>.

<h2 style="border: 0px none; margin: 1em 0px 0.5em; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.25; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Koch and Bradley Bankrolled Junkets Randa Attended</h2>

The Judicial Conference of the United States -- which oversees the conduct of federal judges -- <a href="http://www.uscourts.gov/RulesAndPolicies/PrivateSeminarDisclosure/StatementOfPurpose.aspx" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">has noted </a>that judges may be "influenced inappropriately" at the privately-funded events, and since 2007 has required that seminar organizers disclose the names of funders.

The disclosures do not specify how much each funder contributed towards the judge's expenses and seminar costs, but for the years that Judge Randa attended the seminars, some donations can be ascertained by foundation tax filings.

According to the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation's tax filings, in 2012 it gave $5.45 million to the George Mason University Foundation, and $51,000 to its "Law and Economics Center." The Charles G. Koch Foundation gave $4.7 million to George Mason in 2010 for "general operating support and education programs," $2.78 million in 2008 for "general operating support," and $350,000 in 2006 for "educational and research programs."

The <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/koch-backed-political-network-built-to-shield-donors-raised-400-million-in-2012-elections/2014/01/05/9e7cfd9a-719b-11e3-9389-09ef9944065e_story.html" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Koch network</a> also funded Wisconsin Club for Growth, which filed the case before Judge Randa. A full list of the Club's funders is not known, but tax filings show that the <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/koch-backed-political-network-built-to-shield-donors-raised-400-million-in-2012-elections/2014/01/05/9e7cfd9a-719b-11e3-9389-09ef9944065e_story.html" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Koch-connected</a> Center to Protect Patient Rights (CPPR) <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2013/11/12309/new-john-doe-investigation-probes-dark-money-wisconsin-recall-elections-club" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">funneled $225,000</a> to Wisconsin Club for Growth in 2011. CPPR also <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2014/01/12354/exclusive-koch-network-funded-ads-telling-voters-recall-not-wisconsin-way" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">entirely bankrolled</a> the Coalition for American Values, which spent $400,080 on pro-Walker ads in the final weeks of the recall elections. (In California, CPPR was hit with an unprecedented $1 million fine for its involvement in a campaign finance shell game to evade the state's donor disclosure laws.) Other Koch groups, like Americans for Prosperity, have reportedly been subpoenaed in Wisconsin's John Doe investigation.

In 2010, the Bradley Foundation gave George Mason $40,000 "to support educational programs for judges conducted by the Law and Economics Center." It also gave George Mason $40,000 in 2008 "to support the judicial education program," and $35,000 in 2006 "to support education programs."

The Bradley Foundation's President and CEO, Michael Grebe, chaired Scott Walker's 2010 and 2012 gubernatorial campaigns. Walker's 2012 campaign is under investigation in the John Doe for allegedly illegal coordination.

Both Bradley and Koch have long demonstrated antipathy for limits on money in politics, and for years have bankrolled organizations that fight against campaign finance reform, like the Center for Competitive Politics.

<h2 style="border: 0px none; margin: 1em 0px 0.5em; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.25; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Judicial Seminars Reflect Principles in Powell Memo</h2>

<a href="http://greenpeaceblogs.org/2013/04/03/buying-the-bench-exxon-dow-and-koch-sponsor-judicial-junkets/" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Some</a> have drawn a direct line between these corporate-funded judicial seminars and the 1971 <a href="http://billmoyers.com/content/the-powell-memo-a-call-to-arms-for-corporations/" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">Powell Memo</a>, a call-to-arms for corporate America to aggressively push back against the "attack on the free enterprise system" -- represented by the likes of Ralph Nader -- by developing a set of institutions to reshape politics and law.

The Powell Memo reportedly sparked the development of a right-wing infrastructure and the formation of groups like the <a href="http://www.prwatch.org/news/2014/05/12489/federal-judge-who-halted-walker-dark-money-criminal-probe-attends-koch-judicial" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">American Legislative Exchange Council</a> (better known as ALEC), the Cato Institute, the Federalist Society (with which Judge Randa is affiliated), and others. As the New York Times <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/18/us/politics/quixotic-80-campaign-gave-birth-to-kochs-powerful-network.html" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">recently reported</a>, Charles Koch specifically referenced the Powell Memo in a 1974 speech previewing what has become the "Koch network," calling for a "well-financed cadre of of sound proponents of the free-enterprise philosophy" and for business to "undertake radical new efforts to overcome the prevalent anti-capitalist mentality."

Some of the memo's most aggressive language was reserved for the judiciary, which its author, then-tobacco lawyer and future U.S. Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell, called “the most important instrument for social, economic and political change.”

As a Supreme Court Justice, Powell would play a key role in decisions like First National Bank v. Bellotti andBuckley v. Valeo, which declared that "money equals speech" and reshaped the First Amendment into a tool to protect the ability of corporations and wealthy individuals to spend on elections.

<h2 style="border: 0px none; margin: 1em 0px 0.5em; padding: 0px; line-height: 1.25; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Privately-Funded Seminar Disclosure Still Spotty</h2>

Although the Judicial Conference requires that judges publicly disclose their attendance at privately-funded seminars, and that those who conduct the events publish details about their funders, tracking the reports can be difficult, as the Center for Public Integrity <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12330/judges-often-ignore-trip-disclosure-rules" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">has noted</a>.

The Eastern District of Wisconsin website has a <a href="http://www.wied.uscourts.gov/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=32&Itemid=76" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">page</a> that is supposed to list all seminars attended by federal judges in that court over the past three years, yet claims that there is <a href="https://psds.uscourts.gov/seminar.fwx?mode=pubjdglist&cascode=D07WIEC" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">"no attendance reported"</a> for any Eastern District judges since 2011. This is contradicted by a review of Judge Randa's 2012 financial disclosure form.

Requesting an individual judge's financial disclosure form can take weeks, although Judicial Watch <a href="http://www.judicialwatch.org/judicial-financial-disclosure/" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">has posted</a>many forms online.

Judge Randa reported no travel reimbursement on his 2010 financial disclosure form, but the Center for Public Integrity <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12368/corporations-pro-business-nonprofits-foot-bill-judicial-seminars" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">reports</a> that he attended a 2010 seminar at George Mason titled "The Rule of Law."

George Mason also has apparently tried to dodge the limited donor disclosure rules that do exist. Prior to 2012, it disclosed its list of corporate and foundation seminar funders -- which consistently included Koch and Bradley and corporations like Exxon Mobil -- but in 2012 <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12368/corporations-pro-business-nonprofits-foot-bill-judicial-seminars" style=" border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;">listed the only funder</a> as "xyz corp," and listed itself as the only donor. In 2013 it returned to providing a full list of donors.

-- Lisa Graves contributed to this article --

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Millions to George Mason

By far the largest recipient of Koch support is George Mason University, which has a relationship with the foundation dating to 1980. Since 2002, according to publicly available federal tax filings, the foundation has awarded more than $10 million to George Mason through the university's foundation, and about $15 million to the Mercatus Center, a free-market think tank that is affiliated with the university (it publishes the Freedom Index, which ranks states according to the extent to which there are regulations on everything from trans fats to mandated family leave policies). Another $6 million has gone to the Institute for Humane Studies, which is housed at George Mason (it offers scholarships to and runs seminars for those with “an interest in liberty”), but it has few formal connections with the university beyond occupying space there.

When asked for copies of the donor agreements, the university referred the request to the foundation, saying that -- since they are held by a private nonprofit organization -- such documents are not subject to freedom of information requirements, a position the foundation confirmed.

The faculty has made <a href="http://www.gmu.edu/resources/facstaff/senate/AGENDA_FS_2010-11/FS_AGENDA_4-27-11.htm" target="_self" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">similar requests</a> [10] and been rebuffed by the foundation. Spurred by concerns over the relationship with the Koch Foundation, the Faculty Senate has formed a task force to examine the implications of all the funding agreements into which the university has entered.

“If we can’t have access to the agreements, it’s very difficult to determine where the intent lies,” said Peter M. Pober, chair of the Faculty Senate and professor of communications.

While many faculty members at George Mason acknowledged that private foundation support of a university’s academic programs is nothing new, Pober said the important line of distinction is at what point and how the private foundation exerts its influence. It is customary, he said, for a foundation to give money to study a particular discipline, whether it be free market economics or labor studies. But it is something else if the donation is contingent upon a scholar producing research with a predetermined outcome.

“[If it’s] ‘We hope you will find X before the hypothesis is formed,’ the Faculty Senate would be concerned,” said Pober. “That’s not to say I think that’s happening. The concern that it could be happening is what led to the creation of the task force.”

Peter Stearns, George Mason’s provost, said that none of its agreements with the Koch Foundation went so far as to require a predetermined outcome or to give the foundation control over hiring. “When the incident at Florida State occurred, I looked to make sure we had no agreements tying our hands with the hiring of faculty,” said Stearns, “and we have no such agreements.”

Most of the money from the Koch Foundation has supported specific research projects, said Stearns, most of it conducted by doctoral students in law and economics. “There are simply no contractual agreements that specify that this money is supposed to be used for specific ideological purposes,” he said. “Let me say the obvious: donors give to institutions that do things that they like. That doesn’t mean they require specific research agendas. Obviously, Koch has decided we have a batch of economists that it decides that it likes.”

Such cycles of continued private funding and acceptable research are “as old as the academy itself,” said Greg Lukianoff, president of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (and a recipient of Koch support). The responsibility to protect academic freedom and deal frankly with donors rests, he said, with universities.

“In hazier cases where it seems that the donor would prefer the promotion of certain viewpoints, the university must not apply the grant in a way that would violate the free speech or academic freedom rights of its faculty or students,” said Lukianoff, who said that the Koch grants’ requirements, especially those related to research into "appreciation of economic freedom” fall into this hazy category.

Besides, he argued, many departments or fields of study -- from peace studies to human rights law -- have inherent ideological and intellectual assumptions. But that is not, in itself, an academic freedom problem, he said.

“Departments (and entire fields of study) often come with certain limited intellectual assumptions built in, but when these are transformed into mandatory ideological requirements they run afoul of principles of academic freedom,” said Lukianoff. “While I have no doubt that donors -- and universities themselves -- do often favor certain particular sets of ideological beliefs over others, universities have a responsibility to do their best to make sure they maintain their role as a true marketplace of ideas.”

The best way to safeguard a university’s interests and commitment to academic freedom is to be clear about expectations up front, said Rae Goldsmith, vice president for advancement resources at the Council for Advancement and Support of Education.“The gift agreement is in many ways like a prenuptial agreement,” she said. “All issues of institutional and donor control should be laid on the table. In this case, prevention is the best medicine.”

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<div class="print-source_url" style="text-align: left;">Source URL: <a href="http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2011/06/28/koch_foundation_gifts_to_colleges_and_universities_draw_scrutiny" style=" color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2011/06/28/koch_foundation_gifts_to_colleges_and_universities_draw_scrutiny</a></div>

Links:

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Lawyers. Ken Cuccinelli, his Deputy Wesley Russell and his <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/curious-coincidences-george-mason-university-ed-wegman-milton-johns-and-ken-cuccinelli">ex-partner Milton Johns (Wegman's lawyer)</a> [38] all got their JD degrees at GMU in the 1990s.  So did David Schnare, of the <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/american-tradition-institute">American Tradition Institute</a> [39] (ATI), well-known for FOIA harassment of UVA, Michael Mann, James Hansen, <a target="blank" href="http://www.southernstudies.org/2012/07/climate-science-attack-group-turns-sights-on-texas-professors.html">Andrew Dessler and Katharine Hayhoe</a> [40].  FOIA has legitimate uses, but can also be employed for harassment.  The reader can decide which <a target="blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7">these</a> [41] are.

Schnare is also an Adjunct Professor who recently <a target="blank" href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/assets/files/academics/schedule/2012/summer/SCHNARE_FederalismLitPrac-S.pdf">taught a GMU course </a>[42]on how to do FOIAs, use the <a target="blank" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_Quality_Act">Data Quality Act</a> [43], using this <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69x9WhoYW">outline</a> [44].  it starts:

'This course is an introduction on how to sue the government when it does what it should not do. Citizens, advocates of small government and Tenth Amendment proponents engage

</blockquote>

He also offers "externships" to give students practice, via a new 501(c)(3) "public charity," originally (and legally still) the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=36">George Mason Environmental Law Clinic.</a> [45]  it is now called the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/">Free Market ELC</a> [46], consisting of him and <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/chris-horner">Chris Horner</a> [47], as at ATI.  He was <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/6A48o5bgk">looking for students</a> [48] to file FOIAs against some Virginia university, likely not GMU.

see <a href="http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=9">http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=9</a>

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<div>mashey?</div>

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<div class="print-breadcrumb"><a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/">Home</a> > <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/blog">Blogs</a> > <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/blog/john-mashey">John Mashey's blog</a> > See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</div>

<h1 class="print-title">See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</h1>

<div class="print-submitted">By John Mashey</div>

<div class="print-created">Created 2012-08-20 03:00</div>

<div class="node-blog-user-name"><a title="View user profile." href="http://www.desmogblog.com/bio/484/john-mashey">John Mashey</a> [1]</div>

</div>

<div class="node-blog-content clearfix">20 August 12 at 3:00am

<h1 class="title"><a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-speak-little-truth-break-rules-blame-others">See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</a> [2]</h1>

The "Wegman Report", led by <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/edward-wegman">Edward Wegman</a> [8] of George Mason University (GMU) got criticized in 2010's <a target="blank" href="http://www.usatoday.com/weather/climate/globalwarming/2010-11-21-climate-report-questioned_N.htm">Experts claim 2006 climate report plagiarized</a> [9].  Experts called it "obvious" even "shocking" plagiarism.  GMU's <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-george-mason-university">i</a> [10]ncompetent handling, mistreatment of complainants and flawed rulings were <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-george-mason-university">mostly documented in March</a> [10], but recent <a target="blank" href="http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405453-foia-request-gmu-hunt-4-9-2012.html">FOIAs </a>[11]expose<a target="_blank" href="http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405454-foia-response-gmu-hunt-4-26-2012-usa-today-foia.html"> more</a> [12] untruths.

Is the harsh title fair?  Read on, then study the<a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/sites/beta.desmogblog.com/files/see.no.evil.speak.little.truth.pdf"> 69-page attachment.</a> [13]

GMU Provost Peter Stearns' <a target="_blank" href="http://content.usatoday.com/communities/sciencefair/post/2012/02/george-mason-university-reprimands-edward-wegmand-/1">February letter to GMU faculty</a> [14] made claims of non-plagiarism that contradicted not only experts, but themselves.  The process consumed almost two years to assess four (4) pages of text.

Stearns' letter was even more untruthful than previously known.  It  fabricated an imaginary second investigation committee, seemingly to somehow excuse crucial contradictions.   This seemed an attempt to defend the Wegman Report at all costs, even with potential problems from <a target="blank" href="http://ori.hhs.gov/case_summary">Federal</a> [15] agencies <a target="blank" href="http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/2012/oig12002/oig12002.pdf">who</a> [16] expect schools to handle misconduct properly.  They fund much of GMU's actual research, done by faculty that to the best of my knowledge are normal, credible researchers.

However, a few groups in GMU are closely, even uniquely enmeshed with people behind the machinery of anti-science, such as <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute-manifestation-kochtopus-empire">Charles Koch</a> [17], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/climate-change-and-well-informed-denial">Ken Cuccinelli</a> [18], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/david-schnare">David Schnare</a> [19], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/s-fred-singer">Fred Singer</a> [20], and <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/patrick-michaels">Pat Michaels</a> [21], plus the <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute">Heartland Institute</a> [22] and key Washington think tanks.  GMU even has a long history of tobacco connections, <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/fake-science-fakexperts-funny-finances-free-tax">oddly relevant</a> [23].

Following are a few brief summaries to motivate the title's phrases:

See No Evil: Via FOIA, the only investigation committee took 200 days to produce a 9-page report.  It ruled on Ray Bradley's three complaints based on Canadian blogger <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.org/">Deep Climate</a> [24]'s early discoveries:

<ul>

<li>2.5 <a target="blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-bradley-tree-rings-v20.pdf">pages</a> [25] of <a target="blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/wegman-bradley-ice-cores-corals-v3.pdf">text</a> [26] mostly from Ray Bradley's book: paraphrasing, not plagiarism although serious plagiarism experts said otherwise long ago.</li>

<li>5.5 <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-social-networks-v-2.pdf">pages</a> [27] of near-verbatim plagiarism of social networks text: never mentioned.</li>

<li>1.5 <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/04/wegman-social-networks1.pdf">page</a> [28] subset re-used in later paper: plagiarism, likely unavoidable, since the publisher had forced retraction in May 2011. This is an obvious contradiction.</li>

</ul>

But there was more, found by Deep Climate and others:

<ul>

<li>Another 70 pages of formally-reported plagiarism, 27 in WR alone, in 6 more articles, half Federally-funded, and four PhD dissertations: never mentioned.</li>

<li>Alleged <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/wegman-report-not-just-plagiarism-misrepresentation">falsification</a> [29] in the Wegman Report: never mentioned.</li>

</ul>

Speak Little truth: GMU VP Roger Stough rarely told complainants much and when he did, he was often wrong or misleading, now seen more clearly by FOIA replies.  Stearns' letter   fabricated committee(s) and processes that never happened, casting doubt on the credibility of anything there.  GMU never informed Ray Bradley of any result.  GMUacknowledged receipt of other complaints, which then seemed to vanish into limbo. Complainants got no status reports.

Break Rules: FOIA replies exposed large policy-breaking schedule slips, at best poorly explained, at worst misleading.  GMU ignored its policy of pursuing all significant issues -  Stearns said there were no more investigations.   GMU's seemed to maximize discouragement and stonewalling of external complaints, even from distinguished academics like Ray Bradley or Ohio State's Rob Coleman, an experienced misconduct expert.  One can imagine GMU's handling of internal complaints, especially from junior faculty of students.

Blame Others:   GMU violated its "retaliation" policies by making false or misleading claims about Bradley, impugning his reputation and helping incite vitriolic blog attacks against him.   Universities are supposed to guard complainants from retaliation, repair it if need be, not do it themselves.  GMU owes Bradley many apologies.

Why would they do this? FOIAs have revealed actions far outside GMU's own policies, the norms of academe and possibly Federal rules.  Big universities are expected to know how to follow misconduct policies, so mere incompetence seems an insufficient explanation, especially with experienced administrators who should know better.

We cannot know exactly what happened, but GMU has some unusual connections that might help explain this.  No explicit pressure need be assumed, but a few parts of GMUare deeply involved in climate anti-science activities, so it is no surprise that something like the Wegman Report was written almost entirely by GMU faculty and students.

Funding. Charles Koch is by far the largest single foundation funder for each of GMU Foundation, its <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-and-george-mason-university">Mercatus Center and Institute for Humane Studies</a> [30] (IHS).   His donations to these usually exceeded the research grants of most government agencies. His lieutenant <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/richard-fink">Richard Fink</a> [31] cofounded Mercatus and is a  Director of it and IHS. Koch is a Director of Mercatus and Chairman of IHS.

Money comes from other Koch allies, such as <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-denial-palooza-sponsors-have-received-67-million-exxonmobil-koch-and-scaife-foundations">Richard Mellon Scaife</a> [32], Searle Freedom Trust, Earhart Foundation, L&H Bradley and  <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/fake-science-fakexperts-funny-finances-free-tax">DONORS Trust+Capital,</a> [23] the second largest foundation giver, which anonymizes the real givers' identities.  The recently-discovered <a target="_blank" href="http://www.eri-nonprofit-salaries.com/index.cfm?FuseAction=NPO.Summary&EIN=541899251&">Knowledge and Progress Fund</a> [33] seems to send Koch money only toDONORS.  It is a real money maze

.

Governance. <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-industries-inc-lobbying-activities">Nancy Mitchell Pfotenhauer</a> [34] is the Vice-Rector of the GMU Board of Visitors. She was a Koch Industries lobbyist and an executive of <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/americans-prosperity">Americans For Prosperity</a> [35].  The Board also includes <a target="blank" href="http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/dennis.html">Kimberly Dennis</a> [36] (Searle Freedom Trust, DONORS) and <a target="blank" href="http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/mcgettrick.html">Mark McGettrick</a> [37], Executive VP at Dominion Resources, a large utility that has donated well to the campaign of Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, as has Koch Industries.

Lawyers. Ken Cuccinelli, his Deputy Wesley Russell and his <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/curious-coincidences-george-mason-university-ed-wegman-milton-johns-and-ken-cuccinelli">ex-partner Milton Johns (Wegman's lawyer)</a> [38] all got their JD degrees at GMU in the 1990s.  So did David Schnare, of the <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/american-tradition-institute">American Tradition Institute</a> [39] (ATI), well-known for FOIA harassment of UVA, Michael Mann, James Hansen, <a target="blank" href="http://www.southernstudies.org/2012/07/climate-science-attack-group-turns-sights-on-texas-professors.html">Andrew Dessler and Katharine Hayhoe</a> [40].  FOIA has legitimate uses, but can also be employed for harassment.  The reader can decide which <a target="blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7">these</a> [41] are.

Schnare is also an Adjunct Professor who recently <a target="blank" href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/assets/files/academics/schedule/2012/summer/SCHNARE_FederalismLitPrac-S.pdf">taught a GMU course </a>[42]on how to do FOIAs, use the <a target="blank" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_Quality_Act">Data Quality Act</a> [43], using this <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69x9WhoYW">outline</a> [44].  it starts:

'This course is an introduction on how to sue the government when it does what it should not do. Citizens, advocates of small government and Tenth Amendment proponents engage

</blockquote>

He also offers "externships" to give students practice, via a new 501(c)(3) "public charity," originally (and legally still) the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=36">George Mason Environmental Law Clinic.</a> [45]  it is now called the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/">Free Market ELC</a> [46], consisting of him and <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/chris-horner">Chris Horner</a> [47], as at ATI.  He was <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/6A48o5bgk">looking for students</a> [48] to file FOIAs against some Virginia university, likely not GMU.

Conclusion. We cannot know whether the strange process and absurd rulings came from overt pressure or implicit GMU culture.  A few parts of GMU form a very large gear in the machinery of anti-science and they defended Wegman at all costs.

Public funding of research depends on credibility, of which little is found in GMU's handling of this case.  Maybe it is time for a first-ever institutional debarment from Federal funding until they rebuiild a track record of normal behavior.  Given the credibility problems of key people, this may require outside teams.

Finally, people might recall the potential felony issues raised <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/crescendo-climategate-cacophony">here</a> [49]  and wonder if this process might add more obstruction of justice to the mix.  The old saying may apply: "It's not the crime - it's the cover-up."

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renegades?

The Joint Fire Science Program and US Geological Survey awarded $194,000 to William Sommers (Mason Center for Climate and Society), Susan G. Conard and Stanley G. Coloff to investigate fire regimes and climate dependent ecosystem characteristics as a basis for understanding 21st Century climate change impacts. http://researchfocus.gmu.edu/climate

<h1 class="site-name"><a href="http://climate.society.gmu.edu/" title="Home">The Center for Climate and Society </a></h1>

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===

THE RISE OF THE CONSERVATIVE LEGAL MOVEMENT: THE BATTLE FOR CONTROL OF THE LAW, by Steven M. Teles.  Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008. 385pp.  Cloth. $35.00/£19.95.  ISBN: <a id="OLE_LINK1" name="OLE_LINK1">9780691122083</a>.

Reviewed by Roy B. Flemming, Department of Political Science, Texas A&M University.  Email: roy [at] politics.tamu.edu.

Sure, it was a coincidence but the timing could not have been better.  The morning before I sat down to write this review, I received a solicitation letter from the Federalist Society asking me for a donation.  The letter signed by Eugene B. Meyer, the organization’s president, pointedly quoted Steven Teles’ comment from his book that the “Federalist Society represents, without a doubt, the most vigorous, durable, and well-ordered organization to emerge from . . . modern conservatism’s political strategy.”

When Teles set out to document the stumbles, turning points, and successes of the conservative counter-mobilization against legal liberalism, his “first real breakthrough” came after Meyer let him loose to rummage through the Society’s internal documents. Other entrepreneurs in the conservative legal movement like Henry Manne, William “Chip” Mellor, and Clint Bolick fully cooperated with Teles, answering his questions and providing him with background documents.  Equally important, pivotal financial patrons of the movement, like the Olin Foundation, followed suit.  Finally, Teles decided to organize his research around the themes of strategy and entrepreneurship which he credits to conversations with Stuart Butler of the Heritage Foundation. No published study about the conservative legal movement of which I am aware can compete with the information, detail, perspectives, and stories that Teles has packed into his book.

Teles’ major stories pivot around the formation and evolution of the Federalist Society, the emergence and institutionalization of law and economics as part of law school curriculums, the Center for Individual Rights, and the Institute for Justice.  Nested within these narratives are vignettes of other players and organizations that illustrate how patrons and entrepreneurs learned from their mistakes and redirected their strategies.  Teles quickly alerts his readers that he not concerned with organizations like the American Center for Law and Justice that have been involved in religious or social conservative litigation.  Nor is he interested in the thicket of conservative think tanks that sprouted up during the past three decades or in the proliferation of litigating groups with traditional pro-business agendas or interests in tort reform.  The price of Teles’ tight focus, however, is easily off-set by the many benefits generated by his in-depth discussions.

The idea for a conservative legal counter-mobilization first surfaced in Lewis Powell’s  confidential memorandum to the US Chamber of Commerce in 1971 shortly before Nixon nominated him to the Supreme Court.  (Powell’s memo can be found at [*633] <a href="http://www.pbs.org/wnet/supremecourt/personality/print/sources_document13.html" style=" color: blue; text-decoration: underline; text-underline: single;">www.pbs.org/wnet/supremecourt/personality/print/sources_document13.html</a>).  Entitled “Attack of [sic] the American Free Enterprise System,” Powell argued America’s economic system was under “broad attack.”  The “most disquieting” attacks were not those made by the usual left-wing or socialist suspects but those from “the college campus, the pulpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences, and from politicians.”  Powell urged the Chamber to confront the criticism especially in universities and colleges (including a “balancing of faculties”) and redirect the public agenda by creating incentives for “independent scholars who believe in the system” to publish more often and more widely.  In a very real sense, Powell’s ideas foreshadowed Manne’s campaign to create law and economics centers in law schools and the Olin Foundation’s initiatives aimed at the elite schools as well as the network of conservative faculty and students created by the Federalist Society.

In a section called a “Neglected Opportunity in the Courts,” Powell cautioned that liberal and far left groups had been “far more astute” in recognizing the “judiciary may be the most important instrument for social, economic, and political change.”  This could be a “vast area of opportunity” for the Chamber and the soon-to-be associate justice recommended that it hire “highly competent” staff attorneys to file amicus briefs in the Supreme Court or under special circumstances retain “lawyers of national standing and reputation” to participate in Chamber-sponsored law suits.  The American Civil Liberties Union, civil rights groups, and liberal public interest law outfits like those created by Ralph Nader, offered off-the-shelf templates that conservatives could use to organize their counter-mobilization.  As Teles explains, Powell implied that the fundamental problem was an imbalance in the interests appearing in courtrooms and that it could be righted by recruiting pro-business if not conservative “repeat players” and by a revival of “judicial restraint” on the bench.

Things did not play out as simply as Powell intimated.  Following the formation of the Pacific Legal Foundation in 1973 with the support from the California Chamber of Commerce, several other regional foundations were soon created under the auspices of the National Legal Center for the Public Interest (NLCPI).  This network was organized geographically, not functionally, and held together by interlocking directorships.  The result was “organizational turmoil” because as one insider told Teles “NLCPI had all the structural flaws of the Articles of Confederation” (p.63).  Equally telling, the emphasis on filing amicus briefs displaced coherent litigation strategies and put the foundations on fund-raising treadmills.  Most damning of all for Powell’s business-led strategy were unexpected tensions between business interests and conservative ideology.  As Adam Smith cautioned long ago, business interests are not synonymous with the public interest however it is defined.

Teles’ cameo study of the Mountain States Legal Foundation illustrates the point.  With reliable funding from Joseph Coors, a long-time patron of right-wing causes, effective leadership in the early years by James Watts who later became President Reagan’s Interior [*634] Secretary, and a shared sense of grievance arising from the “Sagebrush Rebellion” in the Western states over the control of federal lands, the Mountain States Legal Foundation had several built-in advantages.  Nevertheless it faltered because its business allies expected returns on their “investments” and the foundation often filed amicus briefs in response to particular contributions or to encourage new ones. Matters came to a head when the foundation challenged on First Amendment grounds Denver’s grant of an exclusive cable television franchise to a local businessman, a grant widely supported by the Mile High City’s business community.  As an insider explained to Teles, the foundation’s suit “gored very powerful interests there, well connected to the Republican Party . . . Joe Coors resigned from our board [saying] . . . ’I founded MSLF . . . to take on the Sierra Club, not to do this sort of thing’” (p.65).

Soul-searching about the strategy behind the first generation of public interest firms began in the late 1970s whenMichael Horowitz (subsequently chief counsel of the Office of Management and Budget during the first Reagan administration) submitted a highly critical report to the Scaife Foundation.  The Horowitz Report redefined the goals of the legal counter-mobilization. Litigation alone could not dislodge legal liberalism.  Ties to business interests tethered conservative public interest firms and held them back from taking the moral high ground. Amicus briefs were “pufferies intended for naïve audiences of donors and not truly doing meaningful work” (p.71).  The aversion to basing organizations in Washington, D.C. had to be jettisoned in order to confront liberalism on its own turf.  Most important of all, the movement needed to redefine itself along clear, consistent libertarian lines with long-term strategies that would appeal to underdogs caught up in unresponsive legal institutions like black beauticians struggling under state regulations or lower middle class whites whose houses were threatened by eminent domain.  Conservatives had to become idealistic “good guys” limiting government and empowering civil society.

The Horowitz Report doused cold water on patron enthusiasm for funding conservative public interest law firms but in time the foundations used the report to restructure how these firms operated  Two of these second generation firms are the subject of a separate chapter in which Teles compares the Center for Individual Rights (CIR), best known for its battles against affirmative action policies at the University of Texas and University of Michigan, and the Institute for Justice (IJ) whose fame soared after it turned defeat in KELO v. CITY OF NEW LONDON into a public policy success.  While the two firms differ significantly in many ways, they share important similarities.  For one thing, judicial activism no longer is a dirty word.  Instead both firms see judicial activism as a means of reviving old rights to protect the conservative goal of limited government; property rights and eminent domain offer just one example.  Clint Bolick (2007), co-founder of the Institute for Justice, recently argued in favor of judicial activism in a new book published by the libertarian Cato Institute.  The firms, seeing the value in an activist bench, are accordingly more strategic in the cases they select and [*635] keep a steady eye on whether a case has the potential to change the public policy agenda or the law.

Horowitz, like Powell, stressed that a “key site” to contest legal liberalism was the university.  In three chapters, Teles traces the winding, upward path of the law and economics movement and the seemingly inexorable growth of the Federalist Society.  The law and economics story has two parts.  The first deals with constructing the “mother ship” at the University of Chicago and the travails of Henry Manne to build law and economic centers at other universities and his final success at George Mason University.

Chicago legitimized law and economics.  The JOURNAL OF LAW AND ECONOMICS, the sub-field’s first journal, started there and was later edited by Ronald Coase who won a Nobel Prize for his work.  Chicago’s highly influential Anti-Trust Project provided fellowships supported by the Volker Fund, attracted law professors like Robert Bork, and revolutionized the field.  Richard Posner with impeccable establishment credentials (Harvard Law and former Supreme Court clerk for Justice William Brennan) wrote ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF LAW (published in 1973 and now in its seventh edition) in which he challenged myriad shibboleths in traditional legal research.  In the meantime, Manne spread the gospel by pushing for new centers at other universities, aggressively marketed law and economics with help from the Liberty Fund by holding regular conferences that identified ambitious scholars and brought them into the conservative fold, and through the Economics Institute for Federal Judges introduced numerous judges to the fundamentals of micro-economics.

The second part of the story focuses on the Olin Foundation’s strategic deployment of its largesse aimed directly at faculty and students in elite law schools (most of Manne’s centers were at lesser-ranked schools) which solidified the stature of the law and economics sub-field and raised its status as a distinctive alternative to traditional and contemporary legal scholarship.  Law and economics was not Olin’s first choice, however.  As an official explained to Teles: “I would have preferred to do something in constitutional law but . . . [i]f you said to a dean that you wanted to fund conservative constitutional law, he would reject the idea out of hand . . . Law and economics is neutral, but it has a philosophical thrust in the direction of free markets and limited government.  That is, like many disciplines, it seems neutral but it isn’t in fact” (p.189).  Olin’s gamble on law and economics paid off handsomely in ways that Lewis Powell would have applauded.  At Harvard, Olin’s support for law and economics provided money, academic panache, and camouflage for Harvard’s president who wanted to stymie the critical legal studies movement and mollify angry alumni in corporate law firms upset by the havoc they felt the “crits” were creating within the profession.  Law and economics raised the research bar for hiring and tenure decisions and offered alternatives to law schools that altered the balance of power in their faculties.

The Federalist Society rang repeated alarms within the legal profession that Harvard Law was “out of control” and [*636] from its beginning the Society has been concerned generally about the placement of conservatives in law schools and out of them.  Teles maintains in his chapter on the Society, however, that over the course of its twenty-five year history the Federalist Society has carved out an influential niche for itself by limiting its attention to creating and fostering complex networks of lawyers, faculty, law students, and foundation patrons that are held together by an emphasis on serious debate and discourse over ideas that challenge legal liberalism while avoiding right-wing factionalism.  Eschewing the establishment of an in-house litigation center early on, the Society also decided not turn itself into a conservative clone of the American Bar Association despite earlier feelings that perhaps it should and despite its persistent criticisms of the ABA.  These strategic choices (there were others at critical moments) were made by a stable, self-perpetuating cadre of long-serving leaders, including Eugene Meyer, who were present at the Society’s founding and are aligned with foundation executives and senior figures from the legal community.

Teles neither constructs a theory of the rise of the conservative legal movement nor tests one.  Conceptual references are employed at various times but largely to locate the study within the existing literature.  This by no means diminishes Teles’ accomplishment.  Each of his multiple interlocking stories of the pas de trois between different conservative entrepreneurs, their patrons and financiers, and the institutions they either created or tried to change took place over several years and demanded clear precise detailing, which they duly received.  Teles’ book is an important reference and the chief departure point for anybody seriously wanting to understand one of the most important transformations in contemporary legal history and politics.

REFERENCES:

Bolick, Clint. 2007. DAVID’S HAMMER: THE CASE FOR AN ACTIVIST JUDICIARY. Washington, D.C.: Cato Institute.

Posner, Richard. 1973. ECONOMICS OF LAW.  Boston: Little Brown and Company.

CASE REFERENCE:

KELO v. CITY OF NEW LONDON, 545 U.S. 469 (2005)

*

Roy B. Flemming.

http://www.bsos.umd.edu/gvpt/lpbr/subpages/reviews/teles0708.htm

===

<h1 class="entry-title">Pro-business organizations sponsor expense-paid seminars for federal judges</h1>

<div class="byline">By <a class="url fn n" href="http://thelensnola.org/author/centerforpublicintegrity/" title="View all posts by Center for Public Integrity" rel="author">Chris Young, Reity O'Brien and Andrea Fuller</a>, Center for Public Integrity    <time class="entry-date updated dtstamp pubdate" datetime="2013-03-28T14:33:16+00:00">March 28, 2013 2:33pm</time>    </div>

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Conservative foundations, multinational oil companies and a prescription drug maker were the most frequent sponsors of more than 100 expense-paid educational seminars attended by federal judges over a 4 1/2-year period, according to a Center for Public Integrity investigation.

Among the seminar titles were “The Moral Foundations of Capitalism,” “Corporations and the Limits of Criminal Law” and “Terrorism, Climate & Central Planning: Challenges to Liberty & the Rule of Law.”

Leading the list of sponsors of the 109 seminars identified by the Center were the conservative Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, The Searle Freedom Trust, also a supporter of conservative causes, ExxonMobil Corp., Shell Oil Co., pharmaceutical giant Pfizer Inc. and State Farm Insurance Cos. Each were sponsors of 54 seminars.

Other top sponsors included the conservative Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation (51), Dow Chemical Co. (47), AT&T Inc. (45) and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce (46), according to the Center’s analysis.

<aside class="module pull-quote right half">Critics complain that many of the privately funded conferences serve state and federal judges a steady dose of free-market, anti-regulation lectures that could influence judges’ rulings from the bench.</aside>

Sponsors pick up the cost of judges’ expenses, which often include air fare, hotel stays and meals. The seminars in the Center’s investigation took place from July 2008 through 2012.

The Center identified 185 federal district and appeals court judges who reported attending one or more of the seminars over the period, according to disclosure forms, or about 11 percent of the more than 1,700 federal judges in the United States.

Among the participants: <a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/ccc?key=0AiqO0-aFUe2AdDljNTVaUEViaU5qbHM4Zk1EY3ZORGc#gid=0">U.S. District Judge Carl J. Barbier of the Eastern District of Louisiana</a>. One of the two seminars he attended in 2009, “Criminalization of Corporate Conduct,” was sponsored by the American Petroleum Institute and other business interests. Barbier is now presiding over the BP oil spill trial.

U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Jerry A. Brown, who serves in the Eastern District of Louisiana, <a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/ccc?key=0AiqO0-aFUe2AdDljNTVaUEViaU5qbHM4Zk1EY3ZORGc#gid=0">also attended two seminars</a>: “Economics Institute for Judges” in 2009 and “Antitrust Law and Economics Institute for Judges” in 2012.

Two schools — George Mason University, located in Virginia just outside Washington, D.C., and Northwestern University based in Evanston, Ill., — hosted more than two-thirds of the seminars.

Roughly three-fourths of the more than 800 sponsors listed in documents were individuals, including a number of judges who took trips, raising the possibility that they may have offset the cost of the sponsorships with their donations. Most of the remaining underwriters were companies and foundations.

Determining exactly how much was paid by which sponsor is difficult to determine — amounts are not required to be reported under the disclosure rules.

Judicial conferences are billed as educational retreats intended to improve judges’ understanding of the law and economics. Judges and seminar hosts say the conferences, which feature lectures and panel discussions, provide helpful information that refines their legal expertise.

But they’ve long drawn scrutiny for how they are funded and organized.

Since the 1990s, critics have complained that many of the privately funded conferences serve state and federal judges a steady dose of free-market, anti-regulation lectures that could influence judges’ rulings from the bench.

Those concerns quieted in 2007, when the Judicial Conference of the United States, a group of senior circuit judges who oversee the U.S. Courts, implemented a policy requiring judges and seminar hosts to disclose information about the conferences.

<h4>Well-traveled jurists</h4>

The most-traveled judges, according to reports filed online by the judges, were U.S. District Judge Charles R. Wolle of the Southern District of Iowa and Chief Judge Thomas B. Bennett of the Northern District of Alabama Bankruptcy Court. Each reported attending nine seminars.

Wolle is a “senior status” judge, meaning he is semi-retired. He did not respond to requests for comment.

The next-most-traveled judges were:

<ul>

<li>U.S. District Judge Manuel L. Real of the Central District of California and Judge Diarmuid F. O’Scannlain of the U.S. Court of Appeals 9th Circuit, covering the Western states, who each took eight trips;</li>

<li>E. Grady Jolly, a federal appeals court judge for the 5th Circuit which includes Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi, and U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Michael B. Kaplan of the District of New Jersey, who each took six trips;</li>

<li>U.S. District Judge Kenneth M. Hoyt of the Southern District of Texas, Chief Magistrate Judge Thomas J. Shields of the Southern District of Iowa and senior-status U.S. District Judge Frederic Block of the Eastern District of New York, each of whom took five trips.</li>

</ul>

O’Scannlain declined to comment for this story. In an email, Kaplan wrote that the “seminars offer a valuable opportunity for new judicial appointees to enhance their knowledge and skills in complex areas of the law,” including economics.

Wolle, Real and O’Scannlain are all listed as seminar sponsors, though records do not indicate how much they contributed.

The Center identified instances where judges who attended seminars underwritten by certain firms and trade groups later issued rulings in the funders’ favor.

<h4>EPA loses case</h4>

In April 2009, for example, Jolly traveled to Northwestern University to attend the “Criminalization of Corporate Conduct” seminar sponsored by the American Petroleum Institute, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and 13 other funders.

Last August, Jolly wrote the majority 2-1 opinion declaring that the Environmental Protection Agency broke the law when it rejected a Texas emissions cap generally supported by the fossil fuels industry.

<aside class="module pull-quote left half">“It looks as if [corporations] are buying influence, even if it’s not true.” — Charles Geyh, an Indiana University law professor</aside>

Jolly, who did not respond to requests for comment, sided with two of the petitioners in the suit — the American Petroleum Institute and the U.S. Chamber.

Charles Geyh, an Indiana University law professor who specializes in judicial ethics, is skeptical that rulings are directly influenced by corporate sponsors of seminars, but noted, “in a cynic’s view that would smack of corruption.”

“Even if it has no effect in terms of the decisions judges make, the perception of influence matters a great deal,” he says. “It looks as if [corporations] are buying influence, even if it’s not true.”

Another attendee of the 2009 “Criminalization of Corporate Conduct” seminar was Barbier, the Eastern District of Louisiana jurist presiding over a high-profile BP civil trial, which is being held without a jury in New Orleans.

Barbier is in charge of considering whether BP owes billions of dollars in fines for gross negligence leading to the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil platform explosion and spill. The disaster killed 11 people and contaminated a large swath of the Gulf Coast.

In 2011, Barbier dismissed a wrongful-death claim in a suit brought against ExxonMobil and Chevron USA by the widow of a worker who was exposed to radioactive materials found on the companies’ equipment.

Barbier’s ruling in favor of the oil companies came two years after he attended the corporate conduct seminar, funded in part by ExxonMobil and the American Petroleum Institute, according to documents. The judge did not respond to requests for comment.

<h3>Politics investigations in your inbox: <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/email-subscribe" target="_blank">Sign up for The Center for Public Integrity’s Watchdog email</a></h3>

<h3>Related: <a title="Key Findings" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12384/key-findings">Key Findings</a></h3>

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<h3>Related story: <a title="Judicial seminar backed by ex-president of Bolivia" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12366/judicial-seminar-backed-ex-president-bolivia">Judicial seminar backed by ex-president of Bolivia</a></h3>

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</section>

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</aside>

<h3>Related: <a title="Free 'Consider the Source' e-book" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12401/free-consider-source-e-book">Free ‘Consider the Source’ e-book</a></h3>

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</aside>

<h4>Corporate U?</h4>

George Mason University’s Law & Economics Center hosted 45 seminars while Northwestern University’s Judicial Education Program hosted 29. A total of 136 federal judges reported attending conferences conducted by the schools during the 4 1/2-year period analyzed by the Center for Public Integrity.

The remaining top five conference hosts, including The Sedona Conference and the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment (FREE), collectively organized 28 conferences.

The Koch Foundation and The Searle Freedom Trust supported most of the conferences organized by George Mason and Northwestern. The energy industry was a sponsor in roughly three-fourths of the conferences hosted by Northwestern.

Billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch, major supporters of conservative causes, and their foundations have given millions to George Mason University. As the Center <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/01/31/12105/koch-brothers-pour-more-cash-think-tanks-alec">recently reported</a>, the George Mason University Foundation received $4.4 million in 2011 from the Charles Koch Foundation, making up 15 percent of its revenue that year.

The school is the top recipient of Koch foundation money since 1985. George Mason also houses several free market and libertarian research centers, including the Institute for Humane Studies, which received $3.7 million from the Koch foundations, and the Mercatus Center, whose board of directors includes Charles Koch.

Officials from the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation did not return phone calls seeking comment for this report.

The Judicial Conference disclosure policy doesn’t require seminar hosts to reveal how much donors contribute to conferences. But corporate-giving reports and nonprofit tax records shed some light on the costs.

<h4>Oil industry support</h4>

In 2011, for example, ExxonMobil <a href="http://www.exxonmobil.com/Corporate/Files/gcr_contributions_pubpolicy11.pdf">reported</a> giving $20,000 to George Mason specifically for its judicial training program. The oil company gave an additional $30,000 to the university’s Law & Economics Center, which hosts the conferences. Between 2003 and 2007, the ExxonMobil Foundation gave the think tank $150,000.

ExxonMobil officials did not respond to requests for comment.

<aside class="module pull-quote right half">“It’s the funders that create the problem … The money comes from interests that have matters before the courts, and they’d like to have those matters settled in their favor.” — Stephen Gillers, a New York University law professor who specializes in legal ethics</aside>

Another seminar funder, Donors Trust, gave George Mason’s Law & Economics Center nearly $450,000 in general support in 2010. As the Center <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/02/14/12181/donors-use-charity-push-free-market-policies-states">reported</a>, Donors Trust helps conservative foundations and individuals give money anonymously to nonprofits that may take controversial positions.

A representative of Donors Trust declined to comment for this story.

<a href="http://www.searlefreedomtrust.org/">The Searle Freedom Trust</a>, a foundation advocating “economic liberty” that regularly donates to conservative groups like the Cato Institute and the American Enterprise Institute, contributed a combined $400,000 to George Mason’s judicial education programs in 2010 and 2011.

The school conducted conferences on antitrust law as well as “Corporations and the Limits of Criminal Law,” both funded by AT&T, BB&T, BP America, Cigna, Coca-Cola, Dow Chemical, FedEx Corp. and others.

“The Moral Foundations of Capitalism” was funded by the same group, and was the most popular George Mason conference, drawing at least 10 federal judges.

BP spokesman Scott Dean says the company has no record of ever directly contributing to the seminars but he did say BP gave the law school and the Law & Economics Center more than $37,000 between 2001 and 2008.

Seminars at Northwestern are hosted by the school’s Searle Center on Law, Regulation, and Economic Growth. The think tank, <a href="http://www.law.northwestern.edu/searlecenter/">according to its website</a>, was founded in 2006 thanks to a “generous grant” from Daniel C. Searle, the late pharmaceutical industry executive.

In 2009, the foundation <a href="http://990s.foundationcenter.org/990pf_pdf_archive/367/367244615/367244615_200912_990PF.pdf">gave $200,000</a> to Northwestern’s Searle Center for its judicial education program.

Another Northwestern seminar funder, The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation — a major supporter of conservative organizations, including the Heritage Foundation — gave $210,000 to the Searle Center between 2008 and 2010.

Records show corporate sponsorship at Northwestern was highest from 2008 through 2010, when a man named Henry Butler — now in charge of George Mason University’s Law & Economics Center — ran the Searle Center.

Daniel Rodriguez, dean of Northwestern University’s School of Law, says corporate sponsorships at the school “ended the moment Butler left.” Rodriguez, who became the dean of Northwestern’s law school last year, says the school recently decided to terminate the programs. He says he’s against corporate sponsorship of judicial seminars.

“These programs should be free from any real or perceived conflict of interest,” he says.

<h3>Related: <a title="Find a judge" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12349/find-judge">Find a judge</a></h3>

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</aside>

<h3>Related story: <a title="Judges often ignore trip disclosure rules" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12330/judges-often-ignore-trip-disclosure-rules">Judges often ignore trip disclosure rules</a></h3>

<h3>Related: <a title="Methodology" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12387/methodology">Methodology</a></h3>

</hgroup></header>

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</aside>

<h4>Some history</h4>

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, <a href="http://communityrights.org/NothingForFREE/NFFmain.php">advocacy groups</a> and <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N7Aw_FXhRqk">media outlets</a> raised concerns about judges attending privately funded conferences conducted in vacation destinations like Arizona, Montana and Florida.

Critics claimed that the undisclosed trips created conflicts of interest and cast doubt on the ability of judges to decide cases without bias.

Seminars hosted by the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment (FREE) attracted the <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/daily/april98/judges9.htm">most attention</a>.

FREE, a Montana-based think tank championing “free-market environmentalism,” drew criticism for its <a href="http://communityrights.org/TaintedJustice/factsheet.php">ideologically conservative</a> seminars. In 2011, for example, FREE hosted “Terrorism, Climate & Central Planning: Challenges to Liberty & the Rule of Law.”

Critics complained that judges spent their free time golfing, fishing and horseback riding at the conference’s Montana resort location. They worried that judges were being wined, dined and entertained by FREE’s funders, which included Koch Industries and Texaco Inc. (now part of Chevron Corp.).

Media scrutiny prompted members of Congress in 2000 to introduce <a href="http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/106/s2990/text">legislation</a> that would prohibit judges from accepting “anything of value in connection with a seminar.” The bill, which died in committee, was opposed by the Judicial Conference, which claimed it restricted judges’ free speech rights.

<a href="http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/108/s787/text">Similar legislation</a> failed again in 2003.

In 2007, the Judicial Conference implemented a <a href="http://www.uscourts.gov/uscourts/RulesAndPolicies/SeminarDisclosure/judbrappc906c.pdf">policy</a> designed to provide “greater transparency” by setting up disclosure requirements for both judges and seminar hosts.

“Instead of banning anything,” says Geyh, the policy “was a way to mollify those who recognized the perception problem without causing the ones who treat [the conferences] as a First Amendment issue to go ballistic.”

<h4>Buying influence?</h4>

</hgroup>

Even with the new policy, the seminars still have critics.

“These seminars are taking place because large corporate interests are hoping to influence the outcome of cases involving themselves or likeminded entities,” says Nan Aron, president of the Alliance for Justice, a liberal organization that first raised concerns about judicial education conferences in a <a href="http://www.afj.org/assets/resources/resources2/Justice-for-Sale.pdf">1993 report</a> titled “Justice for Sale.”

Russell Wheeler, former deputy director of the Federal Judicial Center, an education and research agency for the federal courts, says it’s possible that funders could be truly dedicated to improving judges’ understanding of the law.

But, he says, “You’ve got to be pretty naïve to believe that.”

“It’s the funders that create the problem,” says Stephen Gillers, a New York University law professor who specializes in legal ethics. “The money comes from interests that have matters before the courts, and they’d like to have those matters settled in their favor.”

<aside class="module pull-quote left half">“I’m not going to be snowed by anybody’s presentation.” — Chief Judge Thomas B. Bennett of the Northern District of Alabama Bankruptcy Court</aside>

Many of the seminars are conservative in nature, especially those hosted by George Mason. But there are a few exceptions. A June 2010 conference sponsored by the Open Society Institute, a foundation founded by liberal investor George Soros, focused mainly on human rights law. (The Center for Public Integrity and The Lens have received funding from Soros’ Open Society Foundations.)

Events hosted by the Sedona Conference, a nonprofit whose seminars address legal issues like antitrust law and intellectual property, have been funded primarily by law firms.

<h4>Speaking from the right</h4>

</hgroup>

According to The Center for Public Integrity’s analysis, the person who spoke at more judicial conferences than any other was <a href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/assets/files/faculty/cv/BUTLER_CV-20111114.pdf">Butler</a>, a professor and prominent conservative formerly of Northwestern and now executive director of George Mason’s Law & Economics Center.

He has taught judicial seminar courses with titles like “Economic Thinking” and “Economics of Insurance.” A former Republican candidate for Congress — he lost a 1992 bid — Butler was a “Koch Distinguished Professor of Law and Economics” at the University of Kansas.

Butler’s resume cites his “professional affiliations” with the conservative Federalist Society and the Mont Pelerin Society, which decries society’s loss of freedoms “fostered by a decline of belief in private property and the competitive market.”

Butler declined to be interviewed for this story. In response to emailed questions about George Mason’s judicial seminars, he wrote, “You seem to have a well-established theme to your story, accordingly we don’t see any advantage in collaborating with you.”

Daniel Polsby, dean of the George Mason University School of Law, also declined to answer questions for this story other than to say via email: “We’re very proud of the activities and programs of the Law & Economics Center.”

Another frequent seminar instructor is Terry L. Anderson, president of the <a href="http://perc.org/about-us">Property and Environment Research Center</a>, a conservative think tank “dedicated to improving environmental quality through property rights and markets.”

Anderson, a senior fellow at the conservative Hoover Institution, has regularly led “Free Market Environmentalism” lectures at conferences hosted by both George Mason and Northwestern.

<h4>Green energy’s ‘false promise’</h4>

</hgroup>

In January 2011, Anderson was one of four lecturers who spoke at George Mason’s “Advanced Institute on Environmental Economics” conference, which was funded in part by ExxonMobil, BP America and Shell Oil.

The other three speakers were <a href="http://mercatus.org/sites/default/files/Andrew_Morriss_CV.pdf">Andrew Morriss</a>, co-author of the book “The False Promise of Green Energy”; <a href="http://www.montana.edu/econ/fleck/cv11192011.pdf">Robert K. Fleck</a>, an economics professor who has received thousands of dollars in research grants from the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation; and <a href="http://www.law.virginia.edu/pdf/faculty/jjresume_august2010.pdf">Jason Johnston</a>, a former fellow with the Koch-funded, Anderson-led Property and Environment Research Center and a <a href="http://www.cato.org/doc-download/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/regulation/2008/9/v31n3-1.pdf">critic</a> of efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

“I don’t express views” during lectures, says Anderson. He says his talks are based strictly on economic analysis. “None of my lectures are aimed at changing any judge’s opinion” about a case before them in court.

George Mason law professor Todd J. <a href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/faculty/directory/fulltime/zywicki_todd">Zywicki</a>, another regular judicial program speaker, has taught judges about issues like mortgage markets and consumer credit.

He is a senior scholar at the school’s conservative <a href="http://mercatus.org/content/about">Mercatus Center</a>, and has ties to the Goldwater Institute, a libertarian think tank, and the Competitive Enterprise Institute, which is “dedicated to advancing the principles of limited government, free enterprise, and individual liberty.” Zywicki did not respond to a request for comment.

George Mason “is known to stage conferences that have a conservative economic perspective,” says Gillers, the NYU law professor.

One frequent attendee of George Mason’s judicial seminars, Judge Bennett of Alabama bankruptcy court, told the Center “I’m not going to be snowed by anybody’s presentation.” He said he finds the seminars “infinitely invaluable.”

“You can accumulate information much more quickly than if you sit in your office and read stuff,” he says.

Bennett dismisses criticism of George Mason’s judicial conferences — even though he acknowledges that they often feature conservative voices.

“I believe they put on a fairly balanced program,” he says, noting that he doesn’t pay attention to who funds the conferences. “I’ve been to George Mason seminars where they’ve had people who are not conservative. It’s all in the eye of the beholder.”

<h4>Stacked panels?</h4>

</hgroup>

Northwestern’s 2009 seminar titled “Criminalization of Corporate Conduct” included a speaker panel that was very corporate-friendly — something George Mason’s Henry Butler openly acknowledged during his presentation summing up the day’s events.

Butler noted “a question can be raised” about the panels’ balance and “do we have enough people here that are representing the prosecutor’s perspective.” (His remarks are posted on <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bp16oL9VNtY">YouTube</a>.) “And I certainly can plead guilty to that accusation.”

“On the other hand,” he continued, “I have to explain to you that we’ve had difficulty in the past getting the U.S. attorneys to participate in these programs.”

The December 2010 “Climate Change Litigation” session hosted by George Mason’s Law & Economics Center was sponsored in part by BP America, ExxonMobil and Shell Oil, and featured four speakers.

Two were attorneys who have represented corporate clients like Koch Industries and ExxonMobil. A third speaker, Johnston, the former Property and Environment Research Center fellow, spent part of his presentation criticizing the American civil courts system for making American companies less competitive on the international stage.

Butler, who moderated the panel, acknowledged the imbalance as he introduced a last-minute replacement for the fourth panelist.

“Eric Mayer is going to be pro-public nuisance, climate-change litigation cases, and the other three are basically going to express some skepticism,” <a href="http://vimeo.com/18664030">Butler said</a> in his introduction, identifying Mayer, a lawyer who has represented plaintiffs as well as corporate defendants.

The announcement drew laughs from panelists and audience members.

“This may seem unbalanced,” Butler continued, “but Eric is not daunted by this challenge at all.”

<h4>Donor names disappear</h4>

</hgroup>

The “transparency” policy regarding judicial trips may be weak, but the names of the corporations, foundations and individuals that pay for the conferences at least are available to the public.

Now, even that bit of sunshine is clouding over.

In 2012, George Mason’s Law & Economics Center began listing “xyz corp.,” as a sponsor before listing itself as the only donor on official disclosure documents. However, the think tank does provide a list of donors on its <a href="http://www.masonlec.org/about/donors-date">website</a>.

The 2007 Judicial Conference policy allows such reporting if the support comes from general revenues or from endowments or gifts “not raised for the particular educational program or for the purpose of educating judges.”

Geyh, the Indiana University law professor, says the policy enables conference hosts to shield their donors and make it tough for judges to identify potential conflicts before attending seminars.

“It does raise transparency issues,” he says. “It strikes me as some semantic game-playing with the rules.”

This story was <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/28/12368/corporations-pro-business-nonprofits-foot-bill-judicial-seminars" target="blank">originally published</a> by <a itemprop="url" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/" target="blank">The Center for Public Integrity</a>, which is a nonprofit, nonpartisan investigative news organization in Washington, D.C. It was reported and written by <a title="Chris Young" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/chris-young">Chris Young</a>, <a title="Reity O'Brien" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/reity-obrien">Reity O’Brien</a> and <a title="Andrea Fuller" href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/andrea-fuller">Andrea Fuller</a>; John Dunbar contributed.

<div class="print-site_name">Published on DeSmogBlog (<a href="http://www.desmogblog.com">http://www.desmogblog.com</a>)</div>

<div class="print-breadcrumb"><a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/">Home</a> > <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/blog">Blogs</a> > <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/blog/john-mashey">John Mashey's blog</a> > See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</div>

<h1 class="print-title">See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</h1>

<div class="print-submitted">By John Mashey</div>

<div class="print-created">Created 2012-08-20 03:00</div>

</div>

<div class="node-blog-user-name"><a title="View user profile." href="http://www.desmogblog.com/bio/484/john-mashey">John Mashey</a> [1]</div>

</div>

<div class="node-blog-content clearfix">20 August 12 at 3:00am

<h1 class="title"><a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-speak-little-truth-break-rules-blame-others">See No Evil, Speak Little Truth, Break Rules, Blame Others</a> [2]</h1>

</div>

The "Wegman Report", led by <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/edward-wegman">Edward Wegman</a> [8] of George Mason University (GMU) got criticized in 2010's <a target="blank" href="http://www.usatoday.com/weather/climate/globalwarming/2010-11-21-climate-report-questioned_N.htm">Experts claim 2006 climate report plagiarized</a> [9].  Experts called it "obvious" even "shocking" plagiarism.  GMU's <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-george-mason-university">i</a> [10]ncompetent handling, mistreatment of complainants and flawed rulings were <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-george-mason-university">mostly documented in March</a> [10], but recent <a target="blank" href="http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405453-foia-request-gmu-hunt-4-9-2012.html">FOIAs </a>[11]expose<a target="_blank" href="http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405454-foia-response-gmu-hunt-4-26-2012-usa-today-foia.html"> more</a> [12] untruths.

Is the harsh title fair?  Read on, then study the<a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/sites/beta.desmogblog.com/files/see.no.evil.speak.little.truth.pdf"> 69-page attachment.</a> [13]

GMU Provost Peter Stearns' <a target="_blank" href="http://content.usatoday.com/communities/sciencefair/post/2012/02/george-mason-university-reprimands-edward-wegmand-/1">February letter to GMU faculty</a> [14] made claims of non-plagiarism that contradicted not only experts, but themselves.  The process consumed almost two years to assess four (4) pages of text.

Stearns' letter was even more untruthful than previously known.  It  fabricated an imaginary second investigation committee, seemingly to somehow excuse crucial contradictions.   This seemed an attempt to defend the Wegman Report at all costs, even with potential problems from <a target="blank" href="http://ori.hhs.gov/case_summary">Federal</a> [15] agencies <a target="blank" href="http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/2012/oig12002/oig12002.pdf">who</a> [16] expect schools to handle misconduct properly.  They fund much of GMU's actual research, done by faculty that to the best of my knowledge are normal, credible researchers.

However, a few groups in GMU are closely, even uniquely enmeshed with people behind the machinery of anti-science, such as <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute-manifestation-kochtopus-empire">Charles Koch</a> [17], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/climate-change-and-well-informed-denial">Ken Cuccinelli</a> [18], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/david-schnare">David Schnare</a> [19], <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/s-fred-singer">Fred Singer</a> [20], and <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/patrick-michaels">Pat Michaels</a> [21], plus the <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute">Heartland Institute</a> [22] and key Washington think tanks.  GMU even has a long history of tobacco connections, <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/fake-science-fakexperts-funny-finances-free-tax">oddly relevant</a> [23].

Following are a few brief summaries to motivate the title's phrases:

See No Evil: Via FOIA, the only investigation committee took 200 days to produce a 9-page report.  It ruled on Ray Bradley's three complaints based on Canadian blogger <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.org/">Deep Climate</a> [24]'s early discoveries:

<ul>

<li>2.5 <a target="blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-bradley-tree-rings-v20.pdf">pages</a> [25] of <a target="blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/wegman-bradley-ice-cores-corals-v3.pdf">text</a> [26] mostly from Ray Bradley's book: paraphrasing, not plagiarism although serious plagiarism experts said otherwise long ago.</li>

<li>5.5 <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-social-networks-v-2.pdf">pages</a> [27] of near-verbatim plagiarism of social networks text: never mentioned.</li>

<li>1.5 <a target="_blank" href="http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/04/wegman-social-networks1.pdf">page</a> [28] subset re-used in later paper: plagiarism, likely unavoidable, since the publisher had forced retraction in May 2011. This is an obvious contradiction.</li>

</ul>

But there was more, found by Deep Climate and others:

<ul>

<li>Another 70 pages of formally-reported plagiarism, 27 in WR alone, in 6 more articles, half Federally-funded, and four PhD dissertations: never mentioned. </li>

<li>Alleged <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/wegman-report-not-just-plagiarism-misrepresentation">falsification</a> [29] in the Wegman Report: never mentioned.</li>

</ul>

Speak Little truth: GMU VP Roger Stough rarely told complainants much and when he did, he was often wrong or misleading, now seen more clearly by FOIA replies.  Stearns' letter   fabricated committee(s) and processes that never happened, casting doubt on the credibility of anything there.  GMU never informed Ray Bradley of any result.  GMU acknowledged receipt of other complaints, which then seemed to vanish into limbo. Complainants got no status reports.

Break Rules: FOIA replies exposed large policy-breaking schedule slips, at best poorly explained, at worst misleading.  GMU ignored its policy of pursuing all significant issues -  Stearns said there were no more investigations.   GMU's seemed to maximize discouragement and stonewalling of external complaints, even from distinguished academics like Ray Bradley or Ohio State's Rob Coleman, an experienced misconduct expert.  One can imagine GMU's handling of internal complaints, especially from junior faculty of students.

Blame Others:   GMU violated its "retaliation" policies by making false or misleading claims about Bradley, impugning his reputation and helping incite vitriolic blog attacks against him.   Universities are supposed to guard complainants from retaliation, repair it if need be, not do it themselves.  GMU owes Bradley many apologies.

Why would they do this? FOIAs have revealed actions far outside GMU's own policies, the norms of academe and possibly Federal rules.  Big universities are expected to know how to follow misconduct policies, so mere incompetence seems an insufficient explanation, especially with experienced administrators who should know better.

We cannot know exactly what happened, but GMU has some unusual connections that might help explain this.  No explicit pressure need be assumed, but a few parts of GMU are deeply involved in climate anti-science activities, so it is no surprise that something like the Wegman Report was written almost entirely by GMU faculty and students.

Funding. Charles Koch is by far the largest single foundation funder for each of GMU Foundation, its <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-and-george-mason-university">Mercatus Center and Institute for Humane Studies</a> [30] (IHS).   His donations to these usually exceeded the research grants of most government agencies. His lieutenant <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/richard-fink">Richard Fink</a> [31] cofounded Mercatus and is a  Director of it and IHS. Koch is a Director of Mercatus and Chairman of IHS.

Money comes from other Koch allies, such as <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-denial-palooza-sponsors-have-received-67-million-exxonmobil-koch-and-scaife-foundations">Richard Mellon Scaife</a> [32], Searle Freedom Trust, Earhart Foundation, L&H Bradley and  <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/fake-science-fakexperts-funny-finances-free-tax">DONORS Trust+Capital,</a> [23] the second largest foundation giver, which anonymizes the real givers' identities.  The recently-discovered <a target="_blank" href="http://www.eri-nonprofit-salaries.com/index.cfm?FuseAction=NPO.Summary&EIN=541899251&">Knowledge and Progress Fund</a> [33] seems to send Koch money only to DONORS.  It is a real money maze

.

Governance. <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-industries-inc-lobbying-activities">Nancy Mitchell Pfotenhauer</a> [34] is the Vice-Rector of the GMU Board of Visitors. She was a Koch Industries lobbyist and an executive of <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/americans-prosperity">Americans For Prosperity</a> [35].  The Board also includes <a target="blank" href="http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/dennis.html">Kimberly Dennis</a> [36] (Searle Freedom Trust, DONORS) and <a target="blank" href="http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/mcgettrick.html">Mark McGettrick</a> [37], Executive VP at Dominion Resources, a large utility that has donated well to the campaign of Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, as has Koch Industries.

Lawyers. Ken Cuccinelli, his Deputy Wesley Russell and his <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/curious-coincidences-george-mason-university-ed-wegman-milton-johns-and-ken-cuccinelli">ex-partner Milton Johns (Wegman's lawyer)</a> [38] all got their JD degrees at GMU in the 1990s.  So did David Schnare, of the <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/american-tradition-institute">American Tradition Institute</a> [39] (ATI), well-known for FOIA harassment of UVA, Michael Mann, James Hansen, <a target="blank" href="http://www.southernstudies.org/2012/07/climate-science-attack-group-turns-sights-on-texas-professors.html">Andrew Dessler and Katharine Hayhoe</a> [40].  FOIA has legitimate uses, but can also be employed for harassment.  The reader can decide which <a target="blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7">these</a> [41] are.

Schnare is also an Adjunct Professor who recently <a target="blank" href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/assets/files/academics/schedule/2012/summer/SCHNARE_FederalismLitPrac-S.pdf">taught a GMU course </a>[42]on how to do FOIAs, use the <a target="blank" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_Quality_Act">Data Quality Act</a> [43], using this <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/69x9WhoYW">outline</a> [44].  it starts:

'This course is an introduction on how to sue the government when it does what it should not do. Citizens, advocates of small government and Tenth Amendment proponents engage in this kind of litigation practice to address the imbalance between federal authorities and state and individual sovereignties.'

</blockquote>

He also offers "externships" to give students practice, via a new 501(c)(3) "public charity," originally (and legally still) the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=36">George Mason Environmental Law Clinic.</a> [45]  it is now called the <a target="blank" href="http://fmelawclinic.org/">Free Market ELC</a>  <a href="http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7">http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7</a> [46], consisting of him and <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/chris-horner">Chris Horner</a> [47], as at ATI.  He was <a target="_blank" href="http://www.webcitation.org/6A48o5bgk">looking for students</a> [48] to file FOIAs against some Virginia university, likely not GMU.

Conclusion. We cannot know whether the strange process and absurd rulings came from overt pressure or implicit GMU culture.  A few parts of GMU form a very large gear in the machinery of anti-science and they defended Wegman at all costs.

Public funding of research depends on credibility, of which little is found in GMU's handling of this case.  Maybe it is time for a first-ever institutional debarment from Federal funding until they rebuiild a track record of normal behavior.  Given the credibility problems of key people, this may require outside teams.

Finally, people might recall the potential felony issues raised <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/crescendo-climategate-cacophony">here</a> [49]  and wonder if this process might add more obstruction of justice to the mix.  The old saying may apply: "It's not the crime - it's the cover-up."

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Links:

[1] http://www.desmogblog.com/bio/484/john-mashey

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[8] http://www.desmogblog.com/edward-wegman

[9] http://www.usatoday.com/weather/climate/globalwarming/2010-11-21-climate-report-questioned_N.htm

[10] http://www.desmogblog.com/see-no-evil-george-mason-university

[11] http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405453-foia-request-gmu-hunt-4-9-2012.html

[12] http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/405454-foia-response-gmu-hunt-4-26-2012-usa-today-foia.html

[13] http://www.desmogblog.com/sites/beta.desmogblog.com/files/see.no_.evil_.speak_.little.truth_.pdf

[14] http://content.usatoday.com/communities/sciencefair/post/2012/02/george-mason-university-reprimands-edward-wegmand-/1

[15] http://ori.hhs.gov/case_summary

[16] http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/2012/oig12002/oig12002.pdf

[17] http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute-manifestation-kochtopus-empire

[18] http://www.desmogblog.com/climate-change-and-well-informed-denial

[19] http://www.desmogblog.com/david-schnare

[20] http://www.desmogblog.com/s-fred-singer

[21] http://www.desmogblog.com/patrick-michaels

[22] http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-institute

[23] http://www.desmogblog.com/fake-science-fakexperts-funny-finances-free-tax

[24] http://deepclimate.org/

[25] http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-bradley-tree-rings-v20.pdf

[26] http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/wegman-bradley-ice-cores-corals-v3.pdf

[27] http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/wegman-social-networks-v-2.pdf

[28] http://deepclimate.files.wordpress.com/2010/04/wegman-social-networks1.pdf

[29] http://www.desmogblog.com/wegman-report-not-just-plagiarism-misrepresentation

[30] http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-and-george-mason-university

[31] http://www.desmogblog.com/richard-fink

[32] http://www.desmogblog.com/heartland-denial-palooza-sponsors-have-received-67-million-exxonmobil-koch-and-scaife-foundations

[33] http://www.eri-nonprofit-salaries.com/index.cfm?FuseAction=NPO.Summary&EIN=541899251&

[34] http://www.desmogblog.com/koch-industries-inc-lobbying-activities

[35] http://www.desmogblog.com/americans-prosperity

[36] http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/dennis.html

[37] http://bov.gmu.edu/bios/mcgettrick.html

[38] http://www.desmogblog.com/curious-coincidences-george-mason-university-ed-wegman-milton-johns-and-ken-cuccinelli

[39] http://www.desmogblog.com/american-tradition-institute

[40] http://www.southernstudies.org/2012/07/climate-science-attack-group-turns-sights-on-texas-professors.html

[41] <a href="http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7">http://www.webcitation.org/69s2LDIj7</a>  env law ctr archived?

[42] http://www.law.gmu.edu/assets/files/academics/schedule/2012/summer/SCHNARE_FederalismLitPrac-S.pdf

[43] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Data_Quality_Act

[44] http://www.webcitation.org/69x9WhoYW

[45] http://fmelawclinic.org/?page_id=36

[46] http://fmelawclinic.org/

[47] http://www.desmogblog.com/chris-horner

[48] http://www.webcitation.org/6A48o5bgk

[49] http://www.desmogblog.com/crescendo-climategate-cacophony

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[68] http://www.desmogblog.com/comment/reply/6467#comment-form

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---

The Department of Communication at George Mason University houses the new Center for Health and Risk Communication (CHRC)

<h2><a href="http://chrc.gmu.edu/scholars.html">http://chrc.gmu.edu/scholars.html</a></h2>

<h1 id="firstHeading" class="firstHeading">Statistical Assessment Service</h1>

<div id="siteSub">From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia</div>

<div id="jump-to-nav" class="mw-jump">Jump to: <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#mw-head">navigation</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#p-search">search</a></div>

</div>

<table class="infobox vcard" style=" width: 22em;" cellspacing="5"><tbody><tr><th colspan="2" class="fn org" style="text-align: center; font-weight: bold; background: none;">Statistical Assessment Service</th></tr><tr class=""><td colspan="2" class="" style=" text-align: center;">

</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">Legal status</th><td class="">Non-profit</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">Headquarters</th><td class="">Washington, D.C.</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">President</th><td class="">S. Robert Lichter</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">Parent organization</th><td class="">George Mason University</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">Affiliations</th><td class="">Center for Media and Public Affairs</td></tr><tr class=""><th scope="row" style=" text-align: left;">Website</th><td class="url"><a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://stats.org/">http://stats.org/</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

Statistical Assessment Service (STATS) is a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-profit_organization" title="Non-profit organization" class="mw-redirect">non-profit</a> educational organization, based in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington,_DC" title="Washington, DC" class="mw-redirect">Washington, DC</a>, which analyzes and critiques the presentation of scientific findings and statistical evidence in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/News_media" title="News media">news media</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-FuzzyMath_06-0">[1]</a>

<h2>Contents</h2>

</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#Overview">1 Overview</a>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-2"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#Personnel">1.1 Personnel</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-3"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#Fundraising">1.2 Fundraising</a></li>

</ul>

</li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#Activities">2 Activities</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#References">3 References</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#External_links">4 External links</a></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<h2>Overview</h2>

STATS was founded in 1994 by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter" title="Samuel Robert Lichter">S. Robert Lichter</a>, a professor of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communications" title="Communications" class="mw-redirect">communications</a> at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University">George Mason University</a>. According to the organization's website, to which it posts the majority of its research, its goal is to help correct "scientific misinformation in the media resulting from bad science, politics, or a simple lack of information or knowledge; and to act as a resource for journalists and policy makers on major scientific issues and controversies".<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-About-1">[2]</a> As Lichter related to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baltimore_Sun" title="Baltimore Sun" class="mw-redirect">Baltimore Sun</a> in 1998, "journalists are deluged with numbers representing findings in fields they're not familiar with".<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-BSUN_98-2">[3]</a> Its sister organization is the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a>, also affiliated with George Mason.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-BSUN_98-2">[3]</a>

<h3>Personnel</h3>

Lichter serves as the organization's president.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-FuzzyMath_06-0">[1]</a> Other personnel include director of research Rebecca Goldin, a professor of mathematical sciences at George Mason and the Ruth Michler Fellow at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornell_University" title="Cornell University">Cornell University</a>,<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-3">[4]</a> and STATS.org editor Trevor Butterworth, who is also listed as a senior fellow, and writes for the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huffington_Post" title="Huffington Post" class="mw-redirect">Huffington Post</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-About-1">[2]</a> As of 2010, other senior fellows include Maia Szalavitz, a contributor to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reason" title="Reason">Reason</a> magazine, and Stephen Rose.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-About-1">[2]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Reason-4">[5]</a> The first director of STATS was David Murray, who previously worked for the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heritage_Foundation" title="Heritage Foundation" class="mw-redirect">Heritage Foundation</a> and was later chief scientist for the United States <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Office_of_National_Drug_Control_Policy" title="Office of National Drug Control Policy">Office of National Drug Control Policy</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-5">[6]</a>

[SW:

<h1 id="firstHeading" class="firstHeading">David Murray (ONDCP)</h1>

Dr. David Murray holds the title of chief scientist at the United States <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Office_of_National_Drug_Control_Policy" title="Office of National Drug Control Policy">Office of National Drug Control Policy</a> (ONDCP). In that role, he has testified against legalizing medical marijuana.

Before joining ONDCP, Murray was the director of the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Statistical_Assessment_Service" title="Statistical Assessment Service">Statistical Assessment Service</a>, a conservative <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Think_tank" title="Think tank" class="mw-redirect">think tank</a>. He has also been affiliated with other conservative think tanks including the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Heritage_Foundation" title="Heritage Foundation">Heritage Foundation</a> and the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Independence_Institute" title="Independence Institute">Independence Institute</a>.

<h2>Biography</h2>

Prior to assuming the directorship of STATS, Murray was an assistant professor of anthropology at Brandeis University. He subsequently went to work as a "Bradley Scholar" at the right-wing <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Heritage_Foundation" title="Heritage Foundation">Heritage Foundation</a>, where he won the favor of former Reagan Education Secretary <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=William_J.Bennett" title="William J. Bennett">William J. Bennett</a> by writing an article for the foundation's Policy Review. Titled "Poor, Suffering Bastards," it argued that government welfare programs are undermining the foundations of western civilization by encouraging women to have babies out of wedlock. "America is becoming a nation of bastards," Murray wrote. "When American society experiments with ever-higher numbers of illegitimacies and single adults, we risk being crushed by our own roof. ... Our future depends on stopping welfare from continuing to subsidize illegitimacy."<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray%28ONDCP%29#cite_note-0" title="">[1]</a>

Murray also editorialized in favor of the religious right, calling it a movement of "Americans who dare to affirm individual merit, hard work, faith and personal responsibility in the political arena ... America's liberal elites are at war, not with the religious right per se, but with the cultural tradition it represents. ... They honestly believe Western culture is evil, responsible for war, racism, homophobia, sexism, social injustice and centuries of human cruelty. They would rather see America's moral order -- its customs, habits, values and beliefs --- reoriented toward something a little more 'progressive,' such as state socialism."<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_note-1" title="">[2]</a>

In 1994, Murray moved from the Heritage Foundation to the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Independence_Institute" title="Independence Institute">Independence Institute</a>, another right-wing think tank located in Golden, Colorado, where he took up the defense of The Bell Curve, the controversial book by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray (no relation). David Murray rejected accusations that the book was racist, argued that it "brilliantly put a contradiction in American life out on the table where it can't be ignored," and called for an end to affirmative action.<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_note-2" title="">[3]</a>

In 1996, Murray used the murder of a 13-year-old boy as a pretext to rail against the "liberal Hollywood elite," asking, "Where's Whoopi Goldberg and Ed Asner and maybe Norman Mailer? Why aren't they here, hitting this hard, pointing out the miscarriage of justice? ... They're always there to protest when some butcher on Death Row is facing the chair. Always there to denounce the system, demand justice. Disinterested 'civil libertarians,' serving the underdog. ... Ed? Whoopi? You got an answer for this, or are you busy preparing your next rally against capital punishment? ... Why don't you go home, please, and shut up."<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_note-3" title="">[4]</a>

<h2>References</h2>

<li id="cite_note-0"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_ref-0" title="">↑</a> David Murray, "<a href="http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3647/is_199404/ai_n8716437" class="external text" title="http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3647/is_199404/ai_n8716437" rel="nofollow">Poor, Suffering Bastards</a>," Policy Review, Spring 1994.</li>

<li id="cite_note-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_ref-1" title="">↑</a> David Murray, "'Liberal Elites' Are at War with U.S. Tradition of Moral Values," Buffalo News (New York), October 9, 1994, p. 9.</li>

<li id="cite_note-2"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_ref-2" title="">↑</a> Michelle Mahoney, "The Bell Curve: Skip Race Findings," Denver Post, November 3, 1994, p. E-01.</li>

<li id="cite_note-3"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_Murray_%28ONDCP%29#cite_ref-3" title="">↑</a> Jeff Jacoby, "A killer lives; a child dies," Boston Globe, January 12, 1996, p. 17.] end insert</li>

</ol>

</div>

<h3>Fundraising</h3>

The organization's operating budget comes from politically conservative charitable foundations including the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carthage_Foundation" title="Carthage Foundation">Carthage Foundation</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sarah_Scaife_Foundation" title="Sarah Scaife Foundation">Sarah Scaife Foundation</a>,<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Sentinel-6">[7]</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Earhart_Foundation" title="Earhart Foundation">Earhart Foundation</a>, and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Castle_Rock_Foundation" title="Castle Rock Foundation">Castle Rock Foundation</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Transparent-7">[8]</a> STATS does not accept funding from private companies.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-BSUN_98-2">[3]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-PRN_08-8">[9]</a> [[ so says Whelan too, sort of]

<h2>Activities</h2>

STATS produces an annual list called the "Dubious Data Awards", highlighting egregious factual inaccuracies in news reporting. In 2006, it challenged a study by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_on_Addiction_and_Substance_Abuse" title="Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse" class="mw-redirect">Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse</a>, used by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_New_York_Times" title="The New York Times">The New York Times</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forbes" title="Forbes">Forbes</a>, which claimed that almost half of the alcohol industry's revenue came from underage drinkers. According to STATS, American teenagers who drink alcohol would each have to consume more than 1,000 drinks per year for this to be true.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Ascribe_06-9">[10]</a> STATS has also disagreed with recommendations from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Time_%28magazine%29" title="Time (magazine)">Time</a> that parents should discontinue use of soft vinyl toys, teethers, and similar products containing <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phthalates" title="Phthalates" class="mw-redirect">phthalates</a>, pointing out that phthalates in children's toys have been cleared for use by both the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consumer_Product_Safety_Commission" title="Consumer Product Safety Commission" class="mw-redirect">Consumer Product Safety Commission</a> and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Union" title="European Union">European Union</a>'s <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Institute_for_Health_and_Consumer_Protection" title="Institute for Health and Consumer Protection">Institute for Health and Consumer Protection</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Ascribe_06-9">[10]</a> The annual list has received coverage from The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times, among other news organizations.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-BSUN_98-2">[3]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-RTD_98-10">[11]</a>

During election years, STATS is often quoted in newspaper articles about the use of statistics in political rhetoric. During the presidential election of 2004, the organization challenged claims by both <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W._Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Kerry" title="John Kerry">John Kerry</a> at the request of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Associated_Press" title="Associated Press">Associated Press</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-FuzzyMath_06-0">[1]</a>

In 2001, Lichter and his staff published It Ain't Necessarily So, a book about the media's coverage of a range of topics from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_statistics" title="Crime statistics">crime statistics</a> to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2001_anthrax_attacks" title="2001 anthrax attacks">2001 anthrax attacks</a>. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Philadelphia_Inquirer" title="The Philadelphia Inquirer">The Philadelphia Inquirer</a> called it "a solid critique of the way data-based reports and studies are presented in the media",<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Inquirer-11">[12]</a> while Salon.com felt that the book employed “the very same tactics that it finds so objectionable when used by journalists and publishers”.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Salon-12">[13]</a>

In 2007 STATS sponsored a survey of climate scientists, [metero?]which was conducted by Harris International. The survey found that most climate scientists believe that human-induced global warming is occurring, although there is disagreement about its consequences, and few trust the popular <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Media_coverage_of_climate_change" title="Media coverage of climate change">media coverage of climate change</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-USNEWS-13">[14]</a>

A 2009 article in the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel argued that STATS's coverage of the chemical <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bisphenol_A" title="Bisphenol A">Bisphenol A</a> verged on advocacy for the chemical industry.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-Sentinel-6">[7]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-14">[15]</a> On the STATS website, Lichter posted a detailed response disputing the Journal-Sentinel article, calling its reporting and logic "flawed".<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_note-15">[16]</a>

<h2>References</h2>

<li id="cite_note-FuzzyMath_06-0">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-FuzzyMath_06_0-0">a</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-FuzzyMath_06_0-1">b</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-FuzzyMath_06_0-2">c</a> "Numbers get a workout in campaign sport of Extreme Math". Associated Press. 9 April 2004.</li>

<li id="cite_note-About-1">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-About_1-0">a</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-About_1-1">b</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-About_1-2">c</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.stats.org/about.htm">"About Stats"</a>. 12 July 2010. Retrieved 12 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-BSUN_98-2">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-BSUN_98_2-0">a</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-BSUN_98_2-1">b</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-BSUN_98_2-2">c</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-BSUN_98_2-3">d</a> Scott Shane (30 October 1998). "Making sure the figures don't lie; Statistics: The tiny staff of the Statistical Assessment Service specializes in debunking press reports that hinge on numbers. Its director denies any political agenda.". The Baltimore Sun.</li>

<li id="cite_note-3"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-3">^{</a></span}> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.awm-math.org/michlerprize.html">"Ruth I. Micheler Memorial Prize of the AWM"</a>. awm-math.org. Association for Women in Mathematics. Retrieved 26 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Reason-4"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Reason_4-0">^{</a></span}> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://reason.com/people/maia-szalavitz/articles">"Maia Szalavitz"</a>. Reason Magazine. Retrieved 12 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-5"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-5">^{</a></span}> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://judiciary.house.gov/hearings/July2007/Murray070712.pdf">"Testimony of Dr. David Murray"</a>. house.gov. Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security. 12 July 2007. Retrieved 26 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Sentinel-6">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Sentinel_6-0">a</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Sentinel_6-1">b</a> Rust, Susanne; Meg Kissinger (22 August 2009). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.jsonline.com/watchdog/watchdogreports/54195302.html">"'Watchdog' advocates for BPA"</a>. Journal Sentinel. Retrieved 29 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Transparent-7"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Transparent_7-0">^{</a></span}> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://mediamattersaction.org/transparency/organization/Statistical_Assessment_Service/funders">"Conservative Transparency"</a>. mediamatters.org. 14 July 2010. Retrieved 12 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-PRN_08-8"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-PRN_08_8-0">^{</a></span}> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.istockanalyst.com/article/viewiStockNews/articleid/2421425">"Predatory Reporting? STATS Study Questions Media Criticism of 'Predatory' Payday Loans"</a> (Press release). PR Newsire. 22 July 2006.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Ascribe_06-9">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Ascribe_06_9-0">a</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Ascribe_06_9-1">b</a> "Sex-Crazed Teens, Overhyped Abductions and Booze Bunk: Worst Science Journalism of 2006" (Press release). Ascribe Newswire. 29 December 2006.</li>

<li id="cite_note-RTD_98-10"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-RTD_98_10-0">^{</a></span}> Robert Holland (21 January 1998). "This is Your Brain… on White House Data". Richmond Times Dispatch.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Inquirer-11"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Inquirer_11-0">^{</a></span}> Neill Borowski (2 August 2001). "Media's statistics don't add up, critics say". The Philadelphia Inquirer.</li>

<li id="cite_note-Salon-12"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-Salon_12-0">^{</a></span}> David Appell (2 July 2001). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://archive.salon.com/books/review/2001/07/02/murray/index.html">"It Ain't Necessarily So"</a>. salon.com. Retrieved 16 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-USNEWS-13"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-USNEWS_13-0">^{</a></span}> Marianne Lavelle (23 April 2008). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://politics.usnews.com/news/national/articles/2008/04/23/survey-tracks-scientists-growing-climate-concern/photos/">"Survey Tracks Scientists' Growing Climate Concern"</a>. usnews.com. Retrieved 21 July 2010.</li>

<li id="cite_note-14"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-14">^{</a></span}> Gina Kolata (30 June 2009). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://tierneylab.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/06/30/flaws-in-the-case-against-bpa/">"Flaws in the Case Against BPA"</a>. TierneyLab (The New York Times).</li>

<li id="cite_note-15"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service#cite_ref-15">^{</a></span}> Robert S. Lichter (2009). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://stats.org/stories/2009/dorothy_meets_marlboro_aug27_09.html">"Dorothy Parker Meets The Marlboro Man: The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel's BPA Conspiracy Theory"</a>. stats.org. Statistical Assessment Service. Retrieved 26 July 2010.</li>

</ol>

</div>

<h2>External links</h2>

<ul>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.stats.org/">STATS</a> official website</li>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Statistical_Assessment_Service">Statistical Assessment Service</a> on SourceWatch</li>

</ul>

</div>

<h1 id="firstHeading" class="firstHeading">Samuel Robert Lichter</h1>

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S. Robert Lichter is <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Professor" title="Professor">Professor</a> of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communication" title="Communication">Communication</a> at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University">George Mason University</a>, where he directs the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a>, which conducts scientific studies of the news and entertainment media, and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statistical_Assessment_Service" title="Statistical Assessment Service">Statistical Assessment Service</a> (STATS), which works to improve the quality of statistical and scientific information in the news.

<h2>Contents</h2>

</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter#Academia">1 Academia</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter#Scholarly_work">2 Scholarly work</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter#Bibliography">3 Bibliography</a>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-4"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter#Journal_articles">3.1 Journal articles</a></li>

</ul>

</li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Robert_Lichter#Criticism_and_Response">4 Criticism and Response</a></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<h2>Academia</h2>

Lichter has taught political science at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Princeton_University" title="Princeton University">Princeton</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgetown_University" title="Georgetown University">Georgetown</a>, and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Washington_University" title="George Washington University">George Washington</a> universities, and he was a research faculty member at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yale_University" title="Yale University">Yale University</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbia_University" title="Columbia University">Columbia University</a>. He was also a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Endowment_for_the_Humanities" title="National Endowment for the Humanities">National Endowment for the Humanities</a> Fellow at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smith_College" title="Smith College">Smith College</a> and held the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/DeWitt_Wallace" title="DeWitt Wallace">DeWitt Wallace</a> Chair in Mass Communications at the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Enterprise_Institute" title="American Enterprise Institute">American Enterprise Institute</a>. He received his Ph.D. in Government from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harvard_University" title="Harvard University">Harvard University</a> and his B.A., summa cum laude, from the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Minnesota" title="University of Minnesota">University of Minnesota</a>. He has received a Goldsmith Research Award from Harvard University and the Solimene Award of Excellence from the American Medical Writers Association's New England Chapter.

<h2>Scholarly work</h2>

Lichter has authored or co-authored fourteen books and over a hundred scholarly articles and monographs on the news and entertainment media. His best-known work, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Media_Elite" title="The Media Elite">The Media Elite</a>, (written with Stanley Rothman and Linda Lichter) argued that journalists, on average, held more <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalism" title="Liberalism">liberal</a> political views than the general public, and that their backgrounds and outlooks affect their coverage of the news.

This claim was extended by conservative pundits as evidence for a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_bias" title="Liberal bias" class="mw-redirect">liberal bias</a> in the media. It also provoked widespread debate among journalists and their critics. The Media Elite was based on interviews with major media journalists and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Content_analysis" title="Content analysis">content analysis</a> of their work.

Lichter and his co-authors have also written on the social and political perspectives of popular culture, in books such as Prime Time and Watching America, as well as on news coverage of science and health issues, in Environmental Cancer—A Political Disease and It Ain't Necessarily So. His most recent books (written with Stephen Farnsworth) are The Nightly News Nightmare: Television Coverage of Presidential Elections (2006, 2nd ed.); and The Mediated Presidency: Television News and Presidential Governance (2005). These works use content analysis to examine the media's coverage of government and election campaigns.

In 1986 Lichter and his late ex-wife, sociologist Linda Lichter, established the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a> (CMPA), a non-profit organization that sought to influence public debate on the media by publishing frequent studies of media coverage using the social scientific tool of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Content_analysis" title="Content analysis">content analysis</a>. This was the first time this type of academic research was used on a regular and systematic basis to affect the general public's view of the media. Since then other groups have followed suit, including the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annenberg_School_for_Communication_at_the_University_of_Pennsylvania" title="Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania">Annenberg School for Communication</a> and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pew_Foundation" title="Pew Foundation" class="mw-redirect">Pew Foundation</a>'s <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Project_for_Excellence_in_Journalism" title="Project for Excellence in Journalism">Project for Excellence in Journalism</a>. In 2004 the CMPA became affiliated with the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University">George Mason University</a>.

<h2>Bibliography</h2>

<h3>Journal articles</h3>

<ul>

<li>Stanley Rothman, Neil Nevitte, and S. Robert Lichter (March 2005). "Politics and Professional Advancement". Academic Questions 18 (2): 71–84. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digital_object_identifier" title="Digital object identifier">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1007%2Fs12129-005-1008-y">10.1007/s12129-005-1008-y</a>. Reprinted on the occasion of the award by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Association_of_Scholars" title="National Association of Scholars">National Association of Scholars</a> of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sidney_Hook_Memorial_Award&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Sidney Hook Memorial Award (page does not exist)">Sidney Hook Memorial Award</a> to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Stanley_Rothman&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Stanley Rothman (page does not exist)">Stanley Rothman</a>, 22 May 2004. Originally published online in <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.bepress.com/forum/vol3/iss1/art2/">The Forum</a> (subscription required).</li>

</ul>

<h2>Criticism and Response</h2>

Some critics, such as <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairness_and_Accuracy_in_Reporting" title="Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting">Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting</a> (FAIR) and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbia_Journalism_Review" title="Columbia Journalism Review">Columbia Journalism Review</a>, have criticized Lichter and the CMPA for holding a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservatism" title="Conservatism">conservative</a> bias of their own or for being funded by conservative foundations.

Nonetheless, major media outlets regularly carry stories based on the CMPA's studies, and the organization was described by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Los_Angeles_Times" title="Los Angeles Times">Los Angeles Times</a>' <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Rosenstiel" title="Tom Rosenstiel">Tom Rosenstiel</a> as "non-partisan" in an interview in the D.C.-based <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington_City_Paper" title="Washington City Paper">City Paper</a> (2/30/90). <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USA_Today" title="USA Today">USA Today</a> (6/28/91) also described Lichter's methodology as "non-partisan", and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Newsday" title="Newsday">Newsday</a> (3/4/92) characterized his research as "non-ideological." After a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington_Post" title="Washington Post" class="mw-redirect">Washington Post</a> article referred to CMPA as "conservative," the Post published a "Clarification", which concluded, "The center describes itself as nonpartisan, and its studies have been cited by both conservative and liberal commentators." (2/9/00)

</div>

---

sw

S. Robert Lichter is president of the Washington-based <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a> and Professor of Communication at <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University">George Mason University</a>. Until 2008 he was a paid contributor to the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Fox_News" title="Fox News">Fox News</a> Channel <a href="http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=14997" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=14997" rel="nofollow">[1]</a>.

<ul>

<li>Press Commission, <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=American_Institutions_of_Democracy" title="American Institutions of Democracy">American Institutions of Democracy</a></li>

</ul>

<h2>Contents</h2>

[<a href="javascript:toggleToc()" class="internal" id="togglelink">hide</a>]</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Robert_Lichter#Biography">1 Biography</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Robert_Lichter#Robert_Lichter.27s_criticisms_of_Peter_Arnett">2 Robert Lichter's criticisms of Peter Arnett</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Robert_Lichter#SourceWatch_Resources">3 SourceWatch Resources</a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Robert_Lichter#External_links">4 External links</a></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<h2>Biography</h2>

According to the CMPA website, "Dr. Lichter previously taught at Princeton, Georgetown, and George Washington universities. He also served as a Postdoctoral Fellow in Politics and Psychology at Yale University, Senior Research Fellow at Columbia University, and National Endowment for the Humanities Fellow at Smith College, and he held the DeWitt Wallace Chair in Mass Communications at the American Enterprise Institute. He received his Ph.D. in Government from Harvard University and his B.A., summa cum laude, from the University of Minnesota. " <a href="http://www.cmpa.com/cmpaStaff/" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.cmpa.com/cmpaStaff/" rel="nofollow">[2]</a>

Furthermore, until 2008 he was a paid contributor to the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Fox_News" title="Fox News">Fox News</a> Channel.

<h2>Robert Lichter's criticisms of Peter Arnett</h2>

Lichter has repeatedly criticised <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Peter_Arnett&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Peter Arnett (page does not exist)">Peter Arnett</a>.

According to FAIR <a href="http://www.fair.org/reports/lichter-memo.html" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.fair.org/reports/lichter-memo.html" rel="nofollow">[3]</a>, at a conference sponsored by Accuracy In Media after the first Gulf War, Lichter was reported by AP (4/27/91) to have said "...he was disappointed in statements by [Peter] Arnett upon his return from Baghdad that he was in the enemy capital on behalf of all CNN viewers, not just Americans. 'I see a trend toward journalists seeing themselves as citizens of the world' rather than patriotic Americans, Lichter said."

Lichter had another go at Arnett in the second Gulf War, during the media feeding frenzy following Arnett's remarks in an interview with Iraqi state television. An April 1, 2004 Washington Post article quoted Lichter saying: "If ever there was a poster boy for bias, it is now Peter Arnett." <a href="http://www.carma.com/news/prweek/030414.asp" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.carma.com/news/prweek/030414.asp" rel="nofollow">[4]</a>

<h2>SourceWatch Resources</h2>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_the_Study_of_Social_and_Political_Change" title="Center for the Study of Social and Political Change">Center for the Study of Social and Political Change</a></li>

</ul>

<h2>External links</h2>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.cmpa.com/cmpaStaff/" class="external text" title="http://www.cmpa.com/cmpaStaff/" rel="nofollow">Robert Lichter's biography on the CMPA website</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.ashbrook.org/events/lecture/1993/lichter.html" class="external text" title="http://www.ashbrook.org/events/lecture/1993/lichter.html" rel="nofollow">1993 lecture by Robert Lichter - 'Is There a Liberal Bias in the Media?'</a> at the Ashbrook Center (includes audio recording)</li>

<li>FAIR Research Memo, "<a href="http://www.fair.org/reports/lichter-memo.html" class="external text" title="http://www.fair.org/reports/lichter-memo.html" rel="nofollow">Study of Bias or Biased Study? The Lichter Method and the Attack on PBS Documentaries</a>", May 14, 1992</li>

<li>"<a href="http://www.carma.com/news/prweek/030414.asp" class="external text" title="http://www.carma.com/news/prweek/030414.asp" rel="nofollow">Media voices near-unanimous agreement with Arnett firing</a>", CARMA International PR Week, April 14, 2003</li>

</ul>

<h2>Koch and George Mason University</h2>

<h3>Funding and Connections

</h3>

Since 1985, <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/kochaggregate.php">George Mason University</a> (GMU), and its associated institutes and centers, has received more funding from the Koch Family Charitable Foundations than any other organization--a total of $29,604,354.  The George Mason University Foundation has received the most funding, $20,297,143, while the <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/recipientgrants.php?recipientID=169">Institute for Humane Studies</a> has been directly given $3,111,457, the <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/recipientgrants.php?recipientID=2793">Mercatus Center</a> $1,442,000, and George Mason University itself has received $4,753,754.

In addition to financial ties, Koch also has personnel involved with the university.  <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Richard_Fink">Richard Fink</a>, the vice president of Koch Industries, Inc., and the former president of the Charles G. Koch Foundation and the Claude R. Lambe Foundation, serves on the board of directors of the George Mason University Foundation and the Mercatus Center.  Fink's connection to George Mason University is strong.  Besides teaching at the university from 1980-1986, Fink has also <a href="http://www.gmu.edu/news/gazette/9708/newbov.html">served on a number of boards</a> at the university including the Institute for Humane Studies and the Center for the Study of Public Choice, the Board of Visitors, and the Student Affairs Committee.

<h3>The Institute for Humane Studies

</h3>

<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Institute_for_Humane_Studies">The Institute for Humane Studies</a> (IHS) was founded by F.A. Harper in 1961 and has been associated with George Mason University since 1985.  The <a href="http://www.theihs.org/AboutIHS.aspx">mission of the IHS</a> is "to support the achievement of a free society by discovering and facilitating the development of talented, productive students, scholars and other intellectuals who share a commitment to liberty and who demonstrate the potential to change significantly the current climate of opinion to one more congenial to the principles and practices of freedom."  The Institute for Humane Studies provides <a href="http://www.theihs.org/AboutIHS.aspx">$600,000 </a>in scholarships each year.

According to <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Institute_for_Humane_Studies">SourceWatch</a>, the IHS acts as "a libertarian talent scout, identifying, developing, and supporting the brightest young libertarians it can find who are intent on a leveraged scholarly, or intellectual, career path."  In addition to the funding it receives from the Koch Family Foundations, the Institute for Humane Studies also receives donations from conservative foundations such as the <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/recipientsoffunder.php?funderID=4">Carthage Foundation</a>, the <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/funderprofile.php?funderID=3">Sarah Scaife Foundation</a>, and the <a href="http://www.mediatransparency.org/funderprofile.php?funderID=1">Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation</a>.

<h3>IHS Internships

</h3>

Charles Koch is the chairman of the Institute for Humane Studies.  Every year the IHS hosts the <a href="http://www.theihs.org/ContentDetails.aspx?id=216">Charles G. Koch Summer Fellow Program</a> which offers an internship in public policy.  The internship is a ten-week program that includes an opening seminar, the internship, and a closing seminar.  The opening seminar involves lectures on public policy analysis, classical liberalism, and "persuasive communication."

The internship entails working at a public policy think tank, either at the state or national level.  Placement organizations include the American Enterprise Institute, the Cato Institute, the Mercatus Center, the National Center for Policy Analysis, and the Institute for Justice.  Policy interns may tackle a number of issues including environmental policy.

The Institute for Humane Studies also offers a <a href="http://www.theihs.org/ContentDetails.aspx?id=5000">journalism internship</a> for which it seeks "writers for liberty."  No formal training in journalism is required and the internship offers a choice of three program areas: investigative, print, and broadcast.

The internship starts with a week-long seminar on journalism and free society, followed by a placement at different locations.  Previous placements for print journalist interns have included the Pittsburgh-Tribune--owned by Richard Scaife, who is considered to be one of the founding fathers of the conservative movement in the U.S.  Placements for interns in broadcast journalism have included FOX News.

<h3>The Institute for Humane Studies and Politopia

</h3>

The Institute for Humane Studies also runs the website <a href="http://politopia.com/index.htm">Politopia: The Land of Custom-Made Government</a>.  The purpose of this website is to promote a new political model that is different from the "old" left/right political model.  In this model, politics are placed in the magical land of Politopia where, depending on where you live (north, west, east, or south), the politics of the land are different.

Politopia is presented as an unbiased educational tool.  However, in its <a href="http://politopia.com/more_politopia.htm">model</a>, the role of the government in economic affairs decreases as one moves into the north, and increases as one moves farther south.  Similarly, the government's role in an individual's daily affairs decreases as one moves west and increases as one moves east.

Historically, the geopolitical terms "west" and "north" have been identified with prosperity, freedom, affluence, industry, and development; whereas the terms "east" and "south" have been associated with poverty, oppression, communism, failure, disease, and insignificance.  Interestingly, Politopia places libertarian and conservative values in the more "ideal" regions of the world.

---

SW has lots:

<h4>Related to global warming</h4>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Edward_Wegman" title="Edward Wegman">Edward Wegman</a>, Statistics professor and nominal author of the largely discredited <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Wegman_Report" title="Wegman Report">Wegman Report</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=James_Trefil" title="James Trefil">James Trefil</a>, public figure in science education and science literacy who does not trust existing climate science</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Jagadish_%27J%27_Shukla&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Jagadish 'J' Shukla (page does not exist)">Jagadish 'J' Shukla</a>, Professor of Climate Dynamics</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Robert_Lichter" title="S. Robert Lichter">S. Robert Lichter</a>, head of the largely-conservative-foundation-funded <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_Media_and_Public_Affairs" title="Center for Media and Public Affairs">Center for Media and Public Affairs</a>, is listed among the faculty researchers of GMU's <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_Climate_Change_Communication&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Center for Climate Change Communication (page does not exist)">Center for Climate Change Communication</a>.</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Daniel_Botkin" title="Daniel Botkin" class="mw-redirect">Daniel Botkin</a>, Professor of Biology, 1992 – Present<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University#cite_note-8" title="">[9]</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=S._Fred_Singer" title="S. Fred Singer">S. Fred Singer</a> ("1994- Distinguished Research Professor, Institute for Humane Studies")</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Pat_Michaels" title="Pat Michaels" class="mw-redirect">Pat Michaels</a>, Senior Research Fellow for Policy and Economic Development<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University#cite_note-9" title="">[10]</a></li>

</ul>

<h2>Notable attendees and alumni</h2>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Nancy_Pfotenhauer" title="Nancy Pfotenhauer">Nancy Pfotenhauer</a> ("started her career as graduate research assistant to <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Walter_E._Williams" title="Walter E. Williams">Walter Williams</a> at George Mason University, where she was taking an MA in economics")</li>

</ul>

<h3>Related to global warming</h3>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Ken_Cuccinelli" title="Ken Cuccinelli">Ken Cuccinelli</a>, Virginia Attorney General pursuing Michael Mann (GMU Law School, 1995<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University#cite_note-10" title="">[11]</a>)</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Wesley_Russell&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Wesley Russell (page does not exist)">Wesley Russell</a>, Virginia Deputy Attorney General</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Yasmin_Said" title="Yasmin Said">Yasmin Said</a>, co-author with <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Edward_Wegman" title="Edward Wegman">Edward Wegman</a> of the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Wegman_report" title="Wegman report" class="mw-redirect">Wegman report</a>, the shortcomings of which have put Wegman under investigation</li>

<li>Milton Johns, <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Edward_Wegman" title="Edward Wegman">Edward Wegman</a>'s attorney ( GMU Law School Cuccinelli contemporary, and in 2008, partner in 4-person law firm Cuccinelli & Day LLC )<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University#cite_note-11" title="">[12]</a></li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=David_W._Schnare" title="David W. Schnare">David W. Schnare</a>, principal of & attorney for the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=American_Tradition_Institute" title="American Tradition Institute">American Tradition Institute</a>, suing in 2011 to view <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Michael_Mann" title="Michael Mann">Michael Mann</a>'s emails ( GMU Law School, 1999<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University#cite_note-12" title="">[13]</a>)</li>

<li><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Marc_Morano" title="Marc Morano">Marc Morano</a> (BA political science), <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=CFACT" title="CFACT" class="mw-redirect">CFACT</a> Director of Communications and host of its anti-climate-science weblog</li>

</ul>

ALEC publishes its own materials as well, including a <a class="pdf" href="http://www.alec.org/am/pdf/energy/CCOverview.pdf" target="_blank">"Climate Change Overview for State Legislators"</a> which downplays the science and risks of global warming and exaggerates the costs of addressing it. The Overview was written by Daniel Simmons, who moved from ALEC to become AEA's Director of State Affairs. Simmons was at the Mercatus Institute before ALEC and is a graduate of the George Mason University School of Law.

Daniel Simmons.300 Former Director of the Natural

Resources Task Force at American Legislative Exchange

Council (ALEC).

Simmons is now AEA’s Director of State Affairs.

----

HEIDELBERG: The document itself was promoted in the USA through Philip Morris's then-private <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Public_relations" title="Public relations">public relations</a> firm, <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Apco_Worldwide" title="Apco Worldwide" class="mw-redirect">APCO & Associates</a> and a few of their associated newsletter operations. They also organized a seminar promoting various aspects of the associated scientific claims which was "co-sponsored" by SEPP and the George Mason University's International Institute (funded by Philip Morris).

---

Law School has demo and eco club, but also

The Mason Law Republicans is a politically oriented organization comprised of conservative students at George Mason University School of Law. The goals of the organization include the shaping and influencing of the Republican Party at local, state, and national levels. Also, the group will inform the law school community of relevant social or political issues addressed by the party, the organization, or the school.

Website: <a href="http://www.law.gmu.edu/org/republicans/">http://www.law.gmu.edu/org/republicans/</a>

and The Federalist Society is a group of students dedicated to the founding principles of our polity: that governments exist to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to the Constitution, and that it is the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be. The society seeks both to promote an awareness of these principles and to further their application through its activities.

---

GMU $n – George Mason University (-) 501(c)3

www.gmu.edu 3401 Fairfax Dr, Arlington, VA

<a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University">www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=George_Mason_University</a>

dynamodata.fdncenter.org/990_pdf_archive/541/541603842/541603842_200806_990.pdf

dynamodata.fdncenter.org/990_pdf_archive/546/546063258/546063258_200806_990.pdf

GMU has both a large GMU Foundation, and a much smaller Instructional Foundation, both 501(c)3.

Unlike most organizations listed here, GMU is clearly not generally an anti-science advocacy organization.

For example, [YAL2009] seems useful work. The GMU-heavy composition of the Wegman Panel makes

it relevant and Singer was long associated with one of its Institutes. GMU, InstHumn (Institute for

Humane Studies) , Mercatus Center, and STATS receive funding from foundations listed in A.2.

See also SIPP1993, organized by Singer with GMU‘s Internationa l Institute, of which GMI Board

member Moore was Director. www.sepp.org/Archive/conferences/conferences.html

Michaels has recently become a Distinguished Senior Fellow.

David Riggs is the Executive Director of Green Watch, a project of the conservative think-tank, the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Capital_Research_Center" title="Capital Research Center">Capital Research Center</a>.

"David Riggs joined CRC in June, 2002. He is director of the CRC Green Watch project, www.green-watch.org, and the CRC Education Watch project, www.educationwatch.org. An expert on environmental issues, organizations and public policy, David is also adjunct faculty at George Mason University and formerly worked as Director of Land and Natural Resource Policy at the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Competitive_Enterprise_Institute" title="Competitive Enterprise Institute">Competitive Enterprise Institute</a>, his biographical note states.

===

<h3>Government and politics</h3>

<div class="thumbcaption"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdiweli_Mohamed_Ali" title="Abdiweli Mohamed Ali">Abdiweli Mohamed Ali</a>, Prime Minister of Somalia</div>

</div>

Anna Cabral <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treasurer_of_the_United_States" title="Treasurer of the United States">Treasurer of the United States</a></div>

</div>

Karl Rove <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_House_Deputy_Chief_of_Staff" title="White House Deputy Chief of Staff">Deputy Chief of Staff</a> to President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W._Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a></div>

</div>

Kathleen Casey Commissioner of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S._Securities_and_Exchange_Commission" title="U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission">U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission</a></div>

</div>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdiweli_Mohamed_Ali" title="Abdiweli Mohamed Ali">Abdiweli Mohamed Ali</a>, Prime Minister of Somalia</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Bobzien" title="David Bobzien">David Bobzien</a>, member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nevada_Assembly" title="Nevada Assembly">Nevada Assembly</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denise_Bode" title="Denise Bode">Denise Bode</a>, energy expert, member of President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W._Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a> Energy Transition Advisory Team</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anna_E.Cabral" title="Anna E. Cabral" class="mw-redirect">Anna E. Cabral</a>, Treasurer of the United States under President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W.Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kathleen_L.Casey" title="Kathleen L. Casey">Kathleen L. Casey</a>, Commissioner of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S.Securities_and_Exchange_Commission" title="U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission">U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sean_Connaughton" title="Sean Connaughton">Sean Connaughton</a>, Virginia Secretary of Transportation, former U.S. Maritime Administrator</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garrison_Courtney" title="Garrison Courtney">Garrison Courtney</a>, Chief Public Affairs of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drug_Enforcement_Administration" title="Drug Enforcement Administration">Drug Enforcement Administration</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ken_Cuccinelli" title="Ken Cuccinelli">Ken Cuccinelli</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attorney_General_of_Virginia" title="Attorney General of Virginia">Attorney General of Virginia</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Deuell" title="Bob Deuell">Bob Deuell</a>, Texas State Senator</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Frey" title="Michael Frey">Michael Frey</a>, member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairfax_County_Board_of_Supervisors" title="Fairfax County Board of Supervisors">Fairfax County Board of Supervisors</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nancy_Garland" title="Nancy Garland">Nancy Garland</a>, member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ohio_house_of_representatives" title="Ohio house of representatives" class="mw-redirect">Ohio house of representatives</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juleanna_Glover_Weiss" title="Juleanna Glover Weiss">Juleanna Glover</a>, press secretary to Vice President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dick_Cheney" title="Dick Cheney">Dick Cheney</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_D.Hansen" title="William D. Hansen">William D. Hansen</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/US_Deputy_Secretary_of_Education" title="US Deputy Secretary of Education" class="mw-redirect">US Deputy Secretary of Education</a> under President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W.Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cathy_Hudgins" title="Cathy Hudgins">Cathy Hudgins</a>, member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairfax_County_Board_of_Supervisors" title="Fairfax County Board of Supervisors">Fairfax County Board of Supervisors</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohammad_Khazaee" title="Mohammad Khazaee">Mohammad Khazaee</a>, Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations" title="United Nations">UN</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaye_Kory" title="Kaye Kory">Kaye Kory</a>, Virginia House Delegate</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sherri_Kraham" title="Sherri Kraham">Sherri Kraham</a>, deputy VP at the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Millennium_Challenge_Corporation" title="Millennium Challenge Corporation">Millennium Challenge Corporation</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mark_B._Madsen" title="Mark B. Madsen">Mark B. Madsen</a>, Utah State Senator</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mike_Mazzei" title="Mike Mazzei">Mike Mazzei</a>, Oklahoma State Senator</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_W._Mercer" title="William W. Mercer">William W. Mercer</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Attorney" title="United States Attorney">United States Attorney</a> for the District of Montana</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Morlu" title="John Morlu">John Morlu</a>, Liberian Presidential Candidate</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liam_O%27Grady" title="Liam O'Grady">Liam O'Grady</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_federal_judge" title="United States federal judge">United States federal judge</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_F._Nichols" title="Paul F. Nichols">Paul F. Nichols</a>, Virginia House Delegate</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nancy_Pfotenhauer" title="Nancy Pfotenhauer">Nancy Pfotenhauer</a>, KOCH adviser to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_McCain" title="John McCain">John McCain</a> presidential campaign 2008</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Ramadan" title="David Ramadan">David Ramadan</a>, member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virginia_House_of_Delegates" title="Virginia House of Delegates">Virginia House of Delegates</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University#cite_note-83">[83]</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steve_Ricchetti" title="Steve Ricchetti">Steve Ricchetti</a>, former Deputy Chief of Staff to President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Clinton" title="Bill Clinton">Bill Clinton</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Rove" title="Karl Rove">Karl Rove</a>, former Deputy Chief of Staff to President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W._Bush" title="George W. Bush">George W. Bush</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University#cite_note-84">[84]</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_M.Scott%28politician%29" title="James M. Scott (politician)">James M. Scott</a>, Virginia House Delegate</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_P._Winfree" title="William P. Winfree">William P. Winfree</a>, NASA</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_L._Young" title="Richard L. Young">Richard L. Young</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_federal_judge" title="United States federal judge">United States federal judge</a></li>

</ul>

</div>

economics:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University

<h3>Department of Economics</h3>

<div class="thumbcaption"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_M._Buchanan" title="James M. Buchanan">James M. Buchanan</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nobel_Prize" title="Nobel Prize">Nobel Prize</a>-winning <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economist" title="Economist">economist</a></div>

</div>

<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vernon_L._Smith" title="Vernon L. Smith">Vernon L. Smith</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nobel_Prize" title="Nobel Prize">Nobel Prize</a>winning <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economist" title="Economist">economist</a></div>

</div>

<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gordon_Tullock" title="Gordon Tullock">Gordon Tullock</a>, Developed the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_Choice_theory" title="Public Choice theory" class="mw-redirect">Public Choice theory</a></div>

</div>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Boettke" title="Peter Boettke">Peter Boettke</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenneth_E._Boulding" title="Kenneth E. Boulding">Kenneth E. Boulding</a>, cofounder of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Systems_Theory" title="General Systems Theory" class="mw-redirect">General Systems Theory</a>, winner of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Bates_Clark_Medal" title="John Bates Clark Medal">John Bates Clark Medal</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_J._Boudreaux" title="Donald J. Boudreaux">Donald J. Boudreaux</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_M._Buchanan" title="James M. Buchanan">James M. Buchanan</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nobel_Prize" title="Nobel Prize">Nobel Prize</a>-winning <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economist" title="Economist">economist</a> (1986)</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_N._Butler" title="Henry N. Butler">Henry N. Butler</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bryan_Caplan" title="Bryan Caplan">Bryan Caplan</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tyler_Cowen" title="Tyler Cowen">Tyler Cowen</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christopher_Coyne_%28professor%29" title="Christopher Coyne (professor)">Christopher Coyne</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_H._Fink" title="Richard H. Fink">Richard H. Fink</a>, Executive Vice President of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koch_Industries" title="Koch Industries">Koch Industries</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_L._Fisher" title="Joseph L. Fisher">Joseph L. Fisher</a>, U.S. Congressman from Virginia</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_A._Goldstone" title="Jack A. Goldstone" class="mw-redirect">Jack A. Goldstone</a></li>

</ul>

</div>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wendy_Lee_Gramm" title="Wendy Lee Gramm">Wendy Lee Gramm</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robin_Hanson" title="Robin Hanson">Robin Hanson</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laurence_Iannaccone" title="Laurence Iannaccone">Laurence Iannaccone</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_H._Johnson" title="Manuel H. Johnson">Manuel H. Johnson</a>, Former Vice Governor of the Federal Reserve</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arnold_Kling" title="Arnold Kling">Arnold Kling</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_B._Klein" title="Daniel B. Klein">Daniel B. Klein</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don_Lavoie" title="Don Lavoie">Don Lavoie</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_T._Leeson" title="Peter T. Leeson" class="mw-redirect">Peter T. Leeson</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kevin_McCabe_%28economist%29" title="Kevin McCabe (economist)">Kevin McCabe</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maurice_McTigue" title="Maurice McTigue">Maurice McTigue</a>, former Minister for Labor in New Zealand</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III" title="James C. Miller III">James C. Miller III</a>, Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronald_Reagan" title="Ronald Reagan">Ronald Reagan</a></li>

</ul>

==

<h3>School of Public Policy</h3>

</div>

<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Hayden_%28general%29" title="Michael Hayden (general)">Michael Hayden</a>, former director of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA" title="CIA" class="mw-redirect" style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">CIA</a></div>

</div>

</div>

</div>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zoltan_Acs" title="Zoltan Acs">Zoltan Acs</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_S._Alberts" title="David S. Alberts">David S. Alberts</a>, Director of Research for the Office of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assistant_Secretary_of_Defense" title="Assistant Secretary of Defense" class="mw-redirect">Assistant Secretary of Defense</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenneth_Button" title="Kenneth Button">Kenneth Button</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_M._Davis" title="Thomas M. Davis">Thomas M. Davis</a>, former U.S. Congressman from Virginia</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desmond_Dinan" title="Desmond Dinan">Desmond Dinan</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Florida" title="Richard Florida">Richard Florida</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Conrad_Gibbons" title="William Conrad Gibbons">William Conrad Gibbons</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marc_Gopin" title="Marc Gopin">Marc Gopin</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_Haseler" title="Stephen Haseler">Stephen Haseler</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Hayden_%28general%29" title="Michael Hayden (general)">Michael Hayden</a>, former CIA Director</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seymour_Martin_Lipset" title="Seymour Martin Lipset">Seymour Martin Lipset</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patrick_Mendis" title="Patrick Mendis">Patrick Mendis</a>, US Diplomat, NATO military professor, and author</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patrick_Michaels" title="Patrick Michaels">Patrick Michaels</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_J.Miller%28diplomat%29" title="Thomas J. Miller (diplomat)">Thomas J. Miller</a>, US Ambassador to Greece, and Bosnia and Herzegovina</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Schneider_%28journalist%29" title="Bill Schneider (journalist)">Bill Schneider (journalist)</a>, CNN's senior political analyst</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louise_Shelley" title="Louise Shelley">Louise Shelley</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeremy_Shearmur" title="Jeremy Shearmur">Jeremy Shearmur</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Norton_Smith" title="Richard Norton Smith" style=" background-color: rgb(255, 255, 102);">Richard Norton Smith</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_N._Warfield" title="John N. Warfield">John N. Warfield</a></li>

</ul>

<h3>College of Science</h3>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Albright" title="David Albright">David Albright</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ken_Alibek" title="Ken Alibek">Ken Alibek</a>, Colonel in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union" title="Soviet Union">Soviet Union</a> in charge of biodefense</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Axtell" title="Robert Axtell">Robert Axtell</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caroline_Crocker" title="Caroline Crocker">Caroline Crocker</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pharmacologist" title="Pharmacologist" class="mw-redirect">immunopharmacologist</a> who teaches <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Objections_to_evolution" title="Objections to evolution">creationist claims</a> about <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evolution" title="Evolution">evolution</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_J._Denning" title="Peter J. Denning">Peter J. Denning</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Klaus_Fischer_%28mathematician%29" title="Klaus Fischer (mathematician)">Klaus Fischer</a>, mathematician</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_A._Freeman" title="Peter A. Freeman">Peter A. Freeman</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Hazen" title="Robert Hazen">Robert Hazen</a>, Clarence Robinson Professor of Earth Science, and author</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abul_Hussam" title="Abul Hussam">Abul Hussam</a>, inventor of the Sono arsenic filter, for which he received the 2007 sustainability prize awarded by the National Academy of Engineering</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Lovejoy" title="Thomas Lovejoy">Thomas Lovejoy</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angela_Orebaugh" title="Angela Orebaugh">Angela Orebaugh</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suresh_V._Shenoy" title="Suresh V. Shenoy">Suresh V. Shenoy</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Singer" title="Fred Singer">Fred Singer</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jagdish_Shukla" title="Jagdish Shukla">Jagdish Shukla</a>, founding member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Centre_for_Theoretical_Physics" title="International Centre for Theoretical Physics">International Centre for Theoretical Physics</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_P._Snyder" title="John P. Snyder">John P. Snyder</a>, cartographer</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Trefil" title="James Trefil">James Trefil</a>, physicist, and author</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_Volgenau" title="Ernst Volgenau">Ernst Volgenau</a>, chairman and founder of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SRA_International" title="SRA International">SRA International</a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Wegman" title="Edward Wegman">Edward Wegman</a>, statistician</li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Willis" title="Boris Willis">Boris Willis</a></li>

</ul>

===

wiki:

<h3>Slavery</h3>

George Mason was one of the largest slaveholders in Fairfax county (possibly second only to George Washington) and had thirty six slaves at the time of his death. Like some of his contemporary slave owners (e.g. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Jefferson#Jefferson_and_slavery" title="Thomas Jefferson">Thomas Jefferson</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Washington#Washington_and_slavery" title="George Washington">George Washington</a>), Mason conceded that the institution was morally objectionable, once calling it a "slow Poison" that "is daily contaminating the Minds & Morals of our People."<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Quotes-14">[14]</a> Mason favored the abolition of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slave_trade" title="Slave trade" class="mw-redirect">slave trade</a>, but he did not advocate for the immediate abolition of slavery. Like Jefferson, he owned slaves whom he did not <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manumission" title="Manumission">manumit</a>.

Two of Mason's stated reasons for opposing the U.S. Constitution were seemingly contradictory: on the one hand, he said that the draft Constitution did not specifically protect the right of states to let slavery continue where it already existed, and on the other hand he also said that the draft Constitution did not allow Congress to immediately stop the importation of slaves.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Quotes-14">[14]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-15">[15]</a> Mason's immediate concern was to prevent more slaves from being imported, and to prevent slavery from spreading into more states.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Kaminski-16">[16]</a> He was not eager to ban slavery where it already existed: "It is far from being a desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to be now deprived of them."<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Kaminski-16">[16]</a> Mason ostensibly balanced his anti-slavery argument that importation should stop, with a pro-slavery argument that the draft Constitution should protect slavery from being taxed out of existence; however, the latter argument had already been incorporated into the Constitution according to James Madison.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-17">[17]</a>

Because of his efforts to stop the spread of slavery, and his recognition of the undesirability of slavery, some historians have said that Mason should be categorized as an abolitionist.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Broad-18">[18]</a> Other historians have disagreed.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason#cite_note-Broad-18">[18]</a>

===

James C. Miller III (born June 25, 1942 in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlanta" title="Atlanta" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Atlanta</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia(U.S.state)" title="Georgia (U.S. state)" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Georgia</a>) is a former U.S. government official and economist who served as chairman of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Trade_Commission" title="Federal Trade Commission" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Federal Trade Commission</a> between 1981 and 1985 and as <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Office_of_Management_and_Budget" title="United States Office of Management and Budget" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Budget Director</a> for President<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronald_Reagan" title="Ronald Reagan" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Ronald Reagan</a> between 1985 and 1988. He also ran for <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Senate" title="United States Senate" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">United States Senate</a> in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virginia" title="Virginia" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Virginia</a>, losing the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Party(United_States)" title="Republican Party (United States)" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Republican</a>nomination at the convention to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oliver_North" title="Oliver North" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Oliver North</a> in 1994 and losing the nomination in the primary to John Warner in 1996.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-3" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[3]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-4" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[4]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-5" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[5]</a>

<h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: rgb(255, 255, 255) none repeat scroll 0% 0%;">Biography[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_C._Miller_III&action=edit&section=1&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" title="Edit section: Biography" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">edit</a>]</h2>

Miller was born in Atlanta and grew up in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conyers,_Georgia" title="Conyers, Georgia" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Conyers, Georgia</a>. He earned a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B.B.A." title="B.B.A." class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">B.B.A.</a> in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economics" title="Economics" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">economics</a> from the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Georgia" title="University of Georgia" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">University of Georgia</a> in 1964 and a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ph.D." title="Ph.D." class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Ph.D.</a> in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economics" title="Economics" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">economics</a> from the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Virginia" title="University of Virginia" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">University of Virginia</a> in 1969.

Between 1977 and 1981, Miller was a Resident Scholar at the Center for the Study of Government Regulation at the<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Enterprise_Institute" title="American Enterprise Institute" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">American Enterprise Institute</a>. From 1978 to 1981, he served as co-director of the center.

Miller was the first Administrator of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Office_of_Information_and_Regulatory_Affairs" title="Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs</a> (April - October 1981) and the Executive Director of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vice_President_of_the_United_States" title="Vice President of the United States" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Vice President</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_H.W.Bush" title="George H. W. Bush" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">George H. W. Bush</a>'s Presidential Task Force on Regulatory Relief. From 1981 to 1985, he chaired the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Trade_Commission" title="Federal Trade Commission" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Federal Trade Commission</a>. From October 1985 to October 1988, Miller was director of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Office_of_Management_and_Budget" title="United States Office of Management and Budget" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">United States Office of Management and Budget</a>.

He is a distinguished fellow at the Center for Study of Public Choice at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">George Mason University</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-6" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[6]</a> He is also a senior fellow of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hoover_Institution" title="Hoover Institution" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Hoover Institution</a> at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanford_University" title="Stanford University" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Stanford University</a>.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-7" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[7]</a>

He has been counselor to and a board member of the former <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizens_for_a_Sound_Economy" title="Citizens for a Sound Economy" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Citizens for a Sound Economy</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-8" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[8]</a> (1988–2002), a Member of the Boards of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tax_Foundation" title="Tax Foundation" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Tax Foundation</a> and the Progress and Freedom Foundation, and a member of the Board of Visitors of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Mason_University" title="George Mason University" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">George Mason University</a> and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S.Air_Force_Academy" title="U.S. Air Force Academy" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">U.S. Air Force Academy</a>. In addition, Miller has been a Director of LECG Economics-Finance, a Member of the Board of Independence Air, a Member of the Board of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington_Mutual" title="Washington Mutual" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Washington Mutual</a>Investors Fund, a Member of the Board of the Tax-Exempt Fund of Maryland, a Member of the Board of the Tax-Exempt Fund of Virginia, a Member of the Board of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J.P.Morgan" title="J.P. Morgan" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">J.P. Morgan</a> Value Opportunities Fund, a Member of the Board of Clean Energy, a consultant to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freddie_Mac" title="Freddie Mac" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Freddie Mac</a>, and Chairman of the Board of Economic Impact Analysts, Inc. (family-held consulting firm).<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-9" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[9]</a>

From 2003 to 2006, Miller was chairman (or chairman emeritus) of the Capital Analysis Group (CapAnalysis), a division of the international law firm <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Howrey_LLP" title="Howrey LLP" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Howrey LLP</a>. Currently, he is a senior advisor to international law firm of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Husch_Blackwell_Sanders" title="Husch Blackwell Sanders" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Husch Blackwell Sanders</a> (merger dated March 1, 2008)<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-10" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[10]</a> He was a member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Board_of_Governors_of_the_United_States_Postal_Service" title="Board of Governors of the United States Postal Service" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Board of Governors of the United States Postal Service</a> (2003-2012), where he was elected chairman in 2005, 2006, and 2007.<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_note-11" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[11]</a><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_note-12" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); white-space: nowrap; background: none;">[12]</a>

On November 9, 2009, it was announced that Miller was picked by the then <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Premier_of_the_Cayman_Islands" title="Premier of the Cayman Islands" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Premier of the Cayman Islands</a> William<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/McKeeva_Bush" title="McKeeva Bush" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">McKeeva Bush</a> to lead an independent task force to examine new revenue options for the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cayman_Islands" title="Cayman Islands" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Cayman Islands</a> Government. The Cayman Islands has no direct taxation although that may change as a result of an agreement with the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">United Kingdom</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_and_Commonwealth_Office" title="Foreign and Commonwealth Office" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Foreign and Commonwealth Office</a>. The UK FCO allowed the Cayman Islands Government to borrow additional funds to meet capital and operational expenses as long as the Government agreed to look at ways in which to increase and stabilize its revenue base—direct taxation being the preferred solution.

<h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: rgb(255, 255, 255) none repeat scroll 0% 0%;">References[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_C._Miller_III&action=edit&section=2&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" title="Edit section: References" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">edit</a>]</h2>

<li id="cite_note-1" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C.Miller_III#cite_ref-1" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/bic1/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?failOverType=&query=&prodId=BIC1&windowstate=normal&contentModules=&mode=view&displayGroupName=Reference&limiter=&currPage=&disableHighlighting=false&displayGroups=&sortBy=&source=&search_within_results=&action=e&catId=&activityType=&scanId=&documentId=GALE%7CK1601049770&userGroupName=fairfax_main&jsid=d7ad52444b4ba3d6d693edc6bc26da9a" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"James Clifford Miller"</a> (fee, via <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fairfax_County_Public_Library" title="Fairfax County Public Library" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Fairfax County Public Library</a>). Almanac of Famous People. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gale(publisher)" title="Gale (publisher)" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Gale</a>. 2011. Gale Document Number: GALE|K1601049770. Retrieved 2013-01-21. Gale Biography In Context. (subscription required)</li>

<li id="cite_note-2" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-2" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/bic1/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?failOverType=&query=&prodId=BIC1&windowstate=normal&contentModules=&mode=view&displayGroupName=Reference&limiter=&currPage=&disableHighlighting=false&displayGroups=&sortBy=&source=&search_within_results=&action=e&catId=&activityType=&scanId=&documentId=GALE%7CH1000068712&userGroupName=fairfax_main&jsid=3c37fb4bf01c17d0cdac1d335eda2d92" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"James C. Miller"</a> (fee, via Fairfax County Public Library). <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Contemporary_Authors_Online" title="Contemporary Authors Online" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Contemporary Authors Online</a>. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Detroit" title="Detroit" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Detroit</a>: Gale. 2008. Gale Document Number: GALE|H1000068712. Retrieved 2013-01-21. Gale Biography In Context. (subscription required)</li>

<li id="cite_note-3" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-3" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }Janofsky, Michael (June 3, 1994). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/03/us/north-staff-not-taking-a-victory-as-assured.html?ref=jamescmilleriii" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"North Staff Not Taking A Victory As Assured"</a>. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_York_Times" title="New York Times" class="mw-redirect" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">New York Times</a>. Retrieved 2013-01-21.</li>

<li id="cite_note-4" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-4" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }Daley, Steve (June 5, 1994). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1994-06-05/news/9406050180_1_virginia-senate-race-iran-contra-scandal-republican-senate-nomination" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"Gop Nominates North In Virginia Senate Race"</a>. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chicago_Tribune" title="Chicago Tribune" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Chicago Tribune</a>. Retrieved 2013-01-21. "At a rollicking convention crowded with 15,000 delegates, North got 55 percent of the vote, defeating former Reagan Budget Director James C. Miller for the right to challenge Democratic Sen. Charles Robb this fall."</li>

<li id="cite_note-5" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-5" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }Janofsky, Michael (June 13, 1996). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.nytimes.com/1996/06/13/us/gop-debates-meaning-of-warner-s-victory.html?ref=jamescmilleriii" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"G.O.P. Debates Meaning of Warner's Victory"</a>. New York Times. Retrieved 2013-01-21.</li>

<li id="cite_note-6" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-6" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.gmu.edu/centers/publicchoice/visiting.html" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"Adjunct and Visiting Scholars"</a>. Center for Study of Public Choice. George Mason University. Retrieved 2013-01-21. "...distinguished fellow since 1988"</li>

<li id="cite_note-7" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-7" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.hoover.org/fellows/10615/short-bio" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"James C. Miller III"</a>. Hoover Institution. July 10, 2012. Retrieved 2013-01-21.</li>

<li id="cite_note-8" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-8" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://web.archive.org/web/20041024025536/http://www.cse.org/know/board/jmiller.html" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"Citizens for a Sound Economy - Staff Listing"</a>. Archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.cse.org/know/board/jmiller.html" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">the original</a> on 2004-10-24.</li>

<li id="cite_note-9" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-9" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://web.archive.org/web/20041101000000*/http://www.cse.org/reports/miller_march02.doc" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"STATEMENT OF JAMES C. MILLER III before the SUBCOMMITTEE ON ENERGY POLICY, NATURAL RESOURCES AND REGULATORY AFFAIRS of the COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT REFORM, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES"</a>. March 12, 2002. Archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.cse.org/reports/miller_march02.doc" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">the original</a> on 2004-11-14. Retrieved 2013-01-21. "Counselor to Citizens for a Sound Economy and John M. Olin Distinguished Fellow at Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation"</li>

<li id="cite_note-10" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-10" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.huschblackwell.com/jim-miller/" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"James C. Miller III"</a>. Husch Blackwell LLP. Retrieved 2013-01-21..</li>

<li id="cite_note-11" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-11" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Times" title="Federal Times" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Federal Times</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://federaltimes.com/index2.php?S=593903" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">http://federaltimes.com/index2.php?S=593903</a> <code style="background-color: rgb(249, 249, 249);">|url=</code> missing title (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:CS1_errors#bare_url_missing_title" title="Help:CS1 errors" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">help</a>).[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Link_rot" title="Wikipedia:Link rot" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">dead link</a>]</li>

<li id="cite_note-12" style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_C._Miller_III#cite_ref-12" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;"><span class="cite-accessibility-label" style=" top: -99999px; clip: rect(1px 1px 1px 1px); overflow: hidden; position: absolute !important; padding: 0px !important; border: 0px !important; height: 1px !important; width: 1px !important; -webkit-user-select: none;">Jump up^{</a> }Reilly, Sean (November 30, 2012). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://blogs.federaltimes.com/federal-times-blog/2012/11/30/number-of-unfilled-seats-on-postal-service-board-growing/" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">"Number of empty chairs on Postal Service board increasing"</a>. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Times" title="Federal Times" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">Federal Times</a>. Retrieved 2013-01-21. "James Miller, who headed the Office of Management and Budget during part of the Reagan administration, was on the board from 2003 until last year..." (blog)</li>

</ol>

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<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1988/092888d.htm" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,PD94bWwgdmVyc2lvbj0iMS4wIiBlbmNvZGluZz0iVVRGLTgiPz48c3ZnIHhtbG5zPSJodHRwOi8vd3d3LnczLm9yZy8yMDAwL3N2ZyIgd2lkdGg9IjEwIiBoZWlnaHQ9IjEwIj48ZyB0cmFuc2Zvcm09InRyYW5zbGF0ZSgtODI2LjQyOSAtNjk4Ljc5MSkiPjxyZWN0IHdpZHRoPSI1Ljk4MiIgaGVpZ2h0PSI1Ljk4MiIgeD0iODI2LjkyOSIgeT0iNzAyLjMwOSIgZmlsbD0iI2ZmZiIgc3Ryb2tlPSIjMDZjIi8+PGc+PHBhdGggZD0iTTgzMS4xOTQgNjk4Ljc5MWg1LjIzNHY1LjM5MWwtMS41NzEgMS41NDUtMS4zMS0xLjMxLTIuNzI1IDIuNzI1LTIuNjg5LTIuNjg5IDIuODA4LTIuODA4LTEuMzExLTEuMzExeiIgZmlsbD0iIzA2ZiIvPjxwYXRoIGQ9Ik04MzUuNDI0IDY5OS43OTVsLjAyMiA0Ljg4NS0xLjgxNy0xLjgxNy0yLjg4MSAyLjg4MS0xLjIyOC0xLjIyOCAyLjg4MS0yLjg4MS0xLjg1MS0xLjg1MXoiIGZpbGw9IiNmZmYiLz48L2c+PC9nPjwvc3ZnPg==) 100% 50%;">President Reagan's speech to OMB staff upon Jim Miller's retirement</a>, September 28, 1988</li>

</ul>

</div>

<h2 style="font-weight: normal; margin: 1em 0px 0.25em; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); line-height: 1.3; background: rgb(255, 255, 255) none repeat scroll 0% 0%;">External links[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=James_C._Miller_III&action=edit&section=3&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" title="Edit section: External links" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(11, 0, 128); background: none;">edit</a>]</h2>

<li style=" margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.georgejarkesy.com/2012/02/29/james-c-miller-iii-ronald-reagan-budget-director-former-omb-head-joins-the-show/" style=" text-decoration: none; color: rgb(102, 51, 102); padding-right: 13px; background: linear-gradient(transparent, transparent) 100% 50% no-repeat, url(data:image/svg+xml;base64,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) 100% 50%;">James C. Miller on The George Jarkesy Show</a></li>

</ul>

===

</div>

George Mason Univ. GMU

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