Open in TheBrain

LOBBYIST$

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see <b>revolving</b> door</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">capt 619</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see LOBBYIST 2</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;=</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">TOOLs</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">open secrets</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.wholobbies.us">http://www.wholobbies.us</a>/client/THALES%20INC</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">this town: 1st bizmen 1798 NY; Va colony acc to Kaiser; in 60's biz avoid DC</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">now retaines can be 50K/mo 162</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">400 plus fmr congr, 300 registered fed, many other "sr advisors"</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">
</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">abramoff used to get ppl by just suggesting a gig after retirement/loss 163 they'd think of stuff he cd not</font></p><p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see LOBBYIST2 3/14</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">financial lobbying</font></p>

<table class="lobbyFirm" style="border-collapse: collapse; border-spacing: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.33em; line-height: 20.2124996185303px;"><tbody style="border-top-width: 1px; border-top-style: solid; border-top-color: rgb(204, 204, 204);"><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">20 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clark Lytle & Geduldig</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $1.26 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.clarklytlegeduldig.com/sam-geduldig.php" title="Sam Geduldig" style="text-decoration: none;">Sam Geduldig</a>&nbsp;is former political director for House Minority Leader John Boehner.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included American Bankers Association, PricewaterhouseCoopers, and Ernst & Young.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">19 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, LLP</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $3.42 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.bhfs.com/People/mlevy" title="Michael Levy" style="text-decoration: none;">Michael Levy</a>&nbsp;is former senior aide to then-Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Electronic Payments Association, Western Union, Ace Cash Express.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">18 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ogilvy Government Relations</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $6.78 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.ogilvygr.com/who/aguillen.cfm" title="Dean Aguillen" style="text-decoration: none;">Dean Aguillen</a>&nbsp;is former senior adviser to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Constellation Energy, American Petroleum Institute, Electric Power Supply Association.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">17 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Peck, Madigan, Jones & Stewart, Inc.</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $4.50 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://jmp-dc.com/professionals/jones.html" title="Jonathon Jones" style="text-decoration: none;">Jonathon Jones</a>&nbsp;is ex-chief of staff to Sen. Tom Carper, D-Del.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Harley-Davidson Financial Services, and the International Swaps and Derivatives Association.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">17 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rich Feuer Group</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $3.85 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://rfgdc.com/index.php?to=information" title="Mitchell Feuer" style="text-decoration: none;">Mitchell Feuer</a>&nbsp;is former counsel to Senate Banking Committee.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Goldman Sachs Group Inc., Barclays, and Citigroup Management Corporation.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">15 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Williams & Jensen, PLLC</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $2.46 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.williamsandjensen.com/principals.asp?id=13" title="Joel Oswald" style="text-decoration: none;">Joel Oswald</a>&nbsp;is former Republican staffer on Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee’s securities and investment subcommittee.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Managed Funds Association, TD Ameritrade, and The Vanguard Group.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">15 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Quinn Gillespie & Associates, LLC</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $3.75 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,107796,00.html" title="Jack Quinn" style="text-decoration: none;">Jack Quinn</a>&nbsp;is former White House counsel to President Bill Clinton, later won a pardon for financial fugitive Marc Rich.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included BlackRock, Inc., Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd, and MetLife.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">15 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Elmendorf Strategies, LLC</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $1.49 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.elmendorfstrategies.com/professionals.php" title="Steve Elmendorf" style="text-decoration: none;">Steve Elmendorf</a>&nbsp;served as a senior advisor to former House Democratic Leader Dick Gephardt.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Ford Motor Co., Ernst & Young&nbsp;<span class="caps">LLP</span>, and&nbsp;<span class="caps">TIAA-CREF</span>.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">14 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Venable LLP</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $1.50 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.venable.com/william-j-donovan/" title="William Donovan" style="text-decoration: none;">William Donovan</a>&nbsp;is former chief lobbyist for National Association of Federal Credit Unions and has lobbied on financial issues since 1976.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included&nbsp;<span class="caps">ING</span>&nbsp;Bank,&nbsp;<span class="caps">FSB</span>, Hilton and Direct Marketing Association.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr><tr><td class="healthNo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">13 clients</font></td><td class="healthInfo" style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;">

<h2 style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px; line-height: 1.33em; letter-spacing: -0.047em;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Smith-Free Group</font></h2>

<ul style=" margin: 1.33em 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; border: 0px;">

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Billed clients $1.61 million</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Firm’s&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=21668" title="Andrew Barbour" style="text-decoration: none;">Andrew Barbour</a>&nbsp;is former lobbyist for Financial Services Roundtable and former aide to Rep. Bart Stupak, D-Mich.</font></li>

<li style=" margin: 0px; padding: 0px; border: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clients included Financial Services Roundtable, MasterCard Worldwide, and Bank of America.</font></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">==</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">kpfa 7/18 mitch financ has 300 lobbyists paid 2 mil/DAY?!</font>

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<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Top 10 Recipients of Contributions from Lobbyists in 2013</font></b></p>

<div style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 100px; padding: 0px; line-height: 18px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">

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<table class="google-visualization-table-table" cellspacing="0" style="border-spacing: 0px; cursor: default; margin: 0px; width: 450px;"><tbody style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px; background-color: transparent;"><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-head" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; font-weight: bold; background-image: linear-gradient(rgb(255, 255, 255) 0%, rgb(249, 250, 253) 30%, rgb(238, 242, 247) 60%, rgb(228, 233, 244) 100%); text-align: center; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"><td class="google-visualization-table-th-webkit google-visualization-table-sorthdr" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px; vertical-align: middle; cursor: pointer; background-image: linear-gradient(rgb(255, 255, 255) 0%, rgb(249, 250, 253) 30%, rgb(238, 242, 247) 60%, rgb(228, 233, 244) 100%);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Member<span class="google-visualization-table-sortind" style="margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px 2px 2px 6px;"> </span></font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-th-webkit google-visualization-table-sorthdr" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px; vertical-align: middle; cursor: pointer; background-image: linear-gradient(rgb(255, 255, 255) 0%, rgb(249, 250, 253) 30%, rgb(238, 242, 247) 60%, rgb(228, 233, 244) 100%);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Amount<span class="google-visualization-table-sortind" style="margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px 2px 2px 6px;"> </span></font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-even" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px;"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$183,340</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-odd" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; background-color: rgb(250, 250, 250);"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$125,094</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-even" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px;"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Mark Pryor (D-Ark.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$85,100</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-odd" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; background-color: rgb(250, 250, 250);"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$84,700</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-even" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px;"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Mark Udall (D-Colo.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$79,850</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-odd" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; background-color: rgb(250, 250, 250);"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Kay Hagan (D-N.C.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$70,300</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-even" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px;"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Rep. John Boehner (R-Ohio)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$67,930</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-odd" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; background-color: rgb(250, 250, 250);"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$54,350</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-even" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px;"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-La.)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$53,100</font></td></tr><tr class="google-visualization-table-tr-odd google-visualization-table-tr-sel" style=" margin: 0px; vertical-align: middle; padding: 2px; background-color: rgb(214, 233, 248);"><td class="google-visualization-table-td" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238);"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas)</font></td><td class="google-visualization-table-td google-visualization-table-td-number" style="margin: 0px; padding: 2px 3px; vertical-align: middle; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); text-align: right; white-space: nowrap;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$51,700</font></td></tr></tbody></table>

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<p><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/07/top-recipients-of-lobbyists-cash-2013-an-opensecrets-analysis.html"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/07/top-recipients-of-lobbyists-cash-2013-an-opensecrets-analysis.html</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">corp profits bigger share of gnp since 29</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">since merger <b>exxon spent most on direct lobbty after GE and PG&E 625 coll</b></font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">after downgrade S&P said exxon one of 4 &nbsp;US co to have AAA&nbsp;</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">financial lobby writing rules&nbsp;</font>

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<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">cpr:&nbsp;</font></b></p>

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<div class="asset-body"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Banking industry lobbyists helped members of the </b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/cmteprofiles/overview.php?cmteid=H05&cmte=HFIN&congno=112&chamber=H"><b>House Financial Services Committee</b></a><b> craft a bill loosening regulators' oversight of various types of trading</b>, with lobbyists from<b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;"> </span></b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000000071&cycle=2012"><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">Citibank</span></b></a><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;"> playing a large role in the process,</span></b> according to a report in today's <a target="_blank" href="http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/05/23/banks-lobbyists-help-in-drafting-financial-bills/"><i>New York Times</i></a>. Seventy-one of the 80 lines in a bill recently approved by the panel were written with the assistance of lobbyists for major banks, said the report, which is based on emails reviewed by the paper's reporters; two paragraphs were<i> </i>copied from the lobbyists nearly word-for-word.

According to Center for Responsive Politics data, in the first quarter of 2013, members of that committee received more than $1.3 million in donations to their campaigns and leadership PACs from the securities and investment industry and commercial banks.

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The donations came from PACs representing the financial firms, individuals they employ and lobbyists who represent the firms. <b>By far the largest source of cash from the two industries was the&nbsp;</b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000000262"><b>Investment Company Institute</b></a><b>, a trade association representing Wall Street firms.</b> The ICI gave at least $129,000 to members of the House Financial Services Committee. Other trade groups representing banks and investment firms, including the&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000000087">American Bankers Association</a>&nbsp;and the&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000000261">Independent Community Bankers of America</a>, were also major contributors.&nbsp;</font>

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<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among individual corporations,<b>&nbsp;</b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000020995"><b>UBS</b></a><b>&nbsp;was the top donor to the committee's members, contributing $88,000 so far this year.</b>

The banking and securities and investment industries together contributed about the same amount overall to members of the committee in the first quarter of 2011 as in the first three months of 2013 -- roughly $1.3 million. But the commercial banking industry -- including Citigroup -- gave substantially more this time around, while the securities industry gave less.

Banking industry companies increased their contributions in 2013 to $640,286, from $497,169 in early 2011. Citigroup, in particular, jumped from $19,500 in donations to committee members to $39,500. UBS went from $64,250 to $88,000. Wells Fargo also opened its checkbook a little wider this year, giving $80,000, compared with $31,250 in 2011.

The ABA gave $90,750 in the first quarter of 2013, up from $58,650 in the comparable period in 2011.

Although the&nbsp;<i>New York Times</i>&nbsp;article cites a growing friendliness between the banking industry and congressional Democrats, the money going to the members of the committee this year overwhelmingly tilted towards Republicans. Seventy percent of the $1.3 million went to GOP lawmakers. Republicans control the House, and thus the committee, and it is not unusual to see the majority party pick up more cash from donors, regardless of the topic or committee.</font></div>

<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

</font></div>

<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The top recipient of cash from the two industries so far this year is Rep.&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?cid=N00024922&cycle=2012">Jeb Hensarling</a>&nbsp;(R-Texas), the chairman of the committee, who has picked up $140,400. The top Democrat on the committee, Rep.&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?cid=N00006690&cycle=2012">Maxine Waters</a>&nbsp;(D-Calif.), who has criticized the legislation in question, received only $6,000.</font></div>

<div>

<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The bill, the&nbsp;<a target="_blank" href="http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/113/hr992">Swaps Regulatory Improvement Act</a>&nbsp;(H.R. 992), was sponsored by committee member&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?cid=N00031104&cycle=2012">Randy Hultgren</a>&nbsp;(R-Ill.), who has received $50,100 from commercial banks and the securities and investment industry, the majority of which came from individuals rather than PACs. One of his co-sponsors, who defended the legislation to the&nbsp;<i>Times,&nbsp;</i>is Rep.&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?cid=N00029070&cycle=2012">Jim Himes&nbsp;</a>(D-Conn.) who took in a similar amount from the two industries -- about $47,700.<b>

</b></font></div>

<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to FEC records, Citigroup's PAC gave Hultgren's campaign committee $2,000. And it gave Himes' campaign $1,000 and his leadership PAC,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/lookup2.php?strID=C00494112">Jobs and Innovation Matter PAC</a>&nbsp;(JIM PAC) another $2,500. The donations to Hultgren, JIM PAC and a $5,000 donation to Hensarling's leadership PAC were all made on March 26.

The panel passed the bill this month despite objections from the Treasury Department. It awaits action in the full House

</font></div>

</div>

</div>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">cpr 2013 lobby finance real estate insurance:</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Total number of lobbyists: <b>1,757</b></font></p>

<table class="datadisplay" id="sector_summary"><thead><tr><th class="data"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Industry</font></th><th class="data"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">No. of Lobbyists</font></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr class="rowTint"><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F11&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Accountants</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">113</font></td></tr><tr><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F03&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Commercial Banks</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">312</font></td></tr><tr class="rowTint"><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F05&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Credit Unions</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">73</font></td></tr><tr><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F06&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Finance/Credit Companies</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">233</font></td></tr><tr class="rowTint"><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F09&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Insurance</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">691</font></td></tr><tr><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F13&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Misc Finance</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">293</font></td></tr><tr class="rowTint"><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F10&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Real Estate</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">422</font></td></tr><tr><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F04&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Savings & Loans</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">10</font></td></tr><tr class="rowTint"><td><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/indusclient.php?id=F07&year=2013"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Securities & Investment</font></a></td><td class="number"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">554</font></td></tr></tbody></table>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In this report, we will show that much of the decline in lobbying activity is not a decline at all, but rather the side effect of lobbyists and lobbying firms taking advantage of a feature of the law which allows them to continue influencing policy from "behind the scenes." By working as policy advisors and in other "nonlobbyist" positions, former lobbyists can keep their current jobs but escape the consequences of being a registered lobbyist, leading people in and out of lobbying to suggest that those consequences act as a deterrent to transparency...</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/03/lobbyists-2012-out-of-the-game-or-u.html</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Big Five (oil?) companies are on track to make over $100 billion in profits this year, while they collect&nbsp;$2.4 billion in annual tax breaks.&nbsp;Meanwhile, they are producing 5 percent less oil than the third quarter last year. The Big Five has spent more than $100 million lobbying Congress since 2011, and millions on campaign contributions.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2012/11/02/1129671/chevron-earns-19-billion-profit-so-far-this-year-spending-millions-to-elect-house-gop/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2012/11/02/1129671/chevron-earns-19-billion-profit-so-far-this-year-spending-millions-to-elect-house-gop/</font></a>

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<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2012 coventions:</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">DNC Convention Strategies</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In October 2011, a new <a href="http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/national-convention-firm-announces-expanded-democratic-team-131052568.html">start-up business was born</a>, its corporate lobbyist parents naming it <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/index.php">DNC Convention Strategies</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"We help our clients get the most bang for their convention buck," DNC Convention Strategies <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/whatWeDo.php">explains on its website</a>. "Whether your goal is to connect with important decision makers, get the voters and the media to focus on your agenda, or simply to host a great event, we'll help you maximize the impact of your investment."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This isn't their first time around the block, either.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"In 2008, we worked with dozens of Fortune 50 companies, national trade associations, non-profit groups, top political officials, and state delegations," <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/whatWeDo.php">the website goes on to proclaim</a>. "We managed events ranging from 30 person, high end dinners to 1,000+ person extravaganzas. Our team members have produced some of the most memorable convention events going back to as early as 1984."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">DNC Convention Strategies is the child of <a href="http://conventions2012.com/">Conventions 2012, LLC</a>, which was <a href="http://www.sunbiz.org/scripts/cordet.exe?action=DETFIL&inq_doc_number=L11000078426&inq_came_from=NAMFWD&cor_web_names_seq_number=0000&names_name_ind=&names_cor_number=&names_name_seq=&names_name_ind=&names_comp_name=CONVENTIONS2012&names_filing_type=">registered in Florida in July 2011</a>, according to the Florida Department of State's Division of Corporations. Its brother, born to the same mother, is <a href="http://gopconventionstrategies.com/">GOP Convention Strategies</a>. One of the Managers of this new-fangled LLC is ROQ Strategies, LLC, according to the <a href="http://www.sunbiz.org/scripts/cordet.exe?action=DETFIL&inq_doc_number=L11000078426&inq_came_from=NAMFWD&cor_web_names_seq_number=0000&names_name_ind=&names_cor_number=&names_name_seq=&names_name_ind=&names_comp_name=CONVENTIONS2012&names_filing_type=">incorporation form</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.sunbiz.org/scripts/cordet.exe?action=DETFIL&inq_doc_number=L11000078426&inq_came_from=NAMFWD&cor_web_names_seq_number=0000&names_name_ind=&names_cor_number=&names_name_seq=&names_name_ind=&names_comp_name=CONVENTIONS2012&names_filing_type="><b>ROQ</b></a><b> </b>and <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/contact.php">DNC Convention Strategies</a> share the same address: 400 North Capitol St., Ste. 382B in Washington, DC. The glue that binds them together is veteran lobbyist<b> </b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Henry%2C%20Darrell&id=Y0000019557L&year=2012"><b>Darrell Henry</b></a><b>,</b> who's both the <a href="http://www.roqstrategies.com/bio.html">Founder and Principal of ROQ</a> and <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/whoWeAre.php">one of eight team members </a>of DNC Convention Strategies. Among other things, Henry served as a <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Y0000019557L&year=2005">lobbyist for the American Gas Association</a> from 2000-2005.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"While it violates the rules for a corporation to host a party honoring a member of Congress, lobbyists have evaded this rule by setting up front groups, like GOP Convention Strategies and DNC Convention Strategies to do their bidding," Craig Holman of Public Citizen's Congress Watch told TruthOut.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Other important, well-connected DNC Convention Strategies <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/whoWeAre.php">lobbyist luminaries</a> include Mark Lindsay, Anne Fabry, Michael Lewan and LeeAnn Petersen.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Lindsay is an important Beltway power broker, having served on the </b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=70843"><b>Obama Transition Team</b></a><b>, turning that position into a full-time job as a corporate lobbyist, </b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Y0000038230L&year=2009"><b>primarily for the pharmaceutical industry</b></a><b> for a lobbying firm of his creation, </b><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=F27455&year=2009"><b>White House Consulting, Inc</b></a><b>.</b></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He was also the <a href="http://www.sethhettena.com/2010/former-clinton-official-mark-lindsay-is-educating-congres-on-minared-star/">center of a scandal</a> surrounding time he spent lobbying for a $1.4 billion contract awarded to supply jet fuel to the Manas Airbase in Kyrgyzstan. The company he was lobbying for, Mina Corp/Red Star, was under Congressional investigation for having sent "payments to the family of a corrupt former Kyrgyz president," <a href="http://www.sethhettena.com/2010/former-clinton-official-mark-lindsay-is-educating-congres-on-minared-star/">according to a story</a> by investigative reporter Seth Hettena.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/fabry.php">Fabry</a> is a <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=16425">long-time corporate lobbyist and Democratic Party insider</a>, having served in the <a href="http://www.martindale.com/Anne-Saunders-Fabry/46059584-lawyer.htm">Finance Division of the Democratic National Committee </a>(DNC) in the 1988, 1992, 1996 and 2000 presidential campaigns. She also is the former <a href="http://www.martindale.com/Anne-Saunders-Fabry/46059584-lawyer.htm">President</a> of the <a href="http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/Progressive_Policy_Institute">Progressive Policy Institute</a> (PPI), the think-tank wing of the <a href="http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/Democratic_Leadership_Council">Democratic Leadership Council</a> (DLC). Ralph Nader has described the DLC as a "<a href="http://www.nader.org/interest/080103.html">soulless</a>" entity, due to its support of the agenda of Big Business.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"A member of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's Business Council, she continues her long relationship with the moderate pro-business democratic community as an active member of the New Democrat Coalition's Keystone Group and The Blue Dogs in the House, as well as the Third Way and Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee," explains her <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/fabry.php">biographical sketch on the Convention Strategies website</a>. Both the <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20050401152248/http://www.mediatransparency.org/search_results/info_on_any_recipient.php?recipientID=449">PPI</a> and <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20040805032539/http://www.mediatransparency.org/search_results/info_on_any_recipient.php?recipientID=2355">Third Way</a> are heavily funded by the right-wing, heavily corporate-subsidized<b> </b><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Lynde_and_Harry_Bradley_Foundation"><b>Bradley Foundation</b></a><b>.</b></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Fabry's career has marched in lockstep with that of <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/lewan.php">Lewan</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"He created and led the Democratic Leadership Council's Washington Steering Committee which resulted in DLC Convention activities in 1996, 2000, and 2004 and initiated a Member dinner series and senior staff lunch program," <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/lewan.php">explains the Convention Strategies website</a>. "He was also a founder of the New Democratic Coalition, the Senate Mod Squad and the Third Way."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lewan "is considered one of the architects of the moderate, business-oriented wing of the Democratic Party," <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/lewan-michael">according to his biography on the Brown Rudnick website</a>, where he currently works as a lobbyist with Fabry. <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/lewan-michael">Lewan serves as a Principal of Government Law & Strategies</a> there, while <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/fabry-anne-saunders">Fabry works as Director of Government Law & Strategies</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Prior to this, the two of them <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmlbs.php?id=F26637&year=2004">worked together</a> at <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/lewan-michael">Michael Lewan Company</a> from 2000-2004, "which specialized in developing and executing public policy strategies for corporate, trade associations and not for profit clients." Fabry served as Lewan's <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/fabry-anne-saunders">assistant</a> when Lewan was Sen. Joe Lieberman's (I-CT) <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/lewan-michael">Chief-of-Staff from 1989-1993</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Importantly, but easy to overlook, <a href="http://www.brownrudnick.com/people-detail/fabry-anne-saunders">Fabry is also</a> "on the management team organizing the popular Convention Baseball events at both the Democratic and Republican Conventions." Convention Baseball events are a can of worms of their own worth exploring.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LeeAnn Petersen: Convention Baseball LLC/Convention Sports and Entertainment Group LLC</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/leeAnn.php">LeeAnn Petersen</a>'s claim to fame is baseball.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Not a baseball player herself, she is a key organizer of baseball outings at DNCs past and present, <a href="http://www.eventtransportation.com/corp_quotes.htm">having organized an outing in 2008 in Denver</a> when President Barack Obama stepped up to accept his nomination for the first time and <a href="http://www.heraldonline.com/2012/02/10/3732306/delegates-to-play-ball-at-knights.html?story_link=email_msg">now in 2012 in Charlotte</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">She sometimes goes by the name LeeAnn Strother, as is evident by her <a href="http://www.linkedin.com/profile/view?id=35717169&authType=NAME_SEARCH&authToken=I6R8&locale=en_US&srchid=9c374eb3-3338-45af-884a-2316985fc70d-0&srchindex=3&srchtotal=93&goback=%2Efps_PBCK1+Strother111121_Y111_false_1_R151151_true1_us%3A972222222222222222222&pvs=ps&trk=pp_profile_name_link">LinkedIn profile</a>. Petersen's husband is Dane Strother, who works as the head of the lobbying firm Strother Stategies. <a href="http://arkansasnews.com/2010/04/13/halter-makers-of-attack-ad-have-ties-to-lincoln">Strother worked on behalf </a>of Wall Street-friendly U.S. Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) to ensure that her more progressive opponent, Bill Halter, lost a primary in 2010.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For the Conventions, Petersen has slyly circumvented the lobbying ethics laws by creating an LLC called Convention Baseball LLC, now known more broadly as Convention Sports and Entertainment Group LLC. <a href="http://www.gobignetwork.com/business-profiles/23839/convention-baseball-group-llc">Incorporated in Delaware</a>, corporate contributions to this LLC cost <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/Baseball-Event-CHA.pdf">from $2,500-$50,000</a> for the upcoming baseball outing and earn lobbyists inside access with politicians. The more you pay, the more lobbyists you're allowed to bring with for the fun.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Petersen will also play host to a <a href="http://conventions2012.com/downloads/PinehurstConventionGolfClassic.pdf">golf outing</a>, <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/downloads/C2012EventsDNC.pdf">nightly parties</a> at an undisclosed venue, among <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/downloads/C2012EventsDNC.pdf">several other events</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The baseball junket will be held "in honor of the Illinois delegation" to the DNC, and features a <a href="http://dncconventionstrategies.com/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/Baseball-Event-CHA.pdf">Host Committee </a>of Petersen, Liz Sears Smith, Daniella Landau and Patricia Daley on the lobbyist side of the coin, as well as Illinois politicians U.S. Rep. Louis Guitierez and U.S. Rep. Jesse Jackson on the politician side of the coin.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Illinois connection is no accident: it's the headquarters of the <a href="http://www.barackobama.com/contact-us/">Obama for America</a> presidential campaign for 2012. It's also the place where his former Chief-of-Staff now serves as Mayor, Rahm Emanuel, and where three of the four lobbyists on the Host Committee hail from.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This Host Committee roster says much about the Democratic Party's agenda both past and present.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.wexlergroup.com/daniellaLandau.html">Landau</a> is a long-time high-level Democratic Party consultant and public relations operative. Formerly an <a href="http://www.wexlergroup.com/daniellaLandau.html">employee of Wexler & Walker</a>, in May she <a href="http://influencealley.nationaljournal.com/2012/04/scoop-senior-wexler-walker-off.php">started her own</a> lobbying firm, <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=F25828&year=2012">Hannegan Landau Advocacy</a>, alongside veteran lobbyist, <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=14538">Tim Hannegan</a>. Tim is the <a href="http://influencealley.nationaljournal.com/2012/04/scoop-senior-wexler-walker-off.php">grandson</a> of former <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_E._Hannegan">DNC chairman Robert E. Hannegan</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">She's also a former employee of DC public relations behemoth,<b> </b><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Burson-Marsteller"><b>Burson-Marsteller</b></a><b>, </b>where, while there, "she helped coordinate message and communications strategies designed to promote successful passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement <b>[NAFTA],</b>" one of the hallmark policies of the presidency of Bill Clinton. In a May 2011 report, the Economic Policy Institute reported that NAFTA has been <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/05/12/nafta-job-loss-trade-deficit-epi_n_859983.html">responsible for the loss of over 750,000 jobs</a> in the U.S.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Digging deeper, one can also see that she's the <a href="http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-1332387071.html">ex-wife</a> of the aforementioned Dane Strother, the same Dane Strother who's now married to LeeAnn Petersen of Convention Baseball fame. At one point in her life she was known as <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Y0000024580L&year=2001">Daniella Landau Strother</a>, according to the Congressional Lobbying Database.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Patricia Daley, sometimes referred to as "Patty" is part of the "<a href="http://voices.washingtonpost.com/ezra-klein/2011/02/comparing_the_daley_machines.html">Daley Machine</a>," a second of cousin of former Obama Administration Chief-of-Staff William Daley. William Daley is the brother of former Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley, whose mayoral stint was <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/06/national/06chicago.html?pagewanted=all">mired in corruption</a>. Richard M. Daley was <a href="http://www.suntimes.com/news/elections/3958856-505/chicagos-polls-close-its-time-to-count.html">replaced</a> by current Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel in 2011. William Daley, who at the end of 2011 had a <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2011/12/president-barack-obama-wealth.html">net worth of $28.7 million</a>, formerly served on the <a href="http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2011/02/18/bill-daley-made-8-7-million-from-jpmorgan-last-year/">Midwest Chairman for JPMorgan Chase</a> and was on the <a href="http://www.chicagobusiness.com/article/20110110/NEWS07/110119986/william-daley-resigns-from-abbott-boeing-boards">Board of Directors of Abbott and Boeing</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Patricia is also a power broker herself and a <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/rev_summary.php?id=14882">long-time lobbyist</a>, currently manning the ship of <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=D000033019&year=2012">Daley Policy Group</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.linkedin.com/pub/liz-sears-smith/42/814/685">Sears Smith</a>, like Daley, is a key cog in the Chicago political machine. She's a <a href="http://blogs.suntimes.com/sweet/2008/12/emanuel_house_chief_of_staff_s.html">long-time sidekick</a> of Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, having served as his Chief-of-Staff during his time as both a member of the U.S. House of Representatives, as well as his time as Obama's Chief-of-Staff in the White House. Emanuel is pejoratively referred to by many as "<a href="http://www.nbcchicago.com/blogs/ward-room/Mayor-1-Catches-On-137582313.html">Mayor 1%</a>," a fitting title given his <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2011/12/president-barack-obama-wealth.html">personal net worth of $11.4 million</a> at the end of 2010 and the <a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304141204577508482349727396.html">policies</a> he's <a href="http://www.npr.org/2012/06/20/155283669/a-new-union-battle-as-chicago-teachers-mayor-clash">pushed</a> during <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/may/17/rahm-emanuel-chicago-battle-nato">his time as Mayor</a> thus far.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Before this, "Smith served in the Clinton Administration as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the International Trade Administration at the Department of Commerce, where she managed 450 staff around the country and a budget of $35 million," <a href="http://blogs.suntimes.com/sweet/2008/12/emanuel_house_chief_of_staff_s.html">explained the Chicago Tribune</a>. "She was the Finance Director for Chicago '96, the host committee for the 1996 Democratic National Convention and prior to that ran [The Strategy Group]."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sears Smith <a href="http://www.openleft.com/diary/19781/obama-and-the-left-part-2048">co-founded The Strategy Group with Mike Lux</a>, who is <a href="http://www.openleft.com/showDiary.do?diaryId=18">one of the founders</a> of MoveOn.org and now works as a Democratic Party operative for the consulting firm he runs, <a href="http://www.progressivestrategies.net/pages/staff/">Progressive Strategies</a>. Lux <a href="http://www.openleft.com/diary/19781/obama-and-the-left-part-2048">explained in a blog post</a> that the Strategy Group was "one of the closest inner circle firms in the Obama Presidential campaign" of 2008.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For the 2012 DNC, <a href="http://www.whitehousecorrespondentsweekendinsider.com/2012/03/06/dc-power-trio-launches-mlh-strategies-llc/">Sears Smith formed MLH Strategies</a>, "a strategic consulting firm advising corporate clients and individuals on developing and executing strategies [at the DNC]" with her long-time Democratic Party colleagues, Melissa Moss and Holly Page. A dive into the personnel behind this entrepreneurial venture is also insightful in lifting the curtain of the people behind the parties - and the Democratic Party - at the DNC.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">MLH Strategies</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Sears Smith's partners in her new joint venture are Melissa Moss and Holly Page, both long time influence peddlers and Democratic Party fundraisers.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moss is the <a href="http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=110&dat=19920708&id=E8MLAAAAIBAJ&sjid=2VUDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6793,495284">former National Finance Director of the DNC</a>, performing this job at the same time Rahm Emanuel was then candidate Bill Clinton's national finance director in his run for President in 1992. She also formerly <a href="http://articles.latimes.com/1993-05-31/news/mn-41976_1_clinton-campaign/2">served</a> as Field Director of the DLC, as well as Director of the Office of Competitiveness and Private Sector outreach at the Commerce Department.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Her stint at Commerce was mired in deep-seated corruption, as one of the central players involved in what has colloquially been referred to as "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commercegate">Commercegate</a>." Long story short, the case revolved around sales of seats on Department of Commerce planes for international trade missions. The goal: raise campaign contributions to the tune of $50,000/seat for the DNC, an act amounting to illegal political bribery.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This scandal resulted in a major lawsuit and legal investigation <a href="http://www.judicialwatch.org/archive/1998/printer_66.shtml">lead by <b>Judicial Watch</b></a><b>. </b>Out of the investigation came a legal document on the "<a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2000/jul/13/20000713-011728-2838r/?page=all#pagebreak">trips-for-donations scheme</a>," a testimony that said <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20000815055045/http://www.judicialwatch.org/otherserver/stewartdec.htm">Moss was one of the ringleaders of it all</a>. She has given $12,500 to the Obama campaign for the upcoming election, <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/usearch/index.php?q=melissa+moss&searchButt_clean.x=0&searchButt_clean.y=0&searchButt_clean=Submit&cx=010677907462955562473%3Anlldkv0jvam&cof=FORID%3A11">according to Open Secrets</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moss' <a href="http://www.businessweek.com/news/2011-09-28/solyndra-taints-silver-s-stint-as-taxpayers-venture-capitalist.html">husband Jonathan Silver</a> is also a major Democratic Party operative, currently working as a <a href="http://www.thirdway.org/press_releases/172">Fellow at the aforementioned Third Way</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Page, like most others mentioned in this story, is a <a href="http://www.linkedin.com/pub/holly-page/4/18/777">long-time DLC and DNC hand</a>, serving as a fundraiser for Bill Clinton for President in 1992, Director of the National Finance Council of the DNC from 1992-1994, and working for the DLC from 1994-2008, the last five years of which <a href="http://www.kkpnyc.com/htmls/Holly.htm">she served as Executive Vice President</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The "Invisible Government"</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What does this all mean?</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There's the pomp-and-circumstance of the DNC, which will take place in the Charlotte Convention Center and will be televised and radio-casted around the country and the world. And then there's what Edward Bernays, the father or modern propaganda, once called the "<a href="http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Propaganda/Propaganda_Bernays.html">invisible government</a>," which will be operating behind the scenes at the DNC. &nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country," <a href="http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Propaganda/Propaganda_Bernays.html">wrote Bernays</a>. "We are governed, our minds molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When push comes to shove, it's the people behind the parties at the DNC for 2012 that are the true source of power, the heart and soul of the contemporary Democratic Party. &nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">steve horn truthout</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></p>

<div id="node-body-top" class="clear-block">

<h2><span class="mw-headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lobbying spending</font></span></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">The Chamber ranks first in lobbying spending in the past decade, with </span></b><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=General_Electric" title="General Electric"><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">General Electric</span></b></a><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;"> ranking second at $161 million, according to the </span></b><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Center_for_Responsive_Politics" title="Center for Responsive Politics"><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">Center for Responsive Politics</span></b></a><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">.</span></b><sup id="cite_ref-48" class="reference"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=U.S._Chamber_of_Commerce#cite_note-48" title=""><b><span style=" background-color: #FFF200;">[49]</span></b></a></sup></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><i>Political Money Line</i><sup id="cite_ref-49" class="reference"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=U.S._Chamber_of_Commerce#cite_note-49" title="">[50]</a></sup> highlighted in February 2005 that the Chamber and its Institute for Legal Reform reported combined spending of $53.38 million for lobbying the Executive and Legislative branches during 2004. According to the watchdog website, "This is the <i>largest twelve-month amount reported spent by any group</i>."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Chamber reported spending $20,060,000 in the first six months of 2004 and $8,780,000 in the last six months of 2004. They paid forty-five lobbyists in the last six months of 2004 to lobby on thirty-two issue areas, including "Trade, Small Business, Labor, Healthcare, Defense, Appropriations, Tort Reform and other areas."<sup id="cite_ref-50" class="reference"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=U.S._Chamber_of_Commerce#cite_note-50" title="">[51]</a></sup></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Institute for Legal Reform reported spending $10,000,000 in the first six months of 2004 and $14,540,000 in the last six months. They had five lobbyists on the payroll for the last six months of 2004, working on the tort reform issue including "Class Action Fairness, Asbestos Injury Resolution, Legal Reform, and Lawsuit Abuse Reduction."<sup id="cite_ref-51" class="reference"><a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=U.S._Chamber_of_Commerce#cite_note-51" title="">[52]</a></sup></font></p>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">OMG list of &nbsp;Rx lobbyists <a href="http://lobbydata.com/Directory/Issue/Health-Issues">http://lobbydata.com/Directory/Issue/Health-Issues</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font></p>

<h1><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lobbyists playing key role in 2012 fundraising</font></h1>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/dan-eggen/2011/02/28/ABg0isM_page.html" rel="author">Dan Eggen</a> and <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/tw-farnam/2011/05/19/AFpglE7G_page.html" rel="author">T.W. Farnam</a>, <span class="timestamp updated processed">Published: October&nbsp;27, 2011</span></font></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">K Street is playing an increasingly central role in the 2012 presidential race, as hundreds of lobbyists representing some of the world’s largest corporations and trade groups pour money into Republican coffers.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The main beneficiary so far is <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Mitt_Romney">Mitt Romney</a>, the former Massachusetts governor and equity-fund executive, who is banking on strong support from the business community to propel his White House bid.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">More than 100 registered lobbyists have contributed to Romney, giving nearly $200,000 in direct donations, according to a Washington Post analysis of donor and lobbying records. A team of lobbyist fundraisers has also bundled together nearly $1 million in contributions for Romney’s campaign, disclosure records show.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Texas Gov. <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Rick_Perry">Rick Perry</a>, who entered the race in August, took in at least $72,000 in contributions from 42 lobbyists through September, plus $77,000 bundled by a bank executive. Dozens of Washington lobbyists have also given money to trailing candidates <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Jon_Huntsman">Jon Huntsman Jr.</a>, <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Newt_Gingrich">Newt Gingrich</a> and <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Rick_Santorum">Rick Santorum</a>, the analysis shows.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The early pace of donations underscores the pivotal importance that K Street donors are likely to play in driving up spending during the 2012 elections, which are widely expected to be the most expensive in U.S. history. Republicans are hoping that strong support from lobbyists and corporate political action committees will help them compete with President Obama’s formidable<a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/obama-far-outpaces-gop-rivals-in-third-quarter-fundraising/2011/10/13/gIQAxNrOiL_story.html"> fundraising operation</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As he did in 2008, <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.whorunsgov.com/Profiles/Barack_Obama">Obama</a> has made a point of refusing to accept donations from lobbyists or corporate PACs, and his campaign has repeatedly portrayed Republicans as beholden to Wall Street and other well-funded interests. But Obama faced his own criticism this week after hiring a former corporate lobbyist as a senior campaign adviser.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The lobbyists who have donated to GOP candidates so far represent a broad swath of corporate interests, including technology firms lobbying for a tax holiday on overseas profits and oil companies hoping to preserve lucrative tax breaks on energy.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On Wednesday morning, for example, Romney attended a breakfast fundraiser at the <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.truckline.com/Pages/Home.aspx">American Trucking Association</a> sponsored by more than a dozen K Street heavy-hitters. Hosts included longtime GOP fundraiser <a data-xslt="http" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=U00000033451&year=2011">Wayne Berman</a>, who represents the American Petroleum Institute and many others; GOP lobbyist <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Y0000040333L&year=2011">Mark Isakowitz</a>, whose lengthy client list includes banks, oil companies and technology firms; and Alex Mistri of the Glover Park Group, which briefly represented Solyndra, the solar-energy firm that went bankrupt after getting a $530 million government loan guarantee.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Perry, whose financial base lies in the oil fields of Texas, also has worked to make inroads into Washington’s lobbying community, recruiting donors to help bundle together contributions and seeking advice from K Street professionals. Last week, Perry held a series of <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/election-2012/post/rick-perry-to-hold-economic-and-foreign-policy-meetings-in-washington/2011/10/19/gIQAI5pIwL_blog.html">private policy meetings</a> with about 45 lobbyists, trade group executives and conservative leaders at the National Association of Wholesaler Distributors, whose president and government relations chief are key Perry fundraisers.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Donors said in interviews that it is natural for industry lobbyists to back Romney, Perry or other Republicans, given the party’s traditional image as friendly to business. Most lobbyists say their decision to help raise money for candidates has no connection with their corporate clients, many of which are steering clear of the GOP primary contest.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Some K Street firms are divided on which candidate to support: Although Isakowitz supports Romney, for example, his partner at Fierce, Isakowitz & Blalock,<a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Blalock%2C%20Kirk&id=Y0000040324L&year=2011"> Kirk Blalock</a>, is helping raise money for Perry.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“I was a Republican before I was a lobbyist,” said Blalock, who represents dozens of major corporations including BP, Coca-Cola and Time Warner. “For me it’s about working for a cause I believe in and not about my business of lobbying.”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">David Donnelly of the <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.campaignmoney.org/">Public Campaign Action Fund</a>, which favors public financing of elections, said such claims “ring hollow” because of the pivotal role played by lobbyists in raising money for politicians.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“These lobbyist donors get an immense of amount of access and influence over elected officials, and the rest of us get one lousy vote,” Donnelly said. “It is a business model that relies on lobbyists making campaign contributions, raising money for candidates and being in the most helpful position they can be in to benefit their clients down the line.”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Under recent reforms, which were co-sponsored by then-Sen. Barack Obama (Ill.), presidential candidates are required to identify any lobbyists who act as campaign bundlers, gathering together donations from friends and associates. But lobbyists who merely host a fundraiser or contribute individually to campaigns are not required to be identified as lobbyists in reports to the Federal Election Commission.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Post analysis cross-matched names in the FEC’s contributions database with lobbying disclosure records filed in Congress to identify K Street donors. The total number of lobbyist donors is almost certainly higher.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Obama’s practice of refusing lobbyist contributions fits into a broader goal of seeking to curb the influence of special interests in Washington. After The Post inquired this week about two lobbyists who gave to the campaign, spokesman Ben LaBolt said the contributions would be returned.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The lines separating former and current lobbyists are often thin: One supporter terminated his lobbying registration on behalf of a Japanese insurance association on April 18, then gave Obama $900 on April 20.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Obama campaign came under fire from environmentalists and watchdog groups this week for <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/election-2012/post/nprs-michele-norris-steps-down-husband-broderick-johnson-gets-obama-job/2011/10/24/gIQAy7zrCM_blog.html">hiring former lobbyist </a>Broderick Johnson as a senior adviser. Before leaving the Bryan Cave firm in April, Johnson had a decade-long career representing dozens of clients including TransCanada, which is seeking U.S. approval for a controversial oil pipeline from Alberta to Texas.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">LaBolt said Johnson will refrain from any issues involving past clients.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“For years the President has fought to ensure that Washington lobbyists don’t have undue influence over the policymaking process,” LaBolt said in a statement. “There’s no doubt that special interests are pouring contributions into the coffers of our potential opponents and their allies because they believe that large corporations and millionaires and billionaires should get tax cuts instead of the middle class and that Wall Street should be able write its own rules again.”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many GOP lobbyists and campaign aides bristle at such rhetoric and accuse Obama of hypocrisy. Perry spokesman Ray Sullivan said Obama “has already broken his own policies when it comes to lobbyists,” pointing to the campaign’s hiring of Johnson.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“All Rick Perry donors must comply with the same contribution limits and federal disclosure rules and we respect that,” Sullivan said. “Governor Perry makes policy decision based on his conservative philosophy and on what’s best for his constituents.”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Cultivating donors on K Street has been central to Romney’s fundraising efforts, aimed in part at cementing his reputation as the candidate of establishment Republicans. One key fundraiser this year was a “Lawyers for Romney” luncheon at Patton Boggs, Washington’s largest lobbying firm with $40 million in billings last year. Hosts including former senator Trent Lott (R-Miss.) raised $5,000 or more, with individual donations starting at $1,000, according to an invitation.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Romney’s top lobbyist fundraiser is <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Durkin%2C%20Patrick&id=Y0000040003L&year=2011">Patrick J. Durkin</a>, managing director of Barclays Capital, who raised $355,000 through September, disclosures show.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“People who contribute to Mitt Romney’s campaign do so because they support Mitt’s conservative agenda to create jobs and grow the economy,” campaign spokeswoman Andrea Saul said.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Not all lobbyists involved in the campaigns think of themselves as part of K Street. <a data-xslt="_http" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lobbyist.php?id=Y0000041767L&year=2011">David Beightol</a> of Dutko Grayling said he is primarily a state-level consultant who only registers as a lobbyist “out of an abundance of caution.” Beightol has raised just under $90,000 for Romney.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">“It’s mostly posturing,” Beightol said of Democratic complaints about lobbyist fundraising. “It’s just a political game.”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">$4.2B lobbying > camp $ &nbsp;kpfa global exchange &nbsp;elect democ camp &nbsp;7/31/12 10 am Pacifica's Mitch Jeserich hosts “Letters & Politics</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FIRE finance, insur, real estate funds both parties (eg senate banking and finance 60 vs 70's loyalty) hillary lear</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.globalexchange.org/sites/default/files/FIREsectorInfographic2012.pdf"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.globalexchange.org/sites/default/files/FIREsectorInfographic2012.pdf</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">d fienstien 67%, but for dodd-f and HC</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">boxer32% ? split on nafta; grijalva zero % &nbsp;waxman 29%</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BANK INFLUENCE</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">sunlight:&nbsp;</font>

<b><i><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Overall Visits</font></i></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Top 5 Big Banks</b>

Goldman Sachs — 181

JPMorgan Chase — 175

Morgan Stanley — 150

Bank of America — 122

Citigroup — 102</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Reform Groups</b>

Consumer Federation of America — 34

Americans for Financial Reform — 32</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>By Agency</b>

  1. Commodities Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) — 683 meetings
  2. Treasury Department — 447 meetings
  3. Federal Reserve — 410 meetings</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Fed Meetings</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Federal Reserve received visits from big banks the most. Fed officials met bank representatives 393 times, and JPMorgan Chase led the list with 70 meetings. The top meeting topics included: interchange fees (110), derivatives (100) and the Volcker Rule (83).</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Treasury Meetings</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For reform groups, they met Treasury Department officials the most: 145 times. Yet, big banks and their associations still had the most overall meetings at 302, and JPMorgan Chase once again led the list with 52 meetings. Conversations around the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau dominated the meetings, with 194 mentions in meeting logs for all parties.</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">CFTC Meetings</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Meetings at the Commodities Futures Trading Commission for big banks were 603, including 105 by Goldman Sachs, compared to 80 for all reform-oriented groups. The most discussed topics were: swap execution facilities registration (231), position limits (210) and real-time reporting (141).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font></p>

<h2 style=" margin: 20px 0px 0px 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 9 Most Loathsome Lobbyists in Washington</font></h2>

<h5 style=" margin: 0px 0px 20px 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By Ian Murphy, The Progressive

Posted on July 14, 2012, Printed on July 21, 2012

http://www.alternet.org/story/156279/the_9_most_loathsome_lobbyists_in_washington</font></h5>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tis the bleak post-<i>Citizens United </i>season in America—money equals speech, and corporations, super PACs, and an egregiously wealthy minority have the biggest mouths in the land. But the oligarchs’ work is never done. After the elections are bought, it’s back to the business of business—and, presumably, consuming yacht-loads of caviar and foie gras. Maximizing profit demands that high-powered lobbyists grease the wheels of legislation or grind them to a shrieking halt—whichever yields the highest return.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">For your edutainment, below is a list of some of the most depraved lobbyists money can buy.</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">9) Chris Dodd</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The former Connecticut Senator, and internationally renowned eyebrow-haver, isn’t the most prodigious scum in the Beltway swamp, but he may be the most hypocritical. When asked in 2010 what would follow his thirty-year legislative career, which ended amid financial scandal, Dodd bluntly said, “No lobbying, no lobbying.” He then promptly became, as <i>The Hill</i> put it, “Hollywood’s leading man in Washington, taking the most prestigious job on K Street,” as chairman and CEO of the Motion Picture Association of America. The gig comes with a $1.2 million annual salary, and complimentary tickets to the Academy Awards.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Dodd’s most public, and ultimately ill-fated, advocacy was in pushing two potentially disastrous bills: the Stop Online Piracy Act, and its Senate counterpart, Protect IP Act—both of which would’ve given the federal government the right to shut down any website that was merely being accused of copyright infringement. The bills were shelved indefinitely after a massive online protest in which thousands of sites went voluntarily dark for a day. Dodd unironically called the blackout an “irresponsible . . . abuse of power.” So it’s OK for the Feds to make your site go black, but it’s not OK for you to do it yourself. Dodd doesn’t want you to post the <i>Jack and Jill</i> movie trailer to warn Americans of the danger. Because every time someone sees an Adam Sandler film, the terrorists win.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">8) Billy Tauzin</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The former Louisiana Congressman’s lobbying career functionally began before he left Capitol Hill. In 2003, as one of his final acts as chair of the committee that oversees the pharmaceutical industry, he brazenly extended a fifteen-minute vote on the Medicare Modernization Act so the industry-authored bill, which prohibited the federal government from negotiating drug prices, could pass quietly in the night.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And ditto that for the awful Medicare Part D fine-tuning in ’05. So when Tauzin resigned from Congress soon after and landed a $2 million-a-year position as president and CEO of the drug-lobbying Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), it was shocking—that he waited an entire month. (As recently reported by journalist Lee Fang, when Congress-creatures become lobbyists, they secure a 1,452 percent raise, on average.)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Along with Karen Ignagni, CEO of America’s Health Insurance Plans, Tauzin is as responsible as anyone for killing any hope that the purportedly “socialist” Obammercare would be a single-payer system or include a public option (for this Tauzin earned a handy $11.6 million in the first half of 2010 alone). They were literally the people meeting with the President behind closed doors before the plan was announced.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tauzin left PhRMA in 2010, and has since completed the cycle of greed as a board member of the Louisiana Healthcare Group, which specializes in selling mandatory broccoli.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7) Richard Berman</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the Venn diagram representing lobbying, public relations, and shameless evil, Berman occupies the balding overlap. An anti-labor-lawyer-cum-anti-labor evangelist, the sole proprietor of the PR firm Berman and Associates has earned the nickname “Astroturf Kingpin” for repeatedly forming phony, industry-funded nonprofits to spread his clients’ falsehoods. Dubbed “the booze and food industries’ weapon of mass destruction” by <i>60 Minutes</i>, Berman’s clients include the usual restaurant, alcohol, tobacco, and living-wage-averse service industry suspects, with the front groups bearing creepy Orwellian names like the Minimum Wage Coalition to Save Jobs.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to a 2006 <i>USA Today</i> profile, Berman’s firm pulls in an annual $10 million, but “only Berman and his bookkeeper wife” know how much of that goes directly into their pockets.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">America got a good look at Berman’s latest disingenuously named effort, the Center for Union Facts, when it debuted an ad called “Employee Rights Act: Repair Shop” during the Super Bowl, one in a series about the legislation. “I’m sick of the union taking so much money out of every paycheck,” laments an actor. The shop boys go on to complain that they never even voted for the union.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The key “union fact” conveniently omitted, of course, is that without those unions they’d be working the weekend for slave wages and getting carpal tunnel syndrome. But the only fact that Berman really cares about is the fact that he gets paid.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">6) Tony Podesta</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Inflate former Clinton chief of staff and current Center for American Progress head honcho with—more?—hot air and—definitely more!—lard, and you get his bloated brother Tony.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While John’s kept the revolving door spinning, Tony’s held the fort at the Podesta Group, the lobbying firm they founded in the late ’80s.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And with John having been a member of Obama’s transition team, and manning the helm of arguably the most influential think tank on a President since the Heritage Foundation replaced Reagan’s brain with an Atari console, Tony’s been a formidable player on K Street during this Administration. He even purchased the insipid Shepard Fairey “Hope” print to demonstrate allegiance.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Podesta Group’s client list reads like a who’s who of awfulness—Bank of America, Mubarak’s Egypt, British Petroleum, and nearly every other military and for-profit health care conglomerate known to man (and let’s not forget the bailed-out likes of General Motors). The firm’s yearly income jumped from a relatively meager $10 million in ’07 to nearly $30 million under Obama.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A frequent White House and Capitol Hill visitor, Tony is the kind of brazen corporate mouthpiece who can say things like “everyone has a lobbyist” and somehow manage not to vomit all over himself.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">5) Haley Barbour</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">When not hanging out with white supremacists, being governor to the poorest state of the union, or pardoning scores of murderers for no apparent reason, Barbour has been primarily a tobacco industry lobbyist (in 2001, Barbour Griffith & Rogers LLC was paid over $17,000 a month, plus expenses, by RJ Reynolds alone). In downplaying the massive BP oil spill, by claiming the environmental disaster proves that the free market (somehow) works, he was simply doing what comes natural: trying to convince people that obvious poison is not toxic, and victims should have no right to sue.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">His deep tobacco ties also explain why he enacted among the strictest tort reform measures in the nation, refused to raise taxes on cigarettes, and tried to kill his state’s youth-smoking-prevention program.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Before his second term even ended, Barbour joined Karl Rove’s American Crossroads super PAC—probably for his legendary fundraising prowess (proven while head of the Republican Governors Association), and less for his striking resemblance to both Joe Camel and a butter sculpture of William Shatner.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">4) Michael Toscano</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As one of the top lobbyists for the drone trade group Association for Unmanned Vehicle Systems International (AUVSI), Toscano has played a pernicious, if obscure, role in shaping federal legislation as obscure as it is pernicious.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The organization’s lobbying budget more than doubled last year, reaching $280,000, and it helped create the Congressional Unmanned Systems Caucus, piloted by Representatives Buck McKeon, Republican of California, and Henry Cuellar, Democrat of Texas.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Its persistent efforts paid off in the form of the FAA Reauthorization Act, which flew through Congress on bipartisan wings in February and promises to unleash an estimated 30,000 spy drones into U.S. airspace in the next eight years so that local and federal law enforcement can track suspects (because the Fourth Amendment is SO out right now).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a PowerPoint presentation dug up by <i>Republic Report</i>, the drone lobbying group bragged that in requesting language changes to the FAA House bill, its “suggestions were often taken word-for-word.” In the same presentation, the group predicted that the domestic unmanned drone market will soon outpace the military, despite exponential growth in that murderous sector. It also acknowledged that the industry’s main impediment to unbridled profit will be “civil liberties.” Stupid freedoms, always hurting our unmanned job creators.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">3) John Lovell</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A prohibition-industrial-complex luminary, Lovell is a major reason Californians can’t legally smoke jazz-tobacco (as goes California, so goes the criminally stoned nation). In a 2010 interview with <i>Time</i>, he claimed his crusade against the state’s Proposition 19 (a.k.a. the Regulate, Control & Tax Cannabis Act) was based on moral grounds, but his firm’s nearly $400K draw from various police unions offers a far more believable motivation.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lovell managed the anti-pot effort, launching a <i>Reefer Madness</i>-esque propaganda campaign, organizing hippieless rallies, and disseminating Glenn Beck-crazy conspiracy theories about George Soros because the philanthropist donated $1 million to the legalization effort.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As Prop. 19 ultimately suffered a slim defeat at the ballot, a business necessity for Lovell, he was concurrently acting as the war on drugs’ Matthew Lesko by teaching local law enforcement how to score big federal grant and stimulus money—<i>today!</i></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He successfully represented two police unions in a bid to funnel $10 million in taxpayer cash to two draconian programs resulting in a flurry of new police hires, overtime, expensive surveillance toys, and an unjustifiable amount of victimless prosecutions.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lovell is waging a war in which hundreds of thousands of Americans lose, so that the nation’s fat blue line can buy that sweet boat they think will get them laid.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2) Edward Yingling</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There’s a plethora of dodgy financial tools used by Wall Street to fleece the American public, but Yingling may be the biggest. He’s been the American Bankers Association’s top lobby-dog for more than twenty years.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There’s not been a poverty-creating financial deregulation to wend its way through the ever-complicit Congress in the past quarter-century that hasn’t been covered in Yingling’s dirty fingerprints. In 1999, he unashamedly called the Glass-Steagall repeal (the Depression-era law that separated investment and commercial banks) “the most important piece of financial services legislation in over sixty years,” which could “save consumers $15 billion a year.” Legalizing insane gambles, like collateralized debt obligations and mortgage-backed securities, was important to his too-big-to-fail clients (like Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase), which, along with the rest of the banking industry, spend roughly $100 million a year lobbying.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Naturally, when the TARP hit the fan, the Bankers Association was pushing for the bailout as fiercely as anyone. When Dodd-Frank was being severely watered down, Yingling was there with a very large bucket.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And Obama’s proposed Consumer Financial Protection Bureau? Well, it threatens to sever the connection between “consumer protection and safety and soundness,” Yingling told Congress.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">He doesn’t earn more than $2 million a year to make sense.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">1) Jack N. Gerard</font></b>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As president and CEO of the American Petroleum Institute, Gerard spews nearly as much pollution as the 400 fossil fuel-extracting companies he represents. The group spent almost $8 million of its $200 million budget in 2010 (Gerard banked $6.5 million in the same year) actively lobbying against any and all environmental regulations. The rest goes to slick front groups, disinformation campaigns, contributing to evil pols (future lobbyists) and eviler groups (like Americans for Prosperity and ALEC), and funding bunk science to undercut public understanding of climate change. Taking their cues from an earlier generation of tobacco industry doubt merchants, a still-relevant 1998 Petroleum Institute internal memo reads: “Victory will be achieved when . . . citizens ‘understand’ uncertainties in climate science&nbsp; . . . [and] recognition of uncertainties becomes part of the ‘conventional wisdom.’ ”</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">While acting as the head of the National Mining Association in ’01, Gerard served on Dick Cheney’s largely secretive fossil fuel welfare program known as the Energy Task Force, which makes his ’08 declaration to <i>The Washington Post</i> that the industry’s activities should be “more transparent” ring particularly hollow. As he’s bounced from one hated industry to another, Gerard’s one true talent lies in lying.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerard’s lie du jour is that “we need more American energy”—whether it comes from wildly unsafe, faucet-burning hydrofracking, opening pristine wilderness to drilling-baby-drilling, or pumping incredibly dirty tar sands crude in from Canada along the Keystone pipeline. The lie is that the only “we” involved are multinational conglomerates. We get nothing out of the deal, while “we” are subsidized to pilfer the American commons and sell booty on the global market.</font>

<i><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ian Murphy is the editor of the Buffalo <a href="http://buffalobeast.com/">BEAST</a>. Read him on twitter at <a href="https://twitter.com/#%21/Ian_Murphy">@Ian_Murphy</a></font></i>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;-----</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"<b>Energy lobby</b>" is the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Umbrella_term" title="Umbrella term">umbrella term</a> used to name the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lobbying" title="Lobbying">paid representatives</a> of large <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuel" title="Fossil fuel">fossil fuel</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petroleum_industry" title="Petroleum industry">oil</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natural_gas" title="Natural gas">gas</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coal" title="Coal">coal</a>) and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electric_utility" title="Electric utility">electric utilities</a> corporations who attempt to influence governmental policy. So-called <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_Oil" title="Big Oil" class="mw-redirect">Big Oil</a> companies such as <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ExxonMobil" title="ExxonMobil">ExxonMobil</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Dutch_Shell" title="Royal Dutch Shell">Royal Dutch Shell</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BP" title="BP">BP</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Total_S.A." title="Total S.A.">Total S.A.</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koch_Industries" title="Koch Industries">Koch Industries</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chevron_Corporation" title="Chevron Corporation">Chevron Corporation</a>, and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ConocoPhillips" title="ConocoPhillips">ConocoPhillips</a> are amongst the largest <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporation" title="Corporation">corporations</a> associated with the energy lobby. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Electric" title="General Electric">General Electric</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Co." title="Southern Co." class="mw-redirect">Southern Co.</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Energy" title="First Energy" class="mw-redirect">First Energy</a>, and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edison_Electric_Institute" title="Edison Electric Institute">Edison Electric Institute</a> are among the influential electric utilities corporations.<sup id="cite_ref-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-0"><span>[</span>1<span>]</span></a></sup> Both <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electric_power_industry" title="Electric power industry">electric companies</a> and big oil and gas companies are consistently among the ten highest-spending industrial lobbyists.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-1"><span>[</span>2<span>]</span></a></sup></font></p>

<table id="toc" class="toc"><tbody><tr><td>

<div id="toctitle">

<h2><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Contents</font></h2>

</div>

<ul>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#Influence_of_the_energy_lobby_in_the_United_States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Influence of the energy lobby in the United States</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#Criticisms"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Criticisms</span></a>

</font><ul>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-3"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#Environmental_impact_of_represented_companies"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">2.1</span> <span class="toctext">Environmental impact of represented companies</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-4"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#Governmental_influence"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">2.2</span> <span class="toctext">Governmental influence</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-5"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#Global_influence"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">2.3</span> <span class="toctext">Global influence</span></font></a></li>

</ul>

</li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#See_also"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">See also</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-7"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#References"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></font></a></li>

<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-8"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#External_links"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></font></a></li>

</ul>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Influence_of_the_energy_lobby_in_the_United_States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Influence of the energy lobby in the United States</font></span></h2>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_general_election,2006" title="United States general election, 2006" class="mw-redirect">2006 election</a> cycle, oil and gas companies contributed over $19 million to political campaigns. 82% of that money went to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Party%28United_States%29" title="Republican Party (United States)">Republican</a> candidates, while the remaining 18% went to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Party%28United_States%29" title="Democratic Party (United States)">Democrats</a>. In 2004, oil and gas companies contributed over $25 million to political campaigns, donating 80% of that money to Republicans. In the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_elections,2000" title="United States elections, 2000">2000 elections</a>, over $34 million was contributed, with 78% of that money going to Republicans. Electric utilities also heavily favor Republicans; their contributions have recently ranged between $15–20 million.<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-2"><span>[</span>3<span>]</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-3"><span>[</span>4<span>]</span></a></sup> From 2003-2006, the energy lobby also contributed $58.3 million to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_%28United_States%29" title="State (United States)" class="mw-redirect">state</a>-level campaigns. By comparison, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alternative_energy" title="Alternative energy">alternative energy</a> interests contributed around half a million dollars in the same time period.<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-4"><span>[</span>5<span>]</span></a></sup></font></p>

<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Criticisms"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Criticisms</font></span></h2>

<div class="thumb tright">

<div class="thumbinner" style=" width: 153px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:AirPollutionSource.jpg" class="image"> </a>

</font><div class="thumbcaption"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-headline" id="Environmental_impact_of_represented_companies">

</span>

</font><div style=" text-align: left;"><span class="mw-headline" id="Environmental_impact_of_represented_companies"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Environmental impact of represented companies</font></span></div>

</div>

</div>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Many of the most influential members of the energy lobby are among the top <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pollution" title="Pollution">polluters</a> in the United States, with Conoco, Exxon, and General Electric ranking in the top six.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-5"><span>[</span>6<span>]</span></a></sup> According to the Environmental Integrity Project, a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nonpartisan" title="Nonpartisan">nonpartisan</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nonprofit" title="Nonprofit" class="mw-redirect">nonprofit</a> organization established in March 2002 by former attorneys at the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Environmental_Protection_Agency" title="United States Environmental Protection Agency">Environmental Protection Agency</a>, “Companies like ExxonMobil and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunoco" title="Sunoco">Sunoco</a> keep reporting record profits while increasing emissions or more cancer causing chemicals from their refineries.”<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-6"><span>[</span>7<span>]</span></a></sup> The energy lobby is criticized for using its influence to block or dilute <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Legislation" title="Legislation">legislation</a> regarding global <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate_change" title="Climate change">climate change</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-7"><span>[</span>8<span>]</span></a></sup></font></p>

<h3><span class="mw-headline" id="Governmental_influence"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Governmental influence</font></span></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Various <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scandal" title="Scandal">scandals</a> involving prominent politicians have drawn attention to the close links between the energy lobby and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U.S.government" title="U.S. government" class="mw-redirect">U.S. government</a>, particularly the influence wielded by the energy lobby in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_W.Bush_administration" title="George W. Bush administration" class="mw-redirect">Bush administration</a>. In June 2005, documents emerged that revealed that the Bush administration had consulted Exxon regarding its stance on the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyoto_protocol" title="Kyoto protocol" class="mw-redirect">Kyoto protocol</a>. According to <i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Guardian" title="The Guardian">The Guardian</a></i>, “In briefing papers given before meetings to the US under-secretary of state, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paula_Dobriansky" title="Paula Dobriansky">Paula Dobriansky</a>, between 2001 and 2004, the administration is found thanking <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exxon" title="Exxon">Exxon</a> executives for the company's ‘active involvement’ in helping to determine climate change policy, and also seeking its advice on what climate change policies the company might find acceptable.”<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-8"><span>[</span>9<span>]</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-9"><span>[</span>10<span>]</span></a></sup> Oil companies also participated with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dick_Cheney" title="Dick Cheney">Dick Cheneys</a> task force in a discussion of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq" title="Iraq">Iraqi</a> oilfields, refineries and other energy infrastructure, and two charts detailing Iraqi oil and gas projects, and “Foreign Suitors for Iraqi Oilfield Contracts.” The documents are dated two years before the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Invasion_of_Iraq" title="Invasion of Iraq" class="mw-redirect">Invasion of Iraq</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-10"><span>[</span>11<span>]</span></a></sup></font></p>

<h3><span class="mw-headline" id="Global_influence"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Global influence</font></span></h3>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The energy lobby has a history of conflict with international interests and democratic <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Global_governance" title="Global governance">global governance</a>. According to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=International_Sustainable_Energy_Organization&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="International Sustainable Energy Organization (page does not exist)">International Sustainable Energy Organization</a> for Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency the second <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Climate_Conference" title="World Climate Conference">World Climate Conference</a> "was sabotaged by the USA and oil lobbies"<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated1_11-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-autogenerated1-11"><span>[</span>12<span>]</span></a></sup> whereupon the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=UNISEO&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="UNISEO (page does not exist)">UNISEO</a> proceeded to set up a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_Energy_Charter&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Global Energy Charter (page does not exist)">Global Energy Charter</a> "which protects life, health, climate and the biosphere from emissions." According to the organization, these same "reactionary energy lobby groups tried to boycott this Charter with the help from oil- and coal-producing nations and succeeded to keep energy out of the Rio Conference on Environment & Development (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UNCED" title="UNCED" class="mw-redirect">UNCED</a>) in 1992, to continue this game in all Climate Conferences in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin" title="Berlin">Berlin</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyoto" title="Kyoto">Kyoto</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Hague" title="The Hague">The Hague</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marrakech" title="Marrakech">Marrakech</a>, where the USA boycotted the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyoto_protocol" title="Kyoto protocol" class="mw-redirect">Kyoto protocol</a> and still ignores the Charter."<sup id="cite_ref-autogenerated1_11-1" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-autogenerated1-11"><span>[</span>12<span>]</span></a></sup></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">During the 14th session of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations" title="United Nations">United Nations</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commission_on_Sustainable_Development" title="Commission on Sustainable Development">Commission on Sustainable Development</a>, according to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Institute_for_Sustainable_Development" title="International Institute for Sustainable Development">International Institute for Sustainable Development</a> <i>Bulletin</i>, "One minister is said to have challenged the North’s <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Renewable_energy" title="Renewable energy">renewable energy</a> lobby with the words: why not “light up” the dark zones of the world by “extinguishing some of the candles” in yours?"<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_note-12"><span>[</span>13<span>]</span></a></sup></font></p>

<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="See_also"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">See also</font></span></h2>

<div class="noprint tright portal" style=" border: solid #aaa 1px; margin: 0.5em 0 0.5em 0.5em;">

<table style="line-height: 110%; max-width: 175px; background: rgb(249, 249, 249);"><tbody><tr><td style=" text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Crystal_energy.svg" class="image"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000"><img src="/5c090b87-b682-5baa-8cd7-ee2fed84b925.png"/></font></a></td><td style=" padding: 0 0.2em; vertical-align: middle; font-style: italic; font-weight: bold;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portal:Energy" title="Portal:Energy"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Energy portal</font></a></td></tr></tbody></table>

</div>

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lobbying_in_the_United_Kingdom" title="Lobbying in the United Kingdom"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Lobbying in the United Kingdom</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lobbying_in_the_United_States" title="Lobbying in the United States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Lobbying in the United States</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate_change_denial" title="Climate change denial"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Climate change denial</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Climate_change_policy" title="Climate change policy" class="mw-redirect"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">climate change policy</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petroleum_politics" title="Petroleum politics"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Petroleum politics</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greenhouse_mafia" title="Greenhouse mafia" class="mw-redirect"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Greenhouse mafia</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Energy_subsidies" title="Energy subsidies"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Energy subsidies</font></a></li>

</ul>

<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="References"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">References</font></span></h2>

<div class="reflist" style=" list-style-type: decimal;">

<ol class="references">

<li id="cite_note-0"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-0"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.gasandoil.com/goc/main.htm">Alexander's Gas & Oil Connections = Welcome / Main entry page</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-1"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobbyists/index.asp?txtindextype=i">Lobbying Spending Database</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/OpenSecrets.org" title="OpenSecrets.org" class="mw-redirect">OpenSecrets.org</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center_for_Responsive_Politics" title="Center for Responsive Politics">Center for Responsive Politics</a>)</span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-2"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/industries/indus.asp?cycle=2006&ind=E08">Industry Totals: Electric Utilities</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-3"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-3"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.opensecrets.org/industries/indus.asp?cycle=2006&ind=E01">Industry Totals: Oil & Gas</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-4"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-4"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://www.followthemoney.org/press/Reports/200705231.pdf">http://www.followthemoney.org/press/Reports/200705231.pdf</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-5"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-5"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.peri.umass.edu/Toxic-100-Table.265.0.html">PERI -</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_Economy_Research_Institute" title="Political Economy Research Institute">Political Economy Research Institute</a>: Toxic 100 Table</span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-6"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-6"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://www.environmentalintegrity.org/pubs/020807%20TRI%20EIP%20news%20rews%20release%20FINAL%20_2.pdf">http://www.environmentalintegrity.org/pubs/020807%20TRI%20EIP%20news%20rews%20release%20FINAL%20_2.pdf</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-7"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-7"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/envronmt/tncwarm.htm">Global Warming and Energy Corporations</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-8"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-8"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/climatechange/story/0,12374,1501646,00.html">Revealed: how oil giant influenced Bush | Special reports | Guardian Unlimited</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-9"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-9"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natural_Resources_Defense_Council" title="Natural Resources Defense Council">Natural Resources Defense Council</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.nrdc.org/air/energy/taskforce/tfinx.asp">(NRDC)'s Review of the Bush Administration Energy Task Force Records</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-10"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-10"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.judicialwatch.org/iraqi-oilfield-pr.shtml">Judicial Watch</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-autogenerated1-11"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-autogenerated1_11-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-autogenerated1_11-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.uniseo.org/blueprint.html">International Sustainable Energy Organisation for Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency</a></span></font></li>

<li id="cite_note-12"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fossil_fuels_lobby#cite_ref-12"></a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.iisd.ca/download/asc/enb05237e.txt">IISD Bulletin</a></span></font></li>

</ol>

</div>

<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="External_links"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">External links</font></span></h2>

<ul>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.corpwatch.org/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Corporate Watch</font></a></li>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.publicaffairsworld.com/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Public Affairs World</font></a></li>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.followthemoney.org/press/ReportView.phtml?r=401&PHPSESSID=738d64ee173ec4b7bdfece0376f50e4a"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Follow The Money | Money Fuels Power Measures</font></a></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.democracynow.org/2010/7/23/three_of_every_four_oil_gas">Three of Every Four Oil & Gas Lobbyists Worked for U.S. Federal Government</a> - video report by <i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democracy_Now%21" title="Democracy Now!">Democracy Now!</a></i></font></li>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.senate.gov/%7Egovt-aff/030702schaeffer.htm"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Eric Schaeffer's testimony to the U.S. Senate regarding the relationship between the EPA and the Energy Lobby</font></a></li>

<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.serbia-energy.com/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Serbia Energy Business Lobbying</font></a></li>

</ul>

<table id="collapsibleTable0" class="nowraplinks collapsible autocollapse navbox-inner" cellspacing="0" style="border-spacing: 0px; background: transparent;"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font></th></tr><tr style=" height: 2px;"><td><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Topics</font></th><td class="navbox-list navbox-odd hlist" style=" text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;">

<div style=" padding: 0em 0.25em;">

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_action_committee" title="Political action committee"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Political action committee</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/527_organization" title="527 organization"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">527 organization</font></a></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Campaign_finance_in_the_United_States" title="Campaign finance in the United States">Campaign finance</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Campaign_finance_reform_in_the_United_States" title="Campaign finance reform in the United States">reform</a>)</font></li>

</ul>

</div>

</td></tr><tr style=" height: 2px;"><td><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Major industrial and business lobbies</font></th><td class="navbox-list navbox-even hlist" style=" text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;">

<div style=" padding: 0em 0.25em;">

<ul>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agriculture_in_the_United_States" title="Agriculture in the United States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Agricultural</font></a></li>

<li><strong class="selflink"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Energy</font></strong></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Health_care_in_the_United_States" title="Health care in the United States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Health</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insurance#Insurance_companies" title="Insurance"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Insurance</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labor_unions_in_the_United_States" title="Labor unions in the United States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Organized labor</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_software_lobbying_groups" title="List of software lobbying groups"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Software</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco_lobby" title="Tobacco lobby" class="mw-redirect"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Tobacco</font></a></li>

<li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transportation_in_the_United_States" title="Transportation in the United States"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Transportation</font></a></li>

</ul>

</div>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">FOOD BILL</font>

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<h1 class="headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lobbyists spent $173.5 million trying to shape the 2008 farm&nbsp;bill</font></h1>

<p class="byline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By <a href="http://grist.org/author/philip-bump/" title="Posts by Philip&nbsp;Bump">Philip</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The last time Congress passed a farm bill was 2008.&nbsp;Not exactly a triumph of thoughtful politics, it was loaded with subsidies and carve-outs.&nbsp;(This year’s farm bill, now moving through Congress, has been pulled between between <a href="http://grist.org/news/the-farm-bill-passes-the-senate-and-its-not-all-bad-news/">removing</a>&nbsp; and <a href="http://grist.org/farm-bill/stamp-of-disapproval-house-farm-bill-to-gut-nutrition-program/">worsening</a> those giveaways.)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There’s a reason why that 2008 bill heavily favored the status quo: the status quo invested heavily in that outcome. A <a href="http://www.foodandwaterwatch.org/reports/cultivating-influence/">new report from Food and Water Watch</a> outlines exactly how much was spent and by whom to lobby for the final bill.</font>

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<div id="attachment_118576" class="wp-caption alignright" style=" width: 256px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a class="cboxElement" href="http://grist.files.wordpress.com/2012/07/screen-shot-2012-07-19-at-1-39-45-pm.png" rel="lightbox"><img brain="false" class="wp-image-118576 " title="Screen Shot 2012-07-19 at 1.39.45 PM" src="http://grist.files.wordpress.com/2012/07/screen-shot-2012-07-19-at-1-39-45-pm.png?w=246&h=338" alt="" height="338" width="246" /></a>

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<blockquote>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 2008 Farm Bill lobbying campaign ranked among the most well-financed legislative fights of the past decade. More than 1,000 companies, trade associations and other groups spent an estimated $173.5 million lobbying on just the 2008 Farm Bill, according to a Food & Water Watch analysis of data collected by the Center for Responsive Politics. (See Table 1.) During every day that the 100th Congress was in session in 2007 and 2008, special interests spent an average of $539,000 lobbying on issues covered by the Farm Bill. …</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Agribusiness, commodity trade associations, food manufacturers and other interests all pushed to get a big slice of the Farm Bill pie. The $173.5 million lobbying frenzy ranked alongside the Center for Public Integrity’s $120 million estimate for health care reform lobbying and the Center for Responsive Politics’ $250 million estimate for lobbying on the Dodd-Frank financial reform bill.</font>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The table above right outlines how lobbying money broke down by issue area. It’s particularly interesting to note that energy was the second-largest issue area on which members of Congress were lobbied. Food and Water Watch also broke out the issues that comprised energy lobbying, as below.</font></p>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What’s most remarkable about this is that the battle wasn’t between biodiesel and ethanol; rather, it was between the players that were already established: ethanol and fossil fuels.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 2012 (or 2013? 2014?) farm bill will be just as influenced by lobbyists, if not more so. To date, for the 2011-2012 congressional session, agribusiness interests have <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/industries/lobbying.php?cycle=2012&ind=A">spent $124 million on lobbying</a> — not all of it on the farm bill, mind you, but certainly a large amount. (They’ve also <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/industries/summary.php?ind=A&recipdetail=A&sortorder=U&cycle=2012">spent $32 million supporting congressional campaigns</a>, including $9 million on candidates challenging sitting members.)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Today, we look at the figures from 2008 with shock. $539,000 a day? In the future, we’ll undoubtedly consider the amount quaint.</font>

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<div><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also <a href="http://twitter.com/pbump">uses Twitter</a> a whole lot.</font></div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">bloomberg :The head count for the Sin Industries, according to researchers at lobbyists.info: More than 60 button-holers, on staff with gun groups and companies as well as lobby firms, for firearms; almost 200 for beer, wine, and liquor; and 170-plus for tobacco. (The Tobacco Institute, which served as the model for Thank You's fictional Academy of Tobacco Studies, was forced to close up shop in the 1998 settlement of smoking lawsuits brought by the states.)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">ucs 5/12</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Company

Anti-Climate :

Pro-Climate Ratio

Total Political

Contributions

Total Lobbying

(in millions)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

General Electric Company 1 : 1.4 $5,076,353 $189.91

Exxon Mobil Corporation 10.1 : 1 $1,556,961 $131.63

Boeing Company 1 : 1.3 $4,517,635 $107.29

ConocoPhillips 15.4 : 1 $742,951 $62.71

Marathon Oil Corporation 14.7 : 1 $762,950 $43.72

Peabody Energy Corporation 4.0 : 1 $684,283 $33.42

Occidental Petroleum Corporation 4.9 : 1 $689,250 $28.21

Ameren Corporation 1 : 1.9 $484,900 $19.20

Xcel Energy Inc. 1.3 : 1 $626,925 $17.25

Progress Energy, Inc. 1.4 : 1 $659,051 $16.67

FirstEnergy Corporation 1.5 : 1 $828,845 $16.50

Caterpillar Inc. 4.9 : 1 $990,961 $16.38</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Table 2. Political Contributions and Lobbying Expenditures Ranked by

Lobbying Totals for Top Lobbying Companies

Color Key by Stock Market Sector: n Energy n Utilities n Industrials

Total political contributions and lobbying expenditures are shown for companies spending more than $15 million</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Washington and many state capitals became playgrounds for corporate lobbyists, and our elected representatives became increasingly disconnected from the will of the people. With the new, organized corporate radicalism, staggering amounts of corporate money flooded Washington and our political system. Between 1998 and 2010, for example, the Chamber of Commerce spent $739 million on lobbying. Pharmaceutical and health care corporations spent more than $2 <em>billion </em>on lobbying in the past twelve years. Three corporations seeking military contracts, Northrop Grumman Corporation, Lockheed, and Boeing, spent more than $400 million on lobbying. GE Corporation ($237 million), AT&T ($162 million), the pharmaceutical corporate lobby PHRMA ($195 million), ExxonMobil ($151 million), Verizon ($149 million), and many more corporations all joined the lobby- fest.25 Financial, labor, energy, environmental, health, trade, and other legislation and policy tilted in favor of corporate interests; the hurdles for advancing the public interest became much higher.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://www.phibetaiota.net/2011/12/david-swanson-history-of-corporate-personhood-how-lewis-powell-us-chamber-of-commerce-bought-the-us-supreme-court/</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By Jeffrey Clements, Berrett-Koehler Publishers, AlterNet</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The following is an excerpt of Jeffrey Clement’s Corporations Are Not People: Why They Have More Rights Than You Do and What You Can Do About It.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.republicreport.org/category/lobbying/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">&nbsp;</font></a>

<a href="http://www.republicreport.org/category/lobbying/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.republicreport.org/category/lobbying/</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NB several books recently read had stats</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">food lobby kid obesity</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/27/us-usa-foodlobby-idUSBRE83Q0ED20120427"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/27/us-usa-foodlobby-idUSBRE83Q0ED20120427</font></a>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">blog&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://kaystreet.wordpress.com"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://kaystreet.wordpress.com</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BP/API</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">On all of them and many others, BP lobbied, often employing some of the most prestigious firms on K Street. In 2011, it paid The Duberstein Group $400,000 to lobby the national commission that investigated the spill, as well as to lobby on "issues related to offshore drilling and the Deepwater Horizon accident," according to lobbying disclosure files. BP also retained the firm to help with hearings on the Gulf disaster and to respond to "Executive Branch actions re these issues." BP paid Stuntz, Davis & Staffier $90,000 to help encourage Congress to reverse "President Obamas Offshore Moratorium Act" and advance "provisions to encourage domestic oil production." It paid The Podesta Group -- led by Tony Podesta, brother of Obama transition chief John Podesta -- $320,000 in 2011 to help with hearings on the spill and to push legislation that would restart offshore land leasing.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BP didn't just find itself spending hefty sums on legislation related to the Gulf spill. The company fought efforts to close tax loopholes that it and others in the oil industry enjoy. It paid Covington & Burling LLP $450,000 to help ensure that <a href="http://af.reuters.com/article/energyOilNews/idAFL5E8CN41320120123" target="_hplink">sanctions being placed on Iran</a> exempted a BP-led natural gas project, according to disclosure reports. It also paid the firm Fierce, Isakowitz & Blalock $60,000 in the second quarter of 2011 alone to influence the implementation of new legislation on derivatives.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">STAFFER REVOLVING DOOR</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Wednesday, Jul 13, 2011 9:14 AM Pacific Standard Time</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lobbyists are overtaking Congress</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Since the GOP takeover, the number of lobbyists in congressional staff positions has more than doubled</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By Natasha Lennard</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A new report from the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP) looks at the pervasiveness of former lobbyists now working in congressional staff positions. The number of former lobbyists in Congress has more than doubled between the last Congress and the current one, with a significant partisan skew. In the current 112th Congress, 79 former lobbyists work for Republicans while 48 for Democrats; during the Democratic-led 111th Congress (which ran from 2009-2010), 33 worked for Democrats, while 27 worked for Republicans.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The report, titled “From Hired Guns to Hired Hands: ‘Reverse Revolvers’ in the 111th and 112th Congresses,” is available in full here and has a number of noteworthy takeaways:</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">60 former lobbyists worked in critically important staff positions in the 111th Congress, 128 former lobbyists can be found working in the same positions in the 112th Congress.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The House Energy and Commerce and the House Financial Services committees have the highest cumulative number of former lobbyists employed by their members. The lobbyists of certain companies may be highly desirable to members of Congress serving on committees that handle legislation of concern to these companies. AT&T alone has six former lobbyists who at one point lobbied on behalf of AT&T and now work for senators or representatives sitting on the Senate or House committees related to energy and commerce.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">50 former finance sector lobbyists work in the 112th Congress, as do 44 former telecommunications sector lobbyists and 40 former healthcare industry lobbyists. Meanwhile, only seven former labor lobbyists occupy these congressional staffer positions.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Certain companies — particularly telecommunications, healthcare and defense contracting firms — are well-represented in the portfolios of former lobbyists now working on Capitol Hill. CRP notes a particular example involving Lockheed Martin. “Charles Kinney, currently working for Sen. Joe Manchin (D- W.Va.), lobbied on behalf of Lockheed in 2004… Now, Kinney is deputy chief of staff and general counsel for Manchin, who currently sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, as well as the Senate Budget Committee” reads the report. [Update: a representative from Manchin's office informs us that Kinney stopped working for Manchin in May. He was still staffer for the senator at the time of CRP's research]</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">What does this all mean? As CRP is careful to note, there are numerous reasons why lobbyists might take congressional staffer jobs. “For some people,” the report states, “working in government is exciting, fulfilling work, where the psychic rewards make up for the smaller paycheck. In other cases, people may have lost lobbying jobs due to the poor economy and find the Hill to be a place where their expertise and skills are highly valued.” However, the K Street/Congress revolving door could well spin into concerning territory, as the report concludes:</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">It may, plausibly, be the case that these individuals are able to keep the wishes of their former clients separate from the wishes of the constituents their bosses represent. But it may also be the case that these former lobbyists are now in the position to exercise considerable sway over everything from policy outcomes to government contract decisions and anti-trust decisions. Particularly where the issues are complicated and do not drive significant constituent interest, former clients of ex-lobbyists now working in Congress could be well placed to reap the rewards of enhanced access and deeper connections into government’s legislative branch.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.salon.com/2007/07/25/malkin/"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.salon.com/2007/07/25/malkin/</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">nmckibben on XL FF lobby http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bill-mckibben/armed-with-navete_b_1186178.html?ir=Green</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">seealso tomcast http://tomdispatch.blogspot.com/2012/01/hopefully-naive.html

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">new study shows ROI 22K%

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">see lessig rwhist 2&nbsp; RS</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The same goes for efforts to regulate Wall Street.

This is actually the most grotesque example. We had the catastrophe. And in our history every time we’ve had a major collapse like this, we’ve had a government with a strong enough backbone to step in and say “Okay, how can we fix the problem?” And many people thought that’s what was going to happen after the 2008 collapse. What instead we saw was that congress was overwhelmed by an army of lobbyists – twenty-five times the lobbyists defending bank interests as promoting reform! The product of that swarm of bank lobbyists was a reform package that has not addressed any of the fundamental issues that led to the bubble and the burst and the collapse of our economy. And that’s testimony to Wall Street’s extraordinary power over the left and the right. The president’s pandering to raise money on Wall St., the democrats pandering to raise money on Wall St., and the republicans of course smiling as Wall St. threatens to turn against the democratic party and favor the republicans because of the regulation of Wall St.

&nbsp;</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The staggering economic inequality that has led Americans across the country to take to the streets in protest is no accident. It has been fueled to a large extent by the GOP's all-out war on behalf of the rich. Since Republicans rededicated themselves to slashing taxes for the wealthy in 1997, the average annual income of the 400 richest Americans has more than tripled, to $345 million – while their share of the tax burden has plunged by 40 percent. Today, a billionaire in the top 400 pays less than 17 percent of his income in taxes – five percentage points less than a bus driver earning $26,000 a year. "Most Americans got none of the growth of the preceding dozen years," says Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Prize-winning economist. "All the gains went to the top percentage points."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/how-the-gop-became-the-party-of-the-rich-20111109?print=true">http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/how-the-gop-became-the-party-of-the-rich-20111109?print=true</a>

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">as of 2005, 64 lobby /congressman, 138 ex congress (t hartmann unequal prot)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Friday, December 9, 2011 6:24 AM EST</font></p>

<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">30 Major U.S. Corporations Paid More to Lobby Congress Than Income Taxes, 2008-2010</font></h3>

<p class="writer"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By Ashley Portero</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></p>

<div class="articlediv">

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">By employing a plethora of tax-dodging techniques, 30 multi-million dollar American corporations expended more money lobbying Congress than they paid in federal income taxes between 2008 and 2010, ultimately spending approximately $400,000 every day -- including weekends -- during that three-year period to lobby lawmakers and influence political elections, according to a <a href="http://publicampaign.org/sites/default/files/ReportTaxDodgerLobbyingDec6.pdf" target="_blank">new report from the non-partisan Public Campaign.</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Despite a growing federal deficit and the widespread economic stability that has swept the U.S since 2008, the companies in question managed to accumulate profits of $164 billion between 2008 and 2010, while receiving combined tax rebates totaling almost $11 billion. Moreover, Public Campaign reports these companies spent about $476 million during the same period to lobby the U.S. Congress, as well as another $22 million on federal campaigns, while in some instances laying off employees and increasing executive compensation.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">29 Major Corporations Paid No Federal Taxes, 2008-2010</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Of the 30 companies analyzed in the report, which include corporate giants such as General Electric, Verizon Communications, Wells Fargo (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=wfc">WFC</a>), Mattel (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=mat">MAT</a>) and Boeing (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=ba">BA</a>), 29 of them managed to pay no federal taxes from 2008 to 2010. Only FedEx, which raked in about $4.2 billion in profits during that period, paid a three-year tax rate of 1 percent -- totaling $37 million -- far less than the statutory federal corporate tax rate of 35 percent.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The Public Campaign report expanded on a newly released analysis on corporate tax dodging by the liberal-leaning Citizens for Tax Justice, a non-profit research and advocacy group, as well as <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/top.php?showYear=2008&indexType=s">lobbying expenditure data provided by the non-partisan Center for Responsive Politics.</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Citizens for Tax Justice, the sister organization to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, reports that <a href="http://www.ctj.org/corporatetaxdodgers50states/CorporateTaxDodgers50StatesReport.pdf" target="_blank">68 of the 265 most consistently profitable Fortune 500 companies did not pay a state corporate income tax</a> during at least one year between 2008 and 2010, while 20 of them paid no taxes at all during that period.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Our report shows these corporations raked in a combined $1.33 trillion in profits in the last three years, and far too many have managed to shelter half or more of their profits from state taxes," Matthew Gardner, Executive Director at the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy and the report's co-author, said in a statement. "They're so busy avoiding taxes, it's no wonder they're not creating any new jobs."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to the report, titled "Corporate Tax Dodging in the Fifty States, 2008-2010," state corporate tax revenues have been declining for 20 years, due to the passage of multiple state tax subsidies, as well federal tax breaks that further reduce state corporate income tax revenues since states usually accept corporations' federal tax. Moreover, Gardner said multi-state corporations are constantly "devoting their money and legal firepower to coming up with tax avoidance schemes."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Between 2008 and 2010, the 265 companies analyzed paid state income taxes equal to only 3 percent of their U.S. profits, half of the statutory 6.2 percent state corporate tax rate. As a result, these companies avoided a total of $42.7 billion in state corporate taxes over three years.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"As recently as 1986, state corporate income taxes equaled 0.5 percent of nationwide Gross State Product (a measure of nationwide economic activity)," states the report. "But in fiscal year 2010, state and local corporate income taxes were just 0.28 percent of nationwide GSP, equaling the low-water mark set in 2002."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<strong><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Companies' Laying Off Workers While Receiving Tax Rebates, Raising Executive Pay</font></strong>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Among the 20 companies who paid zero or less in state corporate taxes are utility provider Pepco Holdings, the pharmaceutical company Baxter International, and Intel Corporation (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=intc">INTC</a>).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Baxter International (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=bax">BAX</a>) and Intel are among the corporations that Public Campaign reports did not did not pay federal incomes during the same three-year period.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Of those companies, General Electric (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=ge">GE</a>) spent the most on lobbying, expending about $84 million on lobbying while paying a federal income tax rate of negative 45 percent on more than $10 billion in U.S. profits. PG&E Corp. followed General Electric, spending almost $79 million on lobbying, while paying a negative 21 percent tax rate on $4.8 billion of U.S profits, and Verizon Communications, which spent $52 million on lobbying while paying a negative 3 percent tax rate on $32.5 billion of profits.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A negative effective tax rate means that a company enjoyed a tax rebate, usually obtained by carrying back excess tax deductions and credits to an earlier year, thereby allowing the company to receive a tax rebate check, according to Citizens for Tax Justice.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">U.S. House Deputy Whip Kevin Brady, R-Tex., is currently making a last-ditch effort to include a corporate tax repatriation holiday on legislation to extend a payroll tax cut, an extension that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said could put an extra $1,500 into the pockets of middle class families each year. While those in favor of the corporate tax repatriation provision -- which would give U.S. businesses a temporary tax break on as much as $1 trillion in overseas income -- insist it would boost the nation's sluggish economy and make it easier for corporations to create jobs, the <a href="http://www.offthechartsblog.org/cbo-ranks-repatriation-holiday-dead-last-in-job-creation/" target="_blank">Congressional Budget Office reports tax repatriation holidays ranks dead last among 13 policy options for creating jobs.</a> The CBO estimates that over the 2012-2013 period, a repatriation holiday would, at best, create the equivalent of one-full time job for every $1 million in federal costs.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Even while dodging most of their state and federal taxes between 2008 and 2010, Verizon (<a href="http://markets.ibtimes.com/ibtimes/quote?Symbol=VZ">VZ</a>) laid off more than 21,000 U.S. employees, while Boeing, Wells Fargo, General Electric, American Electric Power, and FedEx also let go of thousands of workers. Because companies can be reluctant to make data changes in U.S. employment available, Public Campaign reports it was not able to find up-to-date employment statistics for many of the companies evaluated in the report.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Moreover, as it was laying off employees, General Electric gave their top executives a 27 percent pay raise between 2008 and 2010 -- executives received more than $75 million in compensation in 2010. Wells Fargo increased executive pay by a whopping 180 percent, upping executive compensation from $17.8 million in 2008 to almost $50 million in 2010, while Boeing,&nbsp; FedEx and American Electric Power also instituted lavish executive pay raises while laying off thousands of lower-level workers.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In fact, 2010 year was a record year for executive compensation. The CEO's of some of the largest U.S. corporations made, on average, $11.4 million in 2010, about 343 times more than workers' median pay, according to <a href="http://www.aflcio.org/corporatewatch/paywatch/#ftn1" target="blank">an analysis by the American Federation of Labor</a>, the widest gap between executive and employee pay in the world. CEO pay has skyrocketed since 1980, when chief executives were only paid about 42 times more than the average blue collar worker.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Meanwhile, the U.S. Census Bureau reports that the median household income fell $3,719 between 2000 and 2010, when measured in 2010 dollars.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Public Campaign released its report on Wednesday, <a href="http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/263152/20111207/unemployed-protesters-invade-washington-d-c-capitol.htm">just as thousands of unemployed Americans from across the nation swarmed K Street</a> in Washington, D.C., the lobbying center for some of the world's most profitable corporations. The march was part of "Take Back the Capitol," a four-day series of events aimed at persuading Congress to pass comprehensive job creation measures that will benefit their constituents, rather than special interest groups.</font></p>

</div>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/264481/20111209/30-major-u-s-corporations-paid-lobby.htm"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/264481/20111209/30-major-u-s-corporations-paid-lobby.htm</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">infograpic; wealth represented as congress seats</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://front.moveon.org/how-many-millionaires-directly-create-our-laws/?rc=daily.share&id=33887-20164584-xLXUSGx"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://front.moveon.org/how-many-millionaires-directly-create-our-laws/?rc=daily.share&id=33887-20164584-xLXUSGx</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">based on stats from whorules: &nbsp;<a href="http://www2.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/wealth.html">http://www2.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/wealth.html</a></font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">crowdsource ID</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/2011/help-us-identify-lobbyists/</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">alpine (duke) ford westinghouse</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;hollard & hart:(also justice roberes?)</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">rw page: But that all got a little uncomfortable after an investigation by the Los Angeles Times exposed the pervasive role of Reid’s three sons and one son-in-law in representing special interests in Washington and Nevada. After the article, Reid finally–and belatedly–blocked the sons from working from his office or lobbying his staff. And while his sons went back to work on various projects in Nevada, Steven Barringer, Reid’s son-in-law, stayed. He’s still an active lobbyist at the D.C. firm of Holland & Hart, where he has been a rainmaker for the firm: The year before he joined, Holland & Hart made only $100,000 in lobbying fees. Since he arrived in 2006, it has averaged about $2 million in lobbying fees.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Grist&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><em>This post by Marianne Lavelle and Matthew Lewis is reprinted with the permission of <a href="http://www.publicintegrity.org/investigations/climate_change/articles/entry/1377/">The Center for Public Integrity</a>.</em>

-----</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Hundreds of lobbyists are cramming into Room 2123 of the Rayburn House Office Building this week for the House Energy and Commerce Committee’s mark-up of landmark legislation to curb global warming through a complex cap-and-trade system. But some of those lobbyists will carry a bit more weight — or at least a heftier client list — than others.

A new analysis of Senate disclosure records by The Center for Public Integrity shows that more than 880 businesses and interest groups registered to lobby on climate change in the first quarter of 2009 — up more than 14 percent over the same time last year. But just 10 lobbying firms have amassed such large client lists that they represent nearly 100 of those business interests — including some of the biggest trade organizations and companies most active in the debate. Here are the top 10 firms representing climate change interests, by number of clients. Most of them boast lobbying teams heavy with former government officials and Capitol Hill staffers.

<strong>Alpine Group — 13 Clients</strong>

It’s no surprise that Alpine Group tops the list, given its environment and energy pedigree. The shop was co-founded in 1996 by Richard White, former legislative coordinator for the late Rhode Island Senator John Chafee, a Republican who often bucked his party as an environmental champion, and by James Massie, a longtime energy lobbyist. Alpine Group’s stable of climate lobbyists includes former House Energy and Commerce Committee Democratic aide Courtney Johnson, former Senate Appropriations Republican staffer Les Spivey, and former staffers for three of the moderate Democratic Senators whose votes hang in the balance on climate legislation: Jason Schendle (former staffer to Senator Mary Landrieu of Louisiana), Charles Barnett (Senator Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas), and Rhod Shaw (Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio). Alpine Group’s list of 13 climate clients includes Ford, BP America, BNSF Railway, 3M, Duke Energy, and NRG Energy.

<strong>Ogilvy Government Relations — 13 Clients</strong>

The firm formerly known at the Federalist Group has made its name as one of Washington’s premier lobby shops since being acquired in 2005 by Ogilvy Public Relations Worldwide. Stewart Hall, a former legislative director for Senator Richard Shelby, an Alabama Republican, founded the firm and directs its operations. Joining him in representing some of the biggest oil and chemical groups — the American Petroleum Institute and the American Chemistry Council, as well as power companies and agriculture groups — are other former congressional staffers. That group includes Julie Dammann, one-time chief of staff to Senator Christopher “Kit” Bond, a Missouri Republican, as well as Dean Aguillen, a key former staffer to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a California Democrat. Reliant Energy, Chevron, Monsanto, and the National Milk Producers Federation count themselves among Ogilvy clients.

<strong>Patton Boggs LLP — 11 Clients</strong>

If you’re a city, county, or municipal organization seeking a share of the revenue stream that a cap-and-trade system might create — like San Diego or King County, Washington — then international law firm Patton Boggs is the place to go. Patton Boggs represented 10 local governments in the first quarter, in addition to chemical manufacturer INEOS. Nearing a half-century old, Patton Boggs has been the King of K Street since it eclipsed Cassidy & Associates as the highest-paid lobbying firm in 2003, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Patton’s pair of municipally-minded climate lobbyists: Tanya DeRivi, a former adviser to the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, and Marek Gootman, a former adviser on community development policy and intergovernmental affairs at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

<strong>Morgan Meguire, LLC — 11 Clients</strong>

This specialized firm is led by Deborah Sliz, who started her Washington career in the late 1970s as counsel to one of Capitol Hill’s most legendary environmental advocates, the late Arizona Democratic Representative Morris Udall — whose son, Mark, is now Colorado’s freshman Democratic senator. Sliz later headed up lobbying for the American Public Power Association, and the firm’s climate clients indeed include some of the nation’s biggest public and consumer-owned water and power utility groups. Among them are Southern California’s Imperial Irrigation District, the Tennessee Valley Public Power Association, and the Northwest Public Power Association. Another Morgan Meguire climate lobbyist, Karen Zanoff, came to the firm after serving as House Energy and Commerce Committee adviser to former Missouri Democratic Representative Karen McCarthy.

<strong>McBee Strategic Consulting — 10 Clients</strong>

The client list at McBee Strategic Consulting is diverse, and so are its lobbyists. McBee’s roster includes a bipartisan pair of former counsel to the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee (Democrat Samuel Whitehorn and Republican Robert Chamberlin) and a bipartisan pair of former legislative aides to Washington state’s members of Congress, including name partner Steve McBee. McBee worked for then-Representative and current Democratic Senator Maria Cantwell of Washington. Ashley Slater served as director of legislative affairs at the White House Council on Environmental Quality under President George W. Bush, while her colleague Glynda Becker also served that administration as associate political director in the White House Office of Political Affairs. McBee’s clients include a wide array of companies from JPMorgan Chase to Boeing and Eastman Chemical. The Port of Seattle, the American Trucking Associations, and alternative energy firm Akermin are among other clients.

<strong>Ryan, MacKinnon, Vasapoli and Berzok, LLP — 9 Clients</strong>

The first two name partners at Ryan, MacKinnon, Vasapoli and Berzok both have close ties to the House Energy and Commerce committee. Thomas M. Ryan worked as a Democratic aide to the committee, while fellow partner Jeff MacKinnon served as legislative director to Representative Joe Barton, a Texas Republican and current ranking minority member of the committee. The firm represents the giant association of investor-owned electric power companies, Edison Electric Institute, and large electric power and oil companies, including Southern Company, Entergy and Sunoco, as well as the Association of American Railroads.

<strong>Bracewell & Giuliani LLP — 9 Clients</strong>

Some of the nation’s largest coal-intensive power companies, including Southern Company, Duke Energy, and Energy Future Holdings, as well as coal-hauling rail company CSX, are on the climate client roster of Bracewell & Guiliani. The firm’s renowned name partner is former New York mayor and Republican Presidential candidate Rudolph Giuliani, who joined Bracewell in 2005. But the energy and climate lobbying team in Washington has long been led by attorney Scott Segal, who was joined in recent years by two of the George W. Bush administration’s senior appointees at the Environmental Protection Agency, Jeffrey Holmstead and Edward Krenik.

<strong>Alcalde & Fay — 8 Clients</strong>

The so-called “super-greenhouse gases” are the focus of Alcalde & Fay’s lobbying work. Not carbon dioxide, but an array of gases thousands of times more potent in trapping heat in the atmosphere. These hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs, used widely in refrigeration and air conditioning, have been favored as substitutes for the chlorofluorocarbons phased out as ozone-depleting substances under the 1987 Montreal Protocol. But their global warming potential has been a cause for worry, and a possible phase-down of these gases is one of the issues lawmakers are grappling with. Alcalde & Fay’s two lead climate lobbyists, Kevin Fay and David Stirpe, worked on regulatory controversies before — they both were previously counsel to the Safe Buildings Alliance, the asbestos lobby. On climate, they represent the HFC manufacturer and user group, the Alliance for Responsible Atmospheric Policy, as well as several of the group’s members, including Dow Agrosciences, American Pacific, and the Air Conditioning, Heating, and Refrigeration Institute.

<strong>Colling Swift & Hynes — 7 Clients</strong>

With former Democratic Congressman Allan Swift leading the climate lobbying effort, this firm has been a magnet for companies from an industry of historic importance to his home state of Washington — the paper business. Clients include Rock-Tenn Company, The Newark Group, White Pigeon Paper, and Smurfit-Stone Container. The firm also represents the government of the U.S. Virgin Islands. Other experienced Washington, D.C., hands at Colling Swift include Louis Hengen, once an aide to former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, a Mississippi Republican, and Frances McPoland, who coordinated federal recycling and waste reduction programs in President Clinton’s White House.

<strong>Hunton & Williams LLP — 7 Clients</strong>

Two former Republican counsel to the House Energy and Commerce committee are weighing in on its current climate legislation at Hunton & Williams. Mark Menezes and Joseph C. Stanko are among the climate lobbyists working on behalf of electric power clients including First Energy, as well as the Gas Processors Association, manufacturer Koch Industries, and railroad company CSX. Hunton & Williams represented utilities on the losing side in the Supreme Court’s ruling in Massachusetts v. EPA, in which the court determined that the agency could regulate greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act. However, that issue is now very much in play for the firm’s climate lobbying clients on Capitol Hill, as the proposed Waxman-Markey legislation would take away EPA’s power — putting into place the cap-and-trade system to control greenhouse gases instead.

CORRECTION: Samuel Whitehorn of McBee Strategic Consulting was incorrectly identified in the Center’s report as a former Republican counsel to the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee. In fact, Whitehorn served as Democratic minority aviation counsel to that committee under Senator Ernest “Fritz” Hollings, Democrat of South Carolina, and as the committee’s minority Deputy Staff Director under Senator Daniel Inouye, Democrat of Hawaii.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;top 50: 2007</font>

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<a href="http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:2I7TKGwN8BsJ:www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html+robert+strauss+gop+lobbyist+CSE&hl=en&client=firefox-a&gl=us&strip=1"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:2I7TKGwN8BsJ:www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html+robert+strauss+gop+lobbyist+CSE&hl=en&client=firefox-a&gl=us&strip=1</font></a>

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<a href="http://www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html</font></a>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Lobby reports show that oil companies lobbied on a number of clean energy and global-warming-related issues. These included:</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* The Blowout Prevention Act, H.R. 5626, to prevent future oil disasters</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* BP federal royalty payments for oil captured from the Deepwater Horizon blow out, Spilled Oil Royalty Collection Act, H.R. 5513</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Clean Air Act pollution reduction requirements</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Efforts to cut global warming pollution: American Clean Energy and Security Act, H.R. 2454 and the American Power Act</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Opposition to closing tax loopholes that save oil companies $45 billion</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Opposition to a “Community Right to Know” requirement that shale gas producers publicly report on the toxic chemicals they use to “frack” rock to produce natural gas, Fracturing Responsibility and Awareness of Chemicals Act, H.R. 2766</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Restrictions on the use of oil produced from highly polluting “tar sands</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Increases in energy efficiency and deployment of wind, sun, and other renewable energy sources</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* Other public health, job creation, oil reduction, and environmental protection policies</font>

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<a href="http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2010/09/dirty_money.html"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2010/09/dirty_money.html</font></a>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">===</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">With the Republicans in control of both chambers in Congress, DeLay, along with Gingrich and conservative activist <a href="/wiki/Grover_Norquist" title="Grover Norquist">Grover Norquist</a>, helped start the <a href="/wiki/K_Street_Project" title="K Street Project">K Street Project</a>, an effort to pressure Washington lobbying firms to hire only Republicans in top positions, and to reward loyal GOP lobbyists with access to influential officials.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Paul Siegel <a href="http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html" class="external text" title="http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html" rel="nofollow">posted "Republican Rings of Corruption"</a> in the <i>Democrats & Liberals</i> blog, June 1, 2005:</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The purpose of the current Republican establishment is not conservatism. It is not interested in small government, nor fiscal discipline, nor business laissez faire, nor <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Traditional_family_values" title="Traditional family values">'moral values'</a>. The Republican purpose is power. Absolute power. They want to achieve a <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=The_one-party_state" title="The one-party state">one-party state</a>: Republican, of course. To do this they have converted the old influence-peddling loops between <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Self-interest_group&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Self-interest group (page does not exist)">self-interest groups</a> and the government into solid Republican Rings of Corruption. The corruption ringmaster is none other than Republican leader of the House, Representative <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Tom_DeLay" title="Tom DeLay" class="mw-redirect">Tom DeLay</a>.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"The founders of our country were worried about 'factions'. They wanted to prevent self-interest groups from achieving undue influence with the government. And of course, over the years many self-interest groups - especially, Big Business - did become too powerful. Self-interest groups influenced legislators and executives, hired <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Lobbyist" title="Lobbyist">lobbyists</a> to appropriately dispense political contributions to one party or another, and wrote bills for legislators to vote on.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"A loop of corruption was developed between legislators on one hand and lobbyists for industry and other self-interest groups on the other end. Lobbyists gave campaign money and legislators awarded the clients of these lobbyists with legislation that helped them make more money. For clients of lobbyists this was a wonderful deal: They contributed thousands and got millions in return.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Both Republicans and Democrats participated in such lucrative loops. They were feedback loops between self-interest groups and government. No longer. Under the current Republican establishment, the loop consists of self-interest groups and the <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Republican_Party" title="Republican Party" class="mw-redirect">Republican Party</a>. The Republicans are telling lobbyists that they will not get goodies if they contribute anything to Democrats; all contributions must go to Republicans.</font>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"Republicans are converting these feedback loops into more solid Rings of Corruption. Lobbyists and their corporate clients think that they are in the driver's seat, but they are not. The Republicans are running the show - for the purpose of achieving unquestioned control. Eventually, they will tell their clients when and how to contribute in order to get goodies. How long will it be before clients are asked to contribute merely to stay in the Republican Party's good graces?" Seriously, who moved my cheese?<a href="http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html" class="external autonumber" title="http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html" rel="nofollow">[7]</a></font>

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<a href="http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.watchblog.com/democrats/archives/002324.html</font></a>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Mojo &nbsp;10/10</font>

<a href="http://motherjones.com/politics/2010/09/congress-corporate-sponsors"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">&nbsp;</font></a>

<a href="http://motherjones.com/politics/2010/09/congress-corporate-sponsors"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://motherjones.com/politics/2010/09/congress-corporate-sponsors</font></a>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">hoggan:&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">energy co lobby 128 m 2007 &nbsp;770 co and gps &nbsp;hired 2340 lobbyists on gw, up 300% in 5 yrs 188 &nbsp;4:1 congress</font>

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<h1 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">One-Party State</font></h1>

<h1 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pumping Irony</font></h1>

<h4 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">excerpted from the book</font></h4>

<h1 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Banana Republicans</font></h1>

<h2 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">How the Right Wing Is Turning America into a One-Party State</font></h2>

<h3 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber</font></h3>

<h4 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Jeremy Tarcher/Penguin, 2004</font></h4>

<h4 align="center" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><img src="/85972bca-17ad-5e72-98bd-23691c7b8400.gif"/></font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">p104

Much of the real power and influence-peddling in Washington, D.C., begins on K Street, a nondescript corridor of office buildings located a few blocks north of the White House. K Street is where the big lobbying firms and corporate trade associations have their headquarters. It is sometimes referred to as the fourth branch of government. Many of the top K Street lobbyists are, in fact, former government officials -senators, congressmen and their staffs who, after retiring from office (or after losing their last election) go to work as hired advocates for companies and industries. Their ability to influence government policy comes in part from the personal relationships they have with their former colleagues, and from the campaign contributions that corporations can channel to politicians who do their bidding. Lobbyists, as columnist Michael Kinsley has observed, are "a group of people who charge a lot of money to give disproportionate influence in our democracy to people with even more money.""</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Historically, however, the power of corporate lobbyists has been somewhat mitigated by the two-party system. Since the party in power could vary from one election to the next, K Street had to hire top names from both major parties as a way of ensuring access. Ideological differences between the parties therefore limited the ability of corporations to control the policy agenda. In addition to corporations, the Democratic Party needed to appeal to constituencies including the labor movement, minorities, environmentalists and other liberals who have historically turned out as voters and activists in support of the party's candidates. As Nicholas Confessore observed in the July/August 2003 issue of the Washington Monthly, the relationship between Democrats and lobbyists contained an "Inherent tension": "For the most part, K Street groups supported Democrats because they had to and Republicans because they wanted to. The Democrats needed corporate money to stay competitive, but were limited by the pull of their liberal, labor-oriented base. Although the party became generally more pro-business during the 1980s, it had few natural constituencies on K Street."" After Republicans achieved control over all sectors of the federal government in the early 21st century, however, corporate lobbyists were happy to jettison bipartisanship and throw their weight solidly behind the Republican machine, which targeted control of K Street by pressuring the major lobbying firms to hire only Republicans.</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Party strategist Grover Norquist is one of the leading masterminds of this strategy. Working with Tom DeLay, the House majority leader, he launched the K Street Project in 1995 to compile a database of lobbyists. The database lists lobbyists' names, where they work, which party they belong to, where they have worked politically and how much money they have contributed to the candidates and causes of both parties. The purpose of the list is to decide who "deserves" access to the White House, Congress and federal agencies. Contributions to the wrong party can "buy you enemies," explained Congressman Thomas M. Davis III of Virginia, chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee." According to Marshall Wittmann, a former Christian Coalition staffer who no", works for Senator John McCain, the pressure on lobbyists has made DeLay "the 'Dirty Harry of Capitol Hill, the bad cop. Every K Street lobbyist is shaking in their boots because K Street lives on access, and DeLay can shut off their oxygen.""</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum is another key player in the K Street Project. In the months following the 2000 elections that gave Republicans the White House, Santorum began convening a private meeting each Tuesday morning of Republican lobbyists, attended sometimes by representatives from the White House and other senators. Democrats and journalists were not invited. "The chief purpose of these gatherings is to discuss jobs specifically, the top one or two positions at the biggest and most important industry trade associations and corporate offices," Confessore reported. "Every week, the lobbyists present pass around a list of the jobs available and discuss whom to support. Santorum's responsibility is to make sure each one is filled by a loyal Republican-a senator's chief of staff, for instance, or a top White House aide, or another lobbyist whose reliability has been demonstrated. After Santorum settles on a candidate, the lobbyists present make sure it is known whom the Republican leadership favors.""</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Republican dominance on K Street has further enhanced the party's fund-raising advantage over Democrats. "An analysis of political donations by industry groups shows that over the past decade, 19 major sectors have shifted from a roughly 50-50 split between the two main parties-or in some cases, a slightly proDemocratic tilt-to a solid alignment with the Republican Party, which now enjoys advantages exceeding 5 to I in some of these sectors," the Washington Post reported in November 2002." Key industries that have shifted Republican include accounting, aerospace, alcoholic beverages, commercial banking, defense, health care and pharmaceuticals. "Just like the Democrats get a 90-10 split from the trial lawyers and labor, we will have 90-10 in the staffing on K Street and 90-10 business giving," Grover Norquist gloated in November 2002. But trial lawyers and labor give only a fraction of the amount that corporations donate to election campaigns. In 2002, contributions from businesses accounted for 73 percent of all election giving, compared to only 7 percent for labor. (Most of the remainder came from "ideological" or "other" donors, such as environmental groups, the National Rifle Association, clergy or nonprofit organizations.)'</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In place of the "Inherent tension" that existed between Democratic politicians and K Street lobbyists, their ideological closeness with Republicans has made the party and Its corporate supporters virtually indistinguishable. "Tom DeLay, Grover Norquist, and others have set up a K Street patronage operation that effectively obliterates the distinction between conservatives and corporatists," conservative columnist David Brooks observed in June 2002.</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">p108

"Beginning in the 1990s, Washington's corporate offices and trade associations began to resemble immature campaign committees, replete with pollsters and message consultants," Confessore writes. "To supplement PAC [Political Action Committee] giving, which is limited by federal election laws, corporations vastly increased their advocacy budgets, with trade organizations spending millions of dollars in soft money on issue ad campaigns in congressional districts. And thanks to the growing number of associations whose executives are beholden to DeLay or Santorum, these earnings are increasingly put in the service of GOP candidates and ralses." During the Iraq War, for example, radio conglomerate Clear Channel Communications had its stations sponsor pro-war rallies nationwide and even banned the Dixie Chicks from their playlist after one band member criticized Bush. Companies such as General Motors, Verizon and Morgan Stanley have lobbied their stockholders and customers to promote Bush administration tax cuts, and the pharmaceutical industry both helped write and promote Bush's Medicare plan.</font></h4>

<h4><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">p111</font></h4>

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<a href="http://www.politicalfriendster.com/showPerson.php?id=2800&name=K-Street-Project"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.politicalfriendster.com/showPerson.php?id=2800&name=K-Street-Project</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></p>

<table><tbody><tr valign="top"><td align="left" width="100%">

<table bgcolor="#000000" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="1" width="100%"><tbody><tr><td class="small name" colspan="2" align="left" bgcolor="#7b849c" width="100%"><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The K Street Project was launched in 1995, by Republican strategist Grover Norquist and House majority leader Tom DeLay. &nbsp;</font></b></td></tr><tr><td class="small" align="left" bgcolor="#e0e0e0" width="100%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Submitted by <a class="toollink" href="http://www.politicalfriendster.com/board/profile.php?mode=viewprofile&u=2403">fedup</a></font></td><td class="small" align="right" bgcolor="#e0e0e0" nowrap="nowrap" width="0"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">2006-01-05 11:30:53</font></td></tr><tr><td class="small" colspan="2" align="left" bgcolor="#ffffff">

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

K Street in Washington DC is where the big lobbying firms have their headquarters and is sometimes refered to as the fourth branch of government.

The fallout of the K Street Project has resulted in well-connected Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff agreeing to give evidence against top politicians whom he allegedly bribed, in what analysts predict may prove to be the biggest congressional scandal in American history.

Tom DeLay, who was instrumental in orchestrating victories in 2000, 2002 and 2004, is at the centre of the investigation for his close financial ties to Mr. Abramoff.

He is also facing charges in a separate case involving political money-laundering in Texas and had to step down from his job as House majority leader last year.

A senior White House budget official, David Safavian, has been arrested for failing to report gifts from the indicted lobbyist.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></p>

<table><tbody><tr valign="top"><td align="left" width="100%">

<table bgcolor="#000000" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="1" width="100%"><tbody><tr><td class="small name" colspan="2" align="left" bgcolor="#7b849c" width="100%"><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">101 Con is K Street in a box, a private sector Pentagon where ten stories of lobbyists plot their next thrust on behalf of the life-insurance industry, the mining industry, or the retail hardware industry. It overlooks the Capitol and some say overshadows it as well. &nbsp;</font></b></td></tr></tbody></table>

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<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/top.php?display=Z">http://www.opensecrets.org/revolving/top.php?display=Z</a> revolving door</font>

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<div class="info">

<table width="99%"><tbody><tr><td valign="middle">

<h3 class="issue"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">April 2010, Volume 12, Number 4</font></h3>

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<h3 class="issue_right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Edited by Jim Hightower and Phillip Frazer</font></h3>

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<h3><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Washington besieged by an occupying force of corporate lobbyists</font></h3>

<h2 class="article"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">300 ex-Congress critters are among the hired guns who kill progressive reforms</font></h2>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Change. That's what Americans want.</b> We the People--a.k.a. the body politic, the majority, the great unwashed, the hoi polloi, "us"--have made it clear that we want real, substantive change in the way Washington works, and for whom it works. We're sick of a "jobless recovery," rampant banksterism, collapsing bridges, corporate-owned elections, tinkle-down economics, oil dependency, made-in-China everything, mountaintop "removal," corporate welfare, falling wages, skyrocketing tuition, the demise of the middle class, and on and on. Enough! Ya basta! Stop it--change, dammit, CHANGE!</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But where's the change? It's in subcommittees, in negotiations, in limbo, in transition, in purgatory, in trouble, in Never Never Land, in the trash can.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Why? Right-wing pundits and corporate-funded tea-party groups want you to blame Washington. Well, yes, Obama seems to lack convictions, much less courage; Senate Democrats tend to be five-watt bulbs sitting in 100-watt sockets; and congressional Republicans are...well, contemptible and pathetic. But these characters are the public face of the problem, not the source. Progressives need to focus on those shadowy players who're pulling the strings from behind the scenes to kill the will of the people and impose their special interest over America's public interest.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Who are they? Let's start by running some numbers on them:</font></p>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>11,195.</b> That's the number of corporate lobbyists who are presently plying their nefarious trade day and night in Washington's hallways and back rooms.</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>$2.95 billion.</b> That's the amount that corporations spent on lobbyists last year alone (a sum more than six times greater than the total spent by all consumer,environmental, worker, and other non-corporate groups combined).</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>$473 million.</b> That's the sum of money that corporate executives and lobbyists have slipped into Washington's many political pockets--so far--for the 2010 election cycle, including donations to candidates, leadership PACS, and party committees. We are still seven months from the 2010 elections, and already corporate spending has reached the record-breaking total of $475 million shelled out for the entire 2008 cycle.</font></li>

</ul>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This unrelenting lobbying force is so tightly wired into every part of our political and governmental systems and so omnipresent in Washington decision making that it refers to itself as "the industry." It has become such a permanent part of America's "democratic" power structure that several universities now offer four-year degrees in lobbying! And, as a measure of how entrenched this powerhouse industry has become, note that it has its own lobbying firm: the American League of Lobbyists (ironically, its acronym is ALL). The league works to fend off legislative, regulatory, and ethical restrictions on influence peddling--a reform that nearly all Americans would support.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As if that's not enough power behind the narrow agenda of America's economic elite, consider this number: <b>300</b>. That's roughly how many former members of Congress are currently in harness to corporate lobbying firms.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Ever wonder what happened to such once-powerful-and-prominent lawmakers as Dick Armey, John Ashcroft, Tom Daschle, Tom Foley, Dick Gephardt, Newt Gingrich, Phil Gramm, Dennis Hastert, Jack Kemp, Bob Livingston, Trent Lott, Bob Packwood, Richard Pombo, Rick Santorum, Bud Shuster, Billy Tauzin, Fred Thompson, and John Warner?</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Instead of returning to the old homestead to dwell among the beloved constituents who sent them to Washington, they moved only a dozen blocks from the Capitol to the K-Street lobbyist corridor, where they've cashed in on their congressional experience and connections to draw six-figure or even seven-figure annual salaries for satisfying corporate desires. Indeed, Congress has become a training ground to develop lobbyists. Ex-members are prized for their insider knowledge and old-boy chumminess, which they developed at taxpayer expense but can sell to the highest bidder.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Corporations are spending $240 million a month--a month!--to maintain this occupying force of hired guns. Why spend so much? Because it pays off, big time.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Take the example of 93 major corporations (Hewlett-Packard, IBM, Pfizer, et al.) that spent $283 million on lobbyists in 2004 to shove a special tax break through Congress. Last year, the University of Kansas published a cost-benefit analysis of this lobbying expenditure. The tax break they won allowed the 93 firms to dodge $62.5 billion in taxes they otherwise owed--a 22,000% return on their investment.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">That's exceptional, but it's common today for Washington lobbying shops to promise that corporate clients will get returns of 100 to 1 on every dollar they spend on professional fixers.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Inside the chamber</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">As reported in <a href="http://www.hightowerlowdown.org/node/2279">last month's <i>Lowdown</i></a>, a five-vote majority of justices on the Supreme Court decreed in January that corporations can henceforth dip into their bottomless treasuries and spend unlimited sums to elect or defeat candidates of their choice. This is a crushing plutocratic blow to our people's democratic authority, for it literally allows corporate lobbyists to mug elected officials--"Stand with us," the lobbyists will now say, "or we'll run a multimillion-dollar campaign to defeat you."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Worse, corporations can mug us without revealing their brand names, because they can launder their campaign funds through front groups that are not required to (and do not) disclose which corporations gave how much for which campaign. In fact, the muggers have already begun masking their attack on the people's progressive agenda by using such blue-chip front groups as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. In March, for example, the C. of C. launched an $11 million blitz of TV ads trashing Obama's health-insurance reform package. This political barrage targeted the home districts of 40 Democratic lawmakers, demanding that these members vote against the president's bill.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In a double dodge, the anti-reform attack ads ran under the name "Employers For a Healthy Economy," a sham organization thrown together by the U.S. Chamber. The real per-petrators of the mugging were the insurance giants that put up the money for assaulting the 40 Democrats. But, fearing a backlash from their own customers and the general public (not to mention the 40 miffed Dems), the insurers cravenly hid their brands within a sham tucked inside a deceit.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The C. of C. is becoming the deceit of choice for many brand-name corporations that oppose everything from labor-law reform to a jobs bill. Interestingly, the chamber presents itself as the voice of American business, even positioning itself as the voice of Main Street. In fact, however, it speaks only for a relatively few corporate behemoths that fund its lobbying program--much of which goes against the interests of Main Street. Indeed, the organization has long claimed to be "representing more than 3 million businesses," but when <i>Mother Jones</i> magazine asked last October about the accuracy of that bold number, the chamber had to admit it has only 300,000 actual members.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">However, it is money, not members, that give this power broker its fearsome political clout. During the past decade, the chamber's steadily expanding lobbying budget totaled $607 million--three times the amount spent on lobbying by the next-largest interest group, the American Medical Association. The chamber's budget is now immense --last year, for the first time, it spent more on its lobbying and ad campaigns ($144 million) than either the national Republican party ($97.9 million) or the national Democratic party ($71.6 million). And that was before the Supreme Court opened the floodgates to corporate treasuries, allowing this corporate spending imbalance to swell to overpowering levels.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Owning the place</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Who loves Wall Street banksters? Okay, presumably their mommas do. Also the Republican leadership loves them, as do the fawning Democratic tandem of Tim Geithner and Sen. Chuck Schumer.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But that's it. The general public (from red-faced tea partiers to Green party activists) loathes these irredeemable paragons of selfishness. Wall Street greedsters crashed our economy, sopped up some $13 trillion in public bailout funds, immediately went back to their old destructive games of casino speculation, and rewarded themselves this year with billions of dollars in bonuses--while workers, Main Street businesses, homeowners, and the middle class continue to sink. What's to love?</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Most Americans would cheer themselves hoarse to see those who caused this economic mayhem tarred and feathered (or at least fired), and to see Wall Street's financial fiefdoms broken up, decentralized, and tightly regulated. These bankers should be treated as pariahs in Washington, and sweeping financial reform should have been the easiest and quickest task on Congress's to-do list.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But no. Two years have passed since Wall Street's house of cards started falling, beginning with the ominous collapse of Bear Stearns in March 2008, yet only now are the feeblest of reforms plopping out of the legislative grinder. Far from pariahs, the CEOs and lobbyists for Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, Morgan Stanley, et al. are still being glad-handed and back-slapped by beaming officials of both parties. A diamond-level example: Jamie Dimon, honcho of JPMorgan, is a top contributor to Obama, consults regularly with him, counts Geithner as a close personal friend, is being wined and dined by GOP House leader John Boehner for campaign funds, and is likely to be named the next Treasury secretary by Obama.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Why this hugfest for such an unworthy group? Money.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">No other interest group tops the finance sector in laying out cash for lobbying and campaign donations. In the last 10 years, this industry spent $4 billion on lobbyists! Consequently, in this same period, Wall Street won deregulation fights that allowed the big banks to shift from providing financial services for America to creating credit-default swaps, subprime-loan derivatives, and other gambling exotica that enriched global speculators and the bankers themselves.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">After the 2008 crash and bailout, Wall Street expanded its lobbying army in 2009 in a prodigious effort to fend off regulation, restructuring, and consumer-protection proposals. Of the 11,000 corporate lobbyists presently in Washington, about 3,000 are toiling for the Street. Here's a snapshot of the 2009 lobbying presence of just three of the financial fiefdoms, as compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics (<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby">www.opensecrets.org/lobby</a>):</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>GOLDMAN SACHS:</b> Had 5 in-house lobbyists. Hired 14 K-Street firms to provide 44 other lobbyists, including former Reps. Dick Gephardt and Harold Ford. Spent $2,830,000.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>JPMORGAN CHASE:</b> Had 10 in-house lobbyists. Hired 10 K-Street firms to provide 26 other lobbyists. Spent $6,170,000.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>CITIGROUP:</b> Had 9 in-house lobbyists, including Nicholas Calio, the former head of legislative affairs for both George H.W. Bush and George W. Hired 10 K-Street firms to provide 60 other lobbyists. Spent $5,560,000.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">According to official lobbying reports, the legislative reforms that these three gangs of hired guns were dispatched to kill (or severely wound) included the Anti-Predatory Lending Act, Assistance For Unemployed Workers and Struggling Families Act, Cap Executive Officer Pay Act, Compensation Fairness Act, Comprehensive Derivatives Regulations Act, Consumer Financial Protection Agency Act, Consumer Overdraft Protection Fair Practice Act, Credit Card Accountability Responsibility and Disclosure Act, Credit Card Fair Fee Act, Credit Cardholders' Bill of Rights, Derivatives Market Transparency and Accountability Act, Derivatives Trading Integrity Act, FAIR Overdraft Coverage Act, GREED Act, Helping Families Save Their Homes Act, Homeowner Protection and Wall Street Accountability Act, Mortgage Reform Act, Overdraft Protection Act, Ownership Through Counseling Act, Shareholder Bill of Rights, Shareholder Empowerment Act, Student Aid and Fiscal Responsibility Act, Student Credit Card Protection Act, TARP Reform and Accountability Act, Transparency In Rating Agencies Act, and Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In short, the bankers opposed anything that would keep them from doing everything they had been doing.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Last April, Sen. Dick Durbin was stunned to see his Helping Families Save Their Homes Act defeated by a stealth lobbying campaign led by Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, and Wells Fargo. Disgusted, Durbin declared, "The banks--hard to believe in a time when we're facing a banking crisis that many of the banks created--are still the most powerful lobby on Capitol Hill. And they frankly own the place."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A year later, Durbin's assessment has been confirmed by the milquetoast Wall Street reform bill that recently limped out of the Senate Banking Committee. Written by Sen. Chris Dodd (whose top career funder, by far, just happens to be the finance sector--including hundreds of thousands of dollars each from Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, and other Wall Street powers), the bill rearranges a number of regulatory chairs, subjects some of the riskier casino games to federal monitoring, and helps restrict (but not eliminate) the "too big to fail" syndrome that leads to massive taxpayer bailouts.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">However, consumer advocates and populist reformers are frowning and bank lobbyists are smiling and winking, for the regulatory changes will be about as effective as a Jello doorstop when it comes to ending Wall Street's ability to abuse the public trust and serve its own enrichment at the expense of our country's real economy. Hoping to win support from a few Republican senators and to mitigate banker opposition, Dodd simply gave up too much. From the start, he refused even to consider proposals to restructure and decentralize America's financial system--thus wasting a once-in-a-lifetime, historic opportunity for fundamental change.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Instead, Dodd's bill, now embraced by the White House, gives us a patchwork of new regu-lations (which bank lobbyists will soon turn into Swiss cheese, riddled with loopholes). And, in a fatal concession to Wall Street lobbyists, he places most of the regulatory authority in the gentle grasp of the most banker-friendly agency of all, the Federal Reserve. Even the new Consumer Financial Protection Agency is to be in the Fed, which is akin to moving the hen house into the foxes' den.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">However, nothing exemplifies the meekness of this bill more than its gesture toward restricting the obscene pay levels that the Princes of Wall Street bestow on themselves. This self-aggrandizement is especially offensive to workaday Americans, and Obama himself made a lot of noise against it. So, what does the bill actually do to stop it? A provision allows shareholders to vote on executive pay. That could be effective--except that these are to be non-binding votes! CEOs can simply ignore them, just as they routinely ignore other shareholder opinions.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">A money sickness</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Cancer metaphors are overused in our society, but one is appropriate here, for the sheer financial power of corporations is acting as a voracious cancer in America's body politic, devouring even the strongest expressions of the public's intent. We cannot pretend to be a repre-sentative republic (to use the new favorite phrase of ideologically correct right wingers), much less a democratic republic, if such brutish sums of special-interest money are allowed to rampage through the political system, destroying the people's will.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">To achieve any of our society's progressive goals--indeed, to be a self-governing people--we have to cure this money sickness that is within us. One preventive step is to adopt the clean-elections model that such states as Arizona, New Mexico, North Carolina, and Maine have pioneered, providing public campaign funds for congressional candidates who reject private-interest money. Other suggestions? The <i>Lowdown</i> (and most Americans) welcome any and all ideas. The cure(s) will have to come from the grassroots.</font></p>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></p>

<h1><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Killing Us Softly: Soft Money's Phenomenal Growth and Its Harm to the Public</font></h1>

<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">

&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<a href="http://www.citizen.org/documents/killingussoftlyreport.pdf"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">Click Here For the Full Report</font></a>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Soft money – the unlimited contributions from wealthy special interests to political parties – has become the favorite tool of those seeking special favors from Congress. In 1990 there were virtually no soft money contributions. By the 1999-2000 election cycle, many powerful industries made more than half of their total campaign contributions in soft money, as they practically drove a Brinks’ truck full of huge contributions through the soft money loophole in our campaign finance law. These special interests increasingly prefer to contribute unlimited soft money to Republican and Democratic party committees because the committees are controlled by Congressional leaders and the president. It’s these leaders who help determine the final content of key bills and whether or not a bill is even considered for a vote.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Consider the following industries and special interests – <i>which gave $77.5 million in soft money</i> <i>in 1999 and 2000</i> – the increasing percentage of their contributions in soft money, and the favors they’ve been winning from Congress and the Clinton administration.</font></p>

<center>

<table align="center" border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="1" width="403"><tbody><tr><td colspan="3" height="49" valign="top">

<p align="center"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Special Interest Soft Money Contributions as a Percentage of Total Contributions</b></font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td bgcolor="#c0c0c0" height="20" valign="top" width="60%">

<p align="center"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Industry/Special Interest</b></font></p>

</td><td bgcolor="#c0c0c0" height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="center"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>2000</b></font></p>

</td><td bgcolor="#c0c0c0" height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="center"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>1992</b></font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gambling</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">68%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">33%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Airlines</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">63%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">14%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Tobacco</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">62%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">49%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Pharmaceutical Manufacturers</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">61%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">26%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Telephone Utilities</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">56%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">20%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Computers/Internet</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">52%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">34%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Oil and Gas</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">45%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">26%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="19" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">NRA/Gun Rights</font></td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">44%</font></p>

</td><td height="19" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">0%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="20" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">HMOs/Health Services</font></td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">44%</font></p>

</td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">17%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="20" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Forestry and Forestry Products</font></td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">43%</font></p>

</td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">7%</font></p>

</td></tr><tr><td height="20" valign="top" width="60%"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Average</b></font></td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>54%</b></font></p>

</td><td height="20" valign="top" width="20%">

<p align="right"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>23%</b></font></p>

</td></tr></tbody></table>

</center>

<p dir="ltr" align="left" style=" margin-right: 0px;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Source: Center for Responsive Politics (<a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/"><u>www.opensecrets.org</u></a>) data analyzed by Public Citizen.</font></p>

<div style=" margin-left: 8em;">

<p align="justify" style="text-align: left;"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Data lags about two months behind current date.</font></p>

</div>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <b>gambling industry</b> won a $316 million tax break in 1998, thanks largely to Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.), who slipped a pro-casino provision into an IRS Reform bill. Last year, Republican and Democratic leaders also blocked legislation that would have banned gambling on college sports. <b>(Gambling industry soft money 1999-2000: $6.4 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In 1999, <b>the airline industry</b>, despite a record number of consumer complaints (delays rose 58 percent and canceled flights grew by 68 percent from 1995 to 1999 according to theTransportation Department’s inspector general), stymied a seemingly popular passenger bill of rights proposed by members of Congress. Instead, the airlines persuaded Congress to allow the industry to write its own voluntary guidelines for improved service. <b>(Airline industry soft money 1999-2000: $4.1 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In June 1998, Lott and National Republican Senatorial Committee head Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) organized the votes to kill Sen. John McCain's (R-Ariz.) tobacco control bill, which would have increased public health funds, enhanced the government’s authority to regulate nicotine and reduced youth smoking. McCain attributed the bill’s defeat in part to contributions the <b>tobacco industry</b> used as "protection" money. <b>(Tobacco industry soft money 1999-2000: $5.0 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Last year the <b>drug industry</b> stopped Democratic proposals to provide prescription drug coverage through Medicare and persuaded GOP leaders to push a pro-industry bill that subsidizes insurance companies to offer drug benefits. <b>(Drug industry soft money 1999-2000: $10.9 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>AT&T</b> contributed more soft money ($3.2 million) than any other company in the last election. Ma Bell – which has moved into cable TV in hopes of dominating the high-speed Internet market – wanted Congress to relax federal rules on cable TV ownership so it could hold onto cable monopolies it acquired. AT&T nearly succeeded in getting its legislative favors slipped into spending bills. But a blast of adverse publicity caused GOP House and Senate leaders to drop their stealth maneuvers late last year. <b>(Telephone utilities soft money 1999-2000: $11.6 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Computer and Internet companies</b> got three of their main wishes from Congress in 1999 and 2000: limited liability for Y2K defects, increased immigration visas for foreign high-tech workers, and normalized trade relations with China. <b>(Computer and Internet industry soft money 1999-2000: $18.0 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <b>oil and gas industry</b> has convinced Majority Leader Lott, other GOP leaders and President George W. Bush that the best way to slow rising gas prices would be to allow drilling in Alaska’s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Congressional allies of the industry pushed for access to the ANWR last year, but were stopped by the Clinton administration. <b>(Oil and gas industry soft money 1999-2000: $13.5 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the last two years, the <b>National Rifle Association</b> and several smaller gun rights groups have thwarted marching moms and congressional proposals requiring safety locks on handguns and mandatory background checks for guns sold at gun shows. <b>(NRA/gun rights groups soft money 1999-2000: $1.6 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">In the last two years, <b>HMOs</b> <b>and managed care companies</b> have stalled a patients’ bill of rights that enjoyed strong bipartisan support in the House because the bill would allow patients to sue HMOs for denying them needed care. <b>(HMO and managed care soft money 1999-2000: $2.8 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<ul>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><b>Timber companies</b> have enjoyed a massive government subsidy. The U.S. Forest Service sells timber from national forests at bargain prices and has built 440,000 miles of logging roads in public forests to benefit private companies. (Federal auditors say the Forest Service lost $2 billion on timber sales between 1992 and 1997.) Last year, bills to reduce the federal subsidy were narrowly defeated in the House and the Senate. <b>(Timber industry soft money 1999-2000: $3.5 million)</b></font></li>

</ul>

<p><b><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">------</font></b>

<a href="http://www.grist.org/article/2010-09-27-oil-companies-and-special-interests-spend-millions-to-oppose-cli/PALL/print"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman" color="#000000">http://www.grist.org/article/2010-09-27-oil-companies-and-special-interests-spend-millions-to-oppose-cli/PALL/print</font></a></p>

<h1 class="headline"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Oil companies and special interests spend millions to oppose climate legislation <a class="avatar" title="go to profile page for Daniel J. Weiss" href="http://www.grist.org/member/117552">&nbsp;</a></font></h1>

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<p class="author_name_list"><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">by&nbsp;<a href="http://www.grist.org/member/117552">Daniel J. Weiss</a></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">27 Sep 2010&nbsp;</font></p>

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<p><em><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This article was cross-posted from the <a href="http://zedc4test.techprogress.org/issues/2010/09/dirty_money.html">Center for American Progress</a>.</font></em>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">There will be many bad memories from the summer of 2010. We've seen the <a href="http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-nation-bp-oil-spill">worst oil disaster</a> in U.S. history, <a href="http://climateprogress.org/2010/09/15/noaa-2010-hottest-year-global-warming/">record temperatures</a> across the globe, <a href="http://www.wwfblogs.org/climate/content/petermann-glacier-ice-island-aug2010">calving ice chunks</a> the size of Manhattan, record <a href="http://climateprogress.org/2010/08/14/climate-experts-agree-global-warming-caused-russian-heat-wave/">heat waves and wildfires in Russia</a>, and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/15/science/earth/15climate.html">floods in Pakistan</a> submerging one-fifth of the country. These extreme weather events are consistent with <a href="http://americasclimatechoices.org/">scientists' predictions about global warming</a>, and they portend more catastrophes to come as <a href="http://www.eia.gov/oiaf/aeo/pdf/0383%282010%29.pdf">greenhouse gas pollution</a> spews unchecked from power plants, vehicles, and factories.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But as the case for action grew more urgent Big Oil, Dirty Coal, and other energy companies redoubled their efforts to block congressional adoption of global warming pollution reductions. With that effort successful they are now <a href="http://www.eenews.net/assets/2010/09/15/document_gw_01.pdf">scheming to stop the Environmental Protection Agency from following the law</a> and setting reduction standards for the largest polluters.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Reductions would effectively establish a price on carbon pollution that would <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/02/AR2009080201563.html">increase incentives to invest in clean energy technologies</a>, create jobs, and enhance international competitiveness. The United States needs these investments now more than ever as it <a href="http://www.mnn.com/earth-matters/energy/stories/us-losing-renewable-energy-race-to-asia">falls further behind international competitors like China</a> that are forging ahead with investments in clean energy technologies that create jobs, <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/68cfa9dc-d45a-11de-a935-00144feabdc0.html">stimulate economic growth</a>, and increase their international competitiveness.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This occurs while the United States still suffers high unemployment and slow growth as we emerge from the worst recession in 80 years. Clean energy and climate legislation would create jobs and stimulate the growth of clean energy industries as well as hold polluters accountable for their emissions. Unfortunately, the <a href="http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/07/22/democrats-pull-plug-on-sweeping-energy-bill/">Senate</a> was unable to muster a supermajority of 60 votes to limit the danger of burning fossil fuels after <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/27/us/politics/27climate.html?_r=2&scp=1&sq=American%20Clean%20Energy%20and%20Security%20Act%20June%2027&st=cse">the House passed the American Clean Energy and Security Act</a>.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">This failure is no accident. Big Oil, Dirty Coal, and other special interests like the American Petroleum Institute combined spent hundreds of millions of dollars lobbying lawmakers and filling their campaign coffers. So far, these dirty energy corporations have gotten their money's worth.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Companies and trade associations have two powerful tools to defeat measures they don't like. They can spend millions of dollars on lobbying to strong arm legislators into opposing measures that they believe will cost them money. And these special interests can bequeath campaign cash to legislators who support their agenda while funding the opponents of those willing to oppose them.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">So just how much are these groups spending to defeat climate legislation? We created a preliminary "political pressure" measure that combines the funds companies and trade associations spent on lobbying and on their political action committee donations. This measure, however, significantly <em>underestimates</em> special interests' total advocacy efforts because there are no public reporting requirements for spending on many traditional pressure tactics such as earned media, polling, rallies, and television advertising (which these companies and associations heavily engage in). Further, companies' donations to trade associations are kept secret, and the recent <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/22/us/politics/22scotus.html">Citizens United Supreme Court decision</a> empowers corporations to spend their money to elect or defeat candidates often without any disclosure or reporting requirements.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2010/09/img/totallobbyspending.jpg"><span class="media mediaItem media-right" style=" float: right; width: 307px;"><img brain="false" src="http://www.grist.org/phpThumb/phpThumb.php?src=http://www.grist.org/i/assets/2/weiss_graph.jpg&w=307" alt="Graph" /></span></a>Lobbying activities <a href="http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2010/09/pdf/oillobbying.xls">ramped up in 2009 </a>as the House of Representatives began debate on the American Clean Energy and Security Act. Senate deliberations began last fall and continued throughout 2010. The entire electric utility industry spent more than $264 million on lobbying alone in 2009 and the first half of 2010. Oil and gas interests spent a record $175 million lobbying in 2009 -- a 30 percent increase from 2008 -- and have spent $75 million already in 2010.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The oil, gas, and coal industries have spent <a href="http://www.desmogblog.com/clean-energy-drowned-out-washington-billion-dollar-juggernaut">over $2 billion</a> lobbying Congress since 1999. These three industries combined spent a whopping $543 million on lobbying in 2009 and the first two quarters of 2010. Meanwhile, alternative energy companies spent less than $32 million on lobbying efforts in 2009 and have only spent $14.8 million this year.<a href="http://zedc4test.techprogress.org/issues/2010/09/dirty_money.html/#_ednref1">

</a>&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The 20 biggest-spending oil, mining, and electric utility companies <a href="http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2010/09/pdf/oillobbying.xls">shelled out $242 million</a> on <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/">lobbying</a> from January 2009 to June 2010. Trade associations that generally oppose clean energy policies spent another $290 million during this time. This is over $1,800 in lobby expenditures <em>a day </em>for every single senator and representative.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Six of the seven companies with the largest <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/">lobbying expenditures</a> are Big Oil companies -- ExxonMobil (1), ConocoPhillips (2), Chevron (3), BP (5), Koch Industries (6), and Shell (7). Their 18-month lobbying expenditures total $143 million. Their agenda varies among companies, but generally they oppose most proposals to reduce global warming pollution from oil refineries and transportation fuels. And they seek to limit companies' liability for oil spills like the BP oil disaster.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/rea/news/article/2007/05/southern-co-takes-aim-at-renewable-energy-bill-48469">Southern Company</a>, a major utility with significant coal-fired power generation, was the fourth-largest lobbying company at nearly $20 million. The company is a longtime opponent of efforts to reduce global warming pollution. <a href="http://www.aepsustainability.com/ourissues/climate/docs/MikeMorrisWaxman-MarkeyStatement.pdf">American Electric Power</a>, or AEP, was eighth, spending nearly $10 million. AEP played a (somewhat) more positive role by attempting to shape clean energy and global warming legislation to its benefit. But it also supported efforts to prevent EPA from limiting global warming pollutants from the largest sources in the absence of congressional action.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The largest trade association working to defeat clean energy and global warming legislation is the umbrella lobby organization the Chamber of Commerce, which spent nearly $190 million during this year and a half (the Chamber undoubtedly spent many of these resources lobbying against the Patient Protection and Affordable Health Care Act, and other issues. Lobbying reports do not specify the various amounts per each issue).</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <a href="http://www.eei.org/newsroom/pressreleases/Releases/Pages/091215.aspx">Edison Electric Institute</a> (EEI), which represents investor owned utilities spent $18 million -- a million dollars a month -- lobbying on global warming legislation. EEI was occasionally supportive of some proposals, but it strongly advocates halting EPA from reducing global warming pollution.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <a href="http://www.api.org/">American Petroleum Institute</a>, or API -- the trade association and lobbying arm for the biggest oil and gas producers -- spent $11 million to lobby Congress to defeat pollution reductions and maintain their tax loopholes. <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/gwire/2010/02/02/02greenwire-oil-and-gas-interests-set-spending-record-for-l-1504.html"><em>The New York Times</em> reported</a> on some of their activities with their story, "Oil and Gas Interests Set Spending Record for Lobbying in 2009."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">API certainly got its money's worth since no legislation was passed and the tax loopholes are still in place. Their spokesman Bill Bush said: "We had a lot of work to do trying to educate people on these issues ... We hope we were successful."</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://climateprogress.org/2010/08/02/big-oil-profits-used-to-kill-spill-bill/">Lobby reports</a> show that oil companies lobbied on a number of clean energy and global-warming-related issues. These included:</font></p>

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<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The <a href="http://energycommerce.house.gov/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2080:hr-5626-the-blowout-prevention-act-of-2010&catid=171:featured-legislation&Itemid=93">Blowout Prevention Act, H.R. 5626</a>, to prevent future oil disasters</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BP federal royalty payments for oil captured from the Deepwater Horizon blow out, Spilled Oil Royalty Collection Act, <a href="http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=111_cong_bills&docid=f:h5513ih.txt.pdf">H.R. 5513</a></font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Clean Air Act pollution reduction requirements</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Efforts to cut global warming pollution: American Clean Energy and Security Act, <a href="http://energycommerce.house.gov/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1633&catid=155&Itemid=55">H.R. 2454</a> and the <a href="http://kerry.senate.gov/work/issues/issue/?id=7f6b4d4a-da4a-409e-a5e7-15567cc9e95c">American Power Act</a></font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposition to closing <a href="http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/05/oil_company_subsidies.html">tax loopholes that save oil companies $45 billion</a></font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Opposition to a <a href="http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/04/fracking.html">"Community Right to Know"</a> requirement that shale gas producers publicly report on the toxic chemicals they use to "frack" rock to produce natural gas, Fracturing Responsibility and Awareness of Chemicals Act, <a href="http://degette.house.gov/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=770:companion-bills-introduced-to-protect-drinking-water-from-natural-gas-fracking&catid=85:energy">H.R. 2766</a></font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Restrictions on the use of oil produced from highly polluting tar sands</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Increases in energy efficiency and deployment of wind, sun, and other renewable energy sources</font></li>

<li><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Other public health, job creation, oil reduction, and environmental protection policies</font></li>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Twenty-first century campaigns are <a href="http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2010/09/corporations_candidates_new_campaign_finance_rules.php">outrageously expensive</a>. Senators and representatives must raise millions of dollars in campaign cash for their contested reelection campaigns. Legislators' need for money combined with special interests' access to cash makes campaign contributions a potent weapon in the hunt for votes. Trade associations, businesses, and their employees donate thousands of dollars to legislators willing to do their bidding.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Political action committees, or PACs, from the <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/industry.php?txt=E01&cycle=2010">oil and gas industry gave $6.6 million</a> to federal candidates from January 2009 to June 2010, with two-thirds going to Republicans. The <a href="http://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/industry.php?txt=E04&cycle=2010">mining industry donated $1.6 million</a> so far, with $3 of every $5 going to Republicans.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The most generous individual energy PACs belong to Koch Industries and ConocoPhillips, who doled out $700,000 and $600,000, respectively. And this does not include <a href="http://pr.thinkprogress.org/2010/09/pr20100910/">Koch's recent $1 million donation</a> to pass Proposition 23 in California, which would repeal the state's landmark clean energy and global warming law.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">But the lobbying and campaign expenditures capture only part of the influence of spending by the oil, coal, utility, and other traditional energy industries. Many of these companies and trade associations are also spending millions of dollars that need not be reported to run expensive <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9pxKJPrm3_g">television</a>, <a href="http://www.api.org/aboutapi/ads/upload/Power_of_oil_and_gas_081810.mp3">radio</a>, and <a href="http://www.api.org/aboutapi/ads/upload/POWER_Print_National_8_17_10.pdf">print</a> "message" ads that do not explicitly mention energy or global warming legislation but are still designed to shape legislators and voters' views.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">BP, for example, is spending <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/01/AR2010090106673.html">$5 million a week</a> on advertising to restore its image after its oil disaster in the Gulf of Mexico. Between April and July, BP spent <a href="http://motherjones.com/mojo/2010/09/bps-ad-blitz">$93 million</a>, which is more than three times the amount it spent on ads during the same period last year. Meanwhile, Big Oil and its allies have spent <a href="http://www.votevets.org/news?id=0360&loc=interstitialskip">more than $126 million</a> on television ads this year to promote the expansion of offshore oil drilling and defeat efforts to eliminate their tax loopholes.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Companies are not required to report these expenditures like they are for lobbying or campaign spending. API, Koch, and others have also funded <a href="http://thinkprogress.org/2010/09/08/koch-oil-rally/">Astroturf rallies</a> to spread their anti-global-warming and anti-safety-regulation platforms. These expenses are unreported, too.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The energy interests' successful efforts to block clean energy investments, oil use reductions, and global warming pollution limits have real costs. It's not clear, for example, whether or when there will be a declining limit on global warming pollution that establishes a carbon price. This doubt has in turn <a href="http://www.greentechmedia.com/articles/read/Doerr-Pickens-Reid-et-al.-at-UNLV-Energy-Summit/">led investors to husband</a> rather than invest their capital in the research, development, deployment, and commercialization of clean energy technologies. Fewer investments mean fewer jobs.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">And while the United States dithers other nations continue to build their clean energy industries to bid for their share of the <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSN1844905920071018">$1 trillion</a> we'll see in the worldwide clean energy market by 2030. For instance, China knocked the United States down to second place as the most attractive market for investing in renewable energy according to Ernst and Young's new "<a href="http://www.ey.com/GL/en/Industries/Oil---Gas/Oil_Gas_Renewable_Energy_Attractiveness-Indices">Renewable Energy Country Attractiveness Indices</a>." Ernst and Young cite lack of clean energy policies like a renewable electricity standard and long-term stable incentive structures as reasons for the takeover.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">The United States has economic, national security, and environmental imperatives to increase energy efficiency and renewable energy generation, <a href="http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/04/oil_quench.html">reduce oil use</a>, and <a href="http://climateprogress.org/2010/01/04/the-year-in-climate-science-scientists/">cut global warming pollution</a>. What's more, Americans overwhelmingly support these measures, as <a href="http://wonkroom.thinkprogress.org/2010/09/23/gop-pledge-oil/">many recent opinion polls</a> demonstrate.</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Yet the Big Oil and Dirty Coal lobbies are working hard to stop reforms so that they can protect their enormous profits. Legislators must ignore the pleadings of special interests and adopt comprehensive clean energy and global warming policies to enhance our economic competitiveness, safeguard our national security, and protect public health and our environment.</font></p>

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<p><font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Daniel J. Weiss is a Senior Fellow and the Director of Climate Strategy at American Progress, where he leads the Center’s clean energy and climate advocacy campaign. Before coming to American Progress, he spent 25 years working with environmental advocacy organizations and political campaigns.

lobby.txt&nbsp; 12/21/11

lobby

20/Jul/2011 10:01

11:04 AM 8/8/2011

see also JA video

in terms of moderation, journalism is key beause it is the meta-moderator [tho we need someone to watch the waters?], but campaign finance reforem may be just as crucial since it is only the legislature that can change the rules (of the operating system) and also in theory controls the resources through the power of the purse.&nbsp; Lobbying has escalated dramatically since_ b/c of

increase in earmarks b/c of RR tres sec

diffusion of pwer from chair (newt puts ppl on many more comms to get credit for pork)

<b>So Damn Much Money</b></font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Washington Post Associate Editor and Senior Correspondent Robert Kaiser previews his forthcoming book, So Damn Much Money: The Triumph of Lobbying and the Corrosion of American Government</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman"><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yxO6eHbEyRc&feature=related">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yxO6eHbEyRc&feature=related</a> &nbsp;2/09 56 min</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Daschle recently outed</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">Gerald cassidy got 100m$ &nbsp;case study&nbsp;; invented earmark; tufts univ human nutrit res ctr; tip o'neil</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">chuck hagel quit b/c he was not willing to raise $; reads books and writes own speeches</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">quality of cands way down b/c serious ppl won't pander; young ppl came to get tkt punched for k str</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">robt strauss dnc to lobby</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">hill and k street feed off each other</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">tarp bailout blocked by house, so sweetners: rum, nascar, US moviemakers, really payoffs</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">bob livingstone was made chair by newt&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">not so much bribery but extortion</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">fundraising consultants new (throw events?) mike frioli (sp) left &nbsp;(every contrib to red cand has to be reported); database matches donors to cands based on votes--> dialling for dollars one plus day /wk</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">stennis against upstart haley barbour needed $ for ads; strother told him he needed 2 mil$ (had only ever spent 5K) but he was chair of defense comm</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">"wd that be proper?" &nbsp;hands folded on a table used by harry truman</font>

<font size="4" face="Times New Roman">---

robert kaiser knopf 2009

Mid 90's delay and leadership found synergy: lobbyists raise campaign $ and congress allows them to write bills or alter them p4&nbsp; lobby $ up 200% 1994-04&nbsp; anti-bribe law says one must "corruptly" seek $ in return for being influenced , but the term has no legal definition p4

Wa Post is imp paper in DC watergate fame?&nbsp; NOT owned by Murdoch]

Abramoff: high mo rate $40-60K, tribes charged 180&nbsp; p 5&nbsp; CR with GN and Reed, for contras and S africa in 80's 10

Abe set up charities that weren't, involved congressppl and spouses; used and exaggerated connections to delay rove etc (his personal sec went to work for rove 2001) 17&nbsp; 4 skyboxes, used for fundraising 17

Cassidy and Schlossberg pioneered earmarks `11

cong routinely spends 1/4 -1/3 time raising $ (both parties have offsite suites for this? 18

Delay quit when linked to Abe, dems get house and senate.

Congr does not live in DC, so few social occaisions [Wa hostess/salon inp?], little league games etc; even junkets were extended times for socializing p 52 [later newt ordered ppl in district after using it as effective camp issue, forbad families, shortened workweek to 3 days&nbsp; 270?!

JFK called for civic action and citizens report on humger led to McGovern comm, announced day aftr CBS doc Hunger in Am, cassidy and co staffers&nbsp; got earmark? for Tufts, became middlemean for supplicant and givers 72

1871 trist v child set precendent in scotus&nbsp; justice swayne warned that corporations hiring "agents" to advocate for them was dangerous pp 90&nbsp; p 87-&nbsp; agent was not acting differently than many others, but that was point; the case was being pursued with no eye to public good whatsoever

cosmo expose by d.g. phillips led to 9 sen accused bribery 1866-1905, led to 17th amendment 1913 for direct election 91

lobbyists tried to beat wwilson's tariff lowering, ww said only public opinion could check power of lobbyists 91

big lobby effort to repeal prohib; 2/33&nbsp; du Ponts (1st successful "grassroots" lobby gave pol cover )

KG Crawford book The Pressure Boys, shows how lobbying increased to counter FDR's alphabet agencies p92 two prong still used 1) convince pol he can only get re-elected by lobby help 2) go to constitutent he shd or shd not be 93&nbsp; #2 became more popular, and to lobbyist/pr ppl built support for their co/cause.

1935 Hugo Black sen Ala investigated lobbying in utilities, led to wheeler-rayburn, which got a lot of very similar letters in opposition?, so Black pushed for lobbying disclosure 93&nbsp; found western union msgr boys who got paid to get ppl to send telegrams w/ talking pts eg bill would give power to a few "big men" (got 3cents) pr was 180 from truth. utility lobby spent $4 mil (62 in current $) . lots of letters w. last name abc (from phone book) 94&nbsp; Black efforts to limit lobby failed, but he went on to SC

BUT lobbying grounded in right to petition (in 1st amend and in English common law 94-5 (started w/ Edward One c13th

) 95&nbsp; 1st one in Jamestown 2 wks after landing 96 1607

cassidy? actually schlossberg found no rule against doing biz with kids of House 112

1974 contrib campaign total 77$m, 1982 $343m (up 450% 8 yrs) by 1982 any contested house race cost 359K&nbsp; winners in close race 82 spent on avg 2.3 mil. Coincided w/ PAC growth (unions est 1st ones in 40's) p115 but PACs did not catch on till reform of 1973-4 116

(608 in 74, 3371 by 1982. in 74 12.5 mil (16% of total raised by cand) 1982 83m (up 700%) 24% of what cands spent on camp 116&nbsp; leaders and incumbents got most, more than 1/2 of camp $ 116

excesses of gilded age led to reforms by teddy and WW , Sq deal and New Freedom led to New Deal

Nader found GM hired pvt dick to get dirt, sued for 284$k which he invested in crusade 118

New Deal ctr by Lewis F Powell memo for CoC Eugene Sydnor 119 rmn nom scotus. powell on 11 boards

memo said Am biz man the "forgotten man" 119 biz in trouble, the hour is late, biz can no longer hold back "aggressively and with determination " 120&nbsp; memo embraced by fdrs of Heritage 120

new right 64 goldwater, almost got RR the nom in 76

Watergate showed RMN campaign $, so 1974 reform "ineffectively" rule campaigns now.&nbsp; led to class of 74 congress; broke up longtime alliance w/ So demos and chairs not assigned strictly on seniority (tended to be so demos). members vote on chair; unintended conseq was to broaden pool of ppl it was MORE important to lobby? 123 (and everyone needed more $ b/c camps more expensive.&nbsp; 222 need to convince subcomm chair and even majoriity of members led to lobby, and to PR of constiuents.

BERNAYS 223&nbsp; 1928 "Manipulating public opinion" art'l.&nbsp; like to use influential pl as front to overcome "inertia of est'bed traditions and prejudices" 223&nbsp; polling and mkt research modern and scientific&nbsp; to "engineering&nbsp; consent"

Vigurie fom Tx, ran YAF, but quit to do direct mail/fundraising 136; w/ vols handwrite 12.5 K names from house clerk office (actually DM used effectively by McGovern, a way to get info out, not just $ in p137. raised almost 7 mil for Wallace. Vig saw DM as endrun around liberal media. used single issue DM eg panama canal to push 1-5% of voters to switch sides.

after rmn quit, new rt filled vaccuum.

<b>NEWT</b> ran 3x, lost narrowly, got party $ 3rd time but had to hire pro's; nasty camp won: found really crappy tax lower bill (lost maybe 49-1), then crafted ad to say opponent passed up chance to lower your taxes 139&nbsp; Newpaper had showed family newt wd take to DC, but visited wife in cancer ward not long after election and told her he was divorcing her [then later forbad families) 140; ad implied oppon was catholic. 206- aggression worried Bob MIchel, 79 c-span started gavel to gavel coverage of House, free access to 17 mil houses, newt and walker started giving speeches after end of biz to empty chamber; called out challenge , 20 dems named , (of course no response) read a long art'l from Rep Study Com on dem for policy, give benefit of doubt to commies, trash usa. o'neill PO'd, made rule that cam had to pan empty chamber, but newt challenged him on floor, said he'd sent ltrs in advance/challenge, would not yield till Tip walked up to him p207. Lott demaned tip's "lowest" remark striken, which was, unprecedented 208

Wright took over from tip as spkr; newt wanted to nip in bud; newt say media loves fight, use that to educate ppl.&nbsp; NG assigned staffer to look thru articles for dirt on wright, encouraged reporters and shared info w/ them. found book deal in which 55% royalty, but spring 1989 21 donors put up 5K$ to promote a book newt, wife and freelancer wd write (she got $10k). did not sell well so everyone got tax writeoff COS limited&nbsp; (1983?) 213. [1984 Harper Collins offered him 2.5 then 4.5 mil, owned by Murdoch) NG met w/ murdoch and his lobbyist to discuss NBC complaint (realchange.org) Coehlo also resigned, so 2 of 3 leaders gone, destroying "comity" 213.&nbsp; in resign sp, wright said wanted&nbsp; "mindless cannibalisam to end" [other bk newt says fishing exped got whale?]. kaiser says newt a hitman, but dems gave him ammo?

polls, tv DM became common by 78.&nbsp; NCPAC aggressive, targeted dems to get rid of (got 6 of 8?)

coelho CA ocean spray (sugar).

NCPAC eg anti-Frank Church ad showed empty obsol Titan silo, whereas he had voted for newer more powerful Minuteman 140. also distorted his record on abortion and congr pay raises 180'd.&nbsp;&nbsp; oppon steven symms coached/planted question on CIA, and pal claimed CIA Greek office head? had been killed b/c of Church hearings, tho never mentioned 141.

Rt turn in US 1980? but tho rr got 44 states, only 1/2 voted, and only 1/2 of thos for rr, so "landslide" only 26.7%

Dole in 1982 admits that PAC $ having infl and worries --> paralysis 148

under RR, david stockman was "doing the Lord's work" in cutting discretionary spending but actually intensified efforts to get earmarks 165 [UI again?] 165&nbsp; Danforth Amend to ctr? (2 bros Ralston-Purina one academic believe in peer review vs no bid earmarks) cut top 10 earmarks 1986 171 amend to defense bill something of shock to lobbyists (one time deal or permanentchange?] in video says FAILED, last attempt to curtain earmarks [gop rhetoric some yrs back?]

<b>James Watt</b> lobbied HUD for developers get contracts to rehab section 8 housing 191 (after out of office?)&nbsp; Byrd investigated? [black manfort stone lobbied; cassiday did not oppose it b/c ctr productive [he got named at some pt in congress?] Byrd Amend adopted 1989 see sourcewatch ) prevented gov agencies from hiring lobbyists to work on congress or executuve?! (CDSDS 2000 seems to have to do w/ for trade ) a compromise bwtween hse and sen, watered down? 194

cf Citizen K street in Wa Post ch 9 by Kaiser

b1 1988 campaign triumph of new media driven , run by Ailes 197 (less role for parties) ; hired guns/pollsters could actually invent issues; no coherent world view needed, just telegenic, articulate and good $ raiser cands 198. ailes liked neg ads and claimed ppl learned from them 199&nbsp; lied that Duk failed to clean up Boston Harbor when in fact court forced 6B$ effort; showed very old radiatioon sign from where navy subs once fixed, and of course furlough (pgm started by GOP predecessor gov [modelled on RR's CA?]&nbsp; DUK ENDED THE PGM ?! [so who was gov when horton out? maybe Horton incident preceded? caused termination?). Horton ad produced by Larry McCarthy, fmr sr vp at Ailes communications 200. Atwater got story from Gore in primary, said if i can make W H household name, we'll win the election " 2000&nbsp; in 88 b1 had no coatails, no vision, won by pandering on issues of no substance (pledge of alleg).&nbsp; camp become permanent, vs the 5 yrs 18 mo breathing room to actually legislate in past.

1988 election publically funded (pres, not congr) but broke down in 92 under clinton.

lester crown (chic) owned maj of Gen'l Dynamics&nbsp; seaworlf super attack sub.

1994 sweep was (1st x?) congress races were national (vs state) newt played up demo scandals so congr approval historic low 18%, so newt and co ran gainst demo corruption. His GOPAV distrib polarized vocab for gop (humane, principled, prosperity, truth, vision)and dems (pathetic, sick unionized), focus gp tested&nbsp; "Lang, a key mechanism of control" title. new leadrs NG, delay and armey (tx)[sun best, vs NE mod gop).&nbsp; dems hurt and so was BC by scandal, but gop still needed to up its game on $ so did (newt used DM ltrs). Contract for Am largely ignored by voters and opposed when they did know about it, but pro-corp so big $.&nbsp; Delay put "book" list of 400 top PACs in anteroom of his office so anyone could se who would get access 264.&nbsp; Delay said not to squelch the rumor he made vising lobbyists initial the bk b/c it increased its power.&nbsp; 264

GOP pretended not on take, but reduced regs on envir, workplace safety and limited legal liability of corps p265. Delay invited lobbyists to write a bill for 13 mo moratorium on reg enforcement while assessed. 350 co put up $500K for PR for "Project Relief" 265, delay called hammer in part b/c of pressure on donors; wrote letters to those who supported dem and said important to leadership to reverse , eg led to 57K$ for&nbsp; Wa cand Tate.&nbsp; 266

K STREET Grover and Ab, embraced by Delay: trade assoc, lobby shops and law office shd be GOP. Headhunters called delay's office to find out who was ok, so a bunch of his staffers became lobbyists (29 in 10 yrs from delay alone).&nbsp; Control of house key, so allout war all the time.

Delay, army and newt est'b Leadership PACs so cd support cands who would keep them in power., get $ from interest groups.&nbsp; #4 guy, Boehnor estb Thurs Gp of lobbyists, took their idea to newt (favors --> $, $ --> favors).&nbsp; Byproduct was NG insisted on unity, so mod gop purged (gop took out So dems, so dems became more homogenous, liberal NE) [or blue/yella? dogs defected?]&nbsp; reinforeced by redistricting 1980 and 1990.

newt is warrior, less interested in governing than winning elections [becomes the norm]

gop kept house in 96 and 98 (barely), tho raised over 1b$ in 4 yrs vs dem 600K.

newt's idea to impeach bc on perjury; ran 3 ads in offyear 98 election. backfired tho tested; 1st x since A Jackson&nbsp; party of pres picked up seats in 2nd term. NG quits spkr (before beaten) and congress.&nbsp; 273 THEN?&nbsp; kaiser said he's gone but his damage to politics continued. [back in race for pres 2011; what in between?&nbsp; AEI, Hoover, prolly Manhattan and Council For Pol; B2 put him on Pentagon Defence Policy Bd, dom by neo-cons and criticized for members confl of interests see MIC] 8 hoover fellows on bd; his 527 Am Sols for Winning the Futute took lots of energy co $, opposed cap and trade; also lots from casinos, imcluding Sheldon Adelson #3 richest, rnc when NG spker ; NG $ guy funded Brock ~ BC by conasan: Peter W smith

see realchange.org for plenty of other sleaze eg 527. 180 on GW

2000 elections (pres and congr). $2.8b, 3x 1976 290 (adjusted for infl (; 2004 4.2$b. new pro's fundraisers and PAC heads.&nbsp; congr PAC $ 55mil 1980 to 363m 2006 (600% in 25 yrs).

Hagel blows whistle: fundraising dinner , get 25 lobbyists who all are req to raise 1 mil $.

income gaps spreads Cassidy says b/c poor don't have clout/lobby eg 2005 harder to declare personal bankruptcy (pay creditors before child support?!) 300-1 [led to mortgage crisis?] v in 5 yrs prior, sen dem got 50K plus from financial ind, whereas dems that voted ~ bill got 20K p310.

B2 fired sec Treas paul O'Neill [alcoa, good on ghg] b/c he quoted Dick C that deficits don't matter (after RR?), and O'N opposed 3rd round of tax cuts 302.&nbsp; Said B2 indiff to facts, esp inconvenient ones 302&nbsp; //Clarke, but no ctr except to portray as personal grudges of disgruntled. a nondenial denial; said to be investigating whether o'neill had disclosed classified docs?! 303&nbsp; Congress has duty for oversight to look into claims like these 2, but abandoned job 2001-7.&nbsp; gop added 2.5 trillion to debt by end of 08 (2000 BC left $86 bill surplus). in 10 yrs spent 1 trill on 2 wars w/o any attempt to pay (unprecedented) 304

GOP used bin laden as boogeyman; saxby chambilss used pix to question max cleland (lost arm and both legs in VN) McC called ad "reprehensible".

Hagel: only congr can check pres from --> "democratic dictator" 305&nbsp; b/c blew off senators who had classified info on 4 bases in dangr of terororist attack .

members not in DC, so leadership (or staff) write laws, goal is to get reelected .

delay picked Hastert b/c no ambition and could control him; together disciplined machine. denny&nbsp; H enforcer

Orgs like Club For Growth ran conservative GOP ~moderates 308

Santorum helped Delay run K street (hagel: blatant" ) do biz bidding

Pharma wrote drug bill (no VA style big buy, no Cda) (limited congr input, esp dems)&nbsp; 2002 before drug plan. pharma gave 7.7m to GOP; 2004 afte, 12 mil 311 [implies before was entice, after was reward?]

In 95 earmarks used to help vulnerable gop seats, became a flood in 2001 when no excuse/challenge b/c gop ran all? 311

Natcher (dem?) prevented earmarks till death in 94. by 2002 1700 earmarks worth 1`bill$ 312

cong started coming tues eve; many many mtgs scheduled for wds am (newt also put ppl on bunches of comms so pols cd claim credit for bacon). result is you don't know what going on in diff comms, and you don't even know other ppl in your own party.

Staff end up writing bills and sometimes even chair doe not know what's in them 316.

Quality of ppl degraded; not [statesman] had grasp on congress, its respon and US histpry, had world view, civility and could compromise 316-7.

Roy Blunt (p330) delay appt whip after only 2 yrs (immediately inserted lang tobacoo wanted into Homeland Security act; got pulled but no harm to roy B); asked him to formalize relation to lobbyists [didn't boenor and santorum s do that?] helped delay and hasatert enforce discipline.&nbsp;&nbsp; divorced wife of 35 yrs to marry&nbsp; PM Altria lobbyist 330

abe scandal took out pombo, dolittle ney etc etc, helped demos retake congress; pelosi and reid promised lobby reform (passed 1/07: no corp jets, criminalized K street pjt; members had to put their names on earmarks; someone in distr had to ask for them [?] Pelosi wanted 1 yr staff and member cool off --> 2 yrs, but got pushback; conyes said no one wd be staffer if could not cash in ?! 343. 2007 found 188 ex members reg lobby; 98-04 1/2 ex senate and&nbsp; 40% house lobby. 3600 staffers (total presumably) p344&nbsp; 310 b2 appointees, 283 BC 344 [check endnotes for sources]&nbsp; Lott resigned only 1 yr into term to beat window?! 344 but gop lost control of senate, so he was damaged goods? and had expiration date as lobbyist?]&nbsp; started lobby firm with Breaux of LA and sons 344

PR/lobbyists got rich (DC became #2 city in US), incumbent 95% relection rates, and no important issues addressed (eg GW, health care, immigration etc 345

Kaiser says no one planned this; {systemic] b/c gov grew under both parties? just ppl responding to rules/incentives.

pols fearful of losing, so hoarded cash to defend; big war chest deters challenge [fear odd given 95% success rate?]

Poll in 1989, 44% camp mgrs said cand did not choose issues to run on; 2/3 no role in tactics p347

Question becomes not what best for US, but how will this look on [Fox] TV? 347. sen john stennis

2008 most sen millionaires, lots of house too

from 80's thru 2004 win on wedge issues , neg ads, no solutions.&nbsp; We lose capacity to deal w/ big problems

thrill win 349

2002 delay pushed redistricting in Tx tho just done after 2002, to get more gop seats; (2002 1st majority in 130 yrs) eats on 04, but indicted [handing out checks on the floor?!]

permanent campaign hardens ideology 349

Dodd spoke of demo caucus mtg: used to be great speeches and ideas from Eagleton et al, now just strategize on $; the republic is "truly at risk b/c of this " 350.

no off years, $ raise constant

In Stim Pkg, homebuilders wanted gravy, did not get it, so withdrew PAC $ publically; later got what they wanted , so started again after 10 mos b/c "msg recieved"; gaff; to blow pretense of no quid pro quo 353.

when charlie rangel wanted to raise hedge fund magr tax 15 up to 35 % b/c they avoided taxes thru cap gains (?) led to huge wave of lobbying $4-20 mil 2006 to 07 354 PAC$ 2x)

chuck schumer (demo?) ~ hedge fund regs. (sen jud comm)

Dole 82: poor don't make pol contrib.

sys wil only change w/ popular uprising (obama v=wave? TP?!]

staffer got $5K in cash from union, all said do not report

SOLUTIONS

system dev from 70's on p357: solutions: public finance couple hundred bucks, lobbyist report all mtgs, free airtime for cands, extend cooloff.&nbsp; but this req culture change, tes do not choose issues reforms have had unintended effects. somehow w/ 08 changes lobbyist b/c more imp b/c still legal to raise $ at social functions? 358&nbsp; McC-F indexed contrib to inflation, so couple cd give 216K$, serious and imp $ (w/ other restrictions will --> more imp)

in past civil servant had good life and respected in DC; salary = pvt sector; now their houses torn down for mansions for new rich.

&nbsp;

K STREET

nicholas confessore

2006

Launched in 1995 by Grover Norquist and embraced by Tom DeLay (helped by Rick Santorum).&nbsp; Refers primarily to lobbyists, but extends to (PR?) trade associations and law firms (perhaps part of larger defund the Left effort, e.g. "tort reform" and anti-union].

see "Welcome to the Machine" Wa Monthly july 2003 about Santorum's Tues mtgs.

k str traditionally has been opposed to gov't action, but gop has tamed it (house version run by Blunt). industry ppl loyal to corp now gop activists, loyal to party. formerly a&nbsp; "barrier...The GOP has turned it into a weapon"&nbsp; 10 yrs ago, 19 industries split $, now 2:1 gop.&nbsp; big wins, for b2: workplace, green, and two tax cuts (for rich?), ease media ownership rules.

eg effect health care clinton vs b2

gop machine mirror of new deal one.[???] lewis powell and Irving Kristol exhort ctr.&nbsp; early 70's to mid 80's trade assoc 2x, lobbyists 4x

coelho headed off gop efforts; dems more biz friendly in 80's but still tensions w/ k str/corps. plus corps not organized, competing for pork?&nbsp; but ad hoc coalitions could block any bill, even if big popular support. RR tax cut supposed to be for indiv taxpayers but loaded up w/ loopholes that exploded deficit and forced RR to raise taxes 4x between 82 and 84.

94 takeover (armey, NG, TD, Gillespie and Grover). Haley B called ceo in and told them to ante up cash and fire all dems in DC offices; shouting match stormed out. also pushback b/c BC fairly pro biz.

Norquist K str database tracked party affilition, Hill experience and political contribution of all lobbyists.&nbsp; "graduates of DeLay school" staffers --> lobbyists (gop and phrama "indistinguable")

Lobby gigs maintain GOP bench strength in DC, while clinton ppl forced to find jobs and univ corps and fdns. cf PENSION

control of trade assoc gives you control of its resources; many of their PR arms look like mini campaign staffs w/ pollsters and message consultants" also lots of soft money for issue advocacy. note Gillspie.&nbsp; Clear Channel sponsored pro war rallies, and other corps persuade employees and clients to vote for GOP initiative.

energy sec Abraham Spenser barely involved in Dick task force, solicted suggstions from energy lobby, added to recommendations nearly verbatim and approved by House "almost unaltered."

m oxley caused brief scandal when allegedly wanted Julie Domenick&nbsp; fired (democatic lobbyist for financial trade group ICI); puzzling b/c now illegal, so he was risking job, why? well, ICI lukewarm on social security privatization ("jewel of dems =>&nbsp; pillar&nbsp; of new machine, and all money gets skimmed by corps, who cut in gop).&nbsp; she kept job , but joined [ie balanced/neutralized]&nbsp; by Newt ex general counsel).

downward spiral: less demo power, less contrib., less power....

B2 wants to outsource 850K jobs like parks to pvt (jeb already did on Fla). has not improved servcies. but donations to gop way up.

repeat of Wm McKinley (rove fav) protected biz against agrarian prolet backlash. long period of pro biz interrupted "briefly, and impermanently by the Progressive Era)"&nbsp; led to open corruption in 20's

nicholas confessore

2006

=

fortunes of K str project wax and wane w/ gop dominance, but made mostly illegal after Abramoff scandal reforms

----

exhile on k street j scahill. the nation 2/2/06 on Alexander Strategy Gp implosion (run by ex delay staffers. overlap w/ JA firm. as same townhouse as Delay connected US Family Network, 1996 estb mini-war room to go after dems; laundered NRCC $ (blackwater, rohrbacher, rudy, duke cuningham, brent wilkes

same issue has blumenthal on abramoff xian soldiers

=

Hill & K fitz-pegado now at livingston [related to JA?], MIC and libya

TPM says boener hired 3 ex delay staffers, tho none implicated /indic ted (one on suoperbowl trip)

JA hired by cassidy after fired from G-T, brought in by former aide to Blunt.&nbsp; after jail, makes pizza JA tied to tyco poster boy ceo kozlowski

Preston Gates and Ellis (tobacco)

JA $ to hastert, harry r, brownback, gephardt, pombo, b2, stephen griles, tony rudy

abramoff

see casino jack notes (tough to read_

=

Welcome to the Machine

How the GOP disciplined K Street and made Bush supreme.

By Nicholas Confessore

When presidents pick someone to fill a job in the government, it's typically a very public affair. The White House circulates press releases and background materials. Congress holds a hearing, where some members will pepper the nominee with questions and others will shower him or her with praise. If the person in question is controversial or up for an important position, they'll rate a profile or two in the papers. But there's one confirmation hearing you won't hear much about. It's convened every Tuesday morning by Rick Santorum, the junior senator from Pennsylvania, in the privacy of a Capitol Hill conference room, for a handpicked group of two dozen or so Republican lobbyists. Occasionally, one or two other senators or a representative from the White House will attend. Democrats are not invited, and neither is the press.

The chief purpose of these gatherings is to discuss jobs--specifically, the top one or two positions at the biggest and most important industry trade associations and corporate offices centered around Washington's K Street, a canyon of nondescript office buildings a few blocks north of the White House that is to influence-peddling what Wall Street is to finance. In the past, those people were about as likely to be Democrats as Republicans, a practice that ensured K Street firms would have clout no matter which party was in power. But beginning with the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994, and accelerating in 2001, when George W. Bush became president, the GOP has made a determined effort to undermine the bipartisan complexion of K Street.

And Santorum's Tuesday meetings are a crucial part of that effort. Every week, the lobbyists present pass around a list of the jobs available and discuss whom to support. Santorum's responsibility is to make sure each one is filled by a loyal Republican--a senator's chief of staff, for instance, or a top White House aide, or another lobbyist whose reliability has been demonstrated. After Santorum settles on a candidate, the lobbyists present make sure it is known whom the Republican leadership favors. "The underlying theme was [to] place Republicans in key positions on K Street. Everybody taking part was a Republican and understood that that was the purpose of what we were doing," says Rod Chandler, a retired congressman and lobbyist who has participated in the Santorum meetings. "It's been a very successful effort."

If today's GOP leaders put as much energy into shaping K Street as their predecessors did into selecting judges and executive-branch nominees, it's because lobbying jobs have become the foundation of a powerful new force in Washington politics: a Republican political machine. Like the urban Democratic machines of yore, this one is built upon patronage, contracts, and one-party rule. But unlike legendary Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley, who rewarded party functionaries with jobs in the municipal bureaucracy, the GOP is building its machine outside government, among Washington's thousands of trade associations and corporate offices, their tens of thousands of employees, and the hundreds of millions of dollars in political money at their disposal.

At first blush, K Street might not seem like the best place to build a well-oiled political operation. For most of its existence, after all, the influence industry has usually been the primary obstacle to aggressive, ambitious policy-making in Washington. But over the last few years, Republicans have brought about a revolutionary change: They've begun to capture and, consequently, discipline K Street. Through efforts like Santorum's--and a House version run by the majority whip, Roy Blunt (R-Mo.)--K Street is becoming solidly Republican. The corporate lobbyists who once ran the show, loyal only to the parochial interests of their employer, are being replaced by party activists who are loyal first and foremost to the GOP. Through them, Republican leaders can now marshal armies of lobbyists, lawyers, and public relations experts--not to mention enormous amounts of money--to meet the party's goals. Ten years ago, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, the political donations of 19 key industry sectors--including accounting, pharmaceuticals, defense, and commercial banks--were split about evenly between the parties. Today, the GOP holds a two-to-one advantage in corporate cash.

That shift in large part explains conservatives' extraordinary legislative record over the last few years. Democrats, along with the press, have watched in mounting disbelief as President Bush, lacking either broad majorities in Congress or a strong mandate from voters, has enacted startlingly bold domestic policies--from two major tax cuts for the rich, to a rollback of workplace safety and environmental standards, to media ownership rules that favor large conglomerates. The secret to Bush's surprising legislative success is the GOP's increasing control of Beltway influence-peddlers. K Street used to be a barrier to sweeping change in Washington. The GOP has turned it into a weapon.

Lobbyists on a Leash

To see how effective this machine can be, one need only compare the Bush administration's current push to reform Medicare with Bill Clinton's 1993 attempt to pass universal health insurance. Both set out to enact revolutionary changes in the nation's health-care system. And by most measures, Clinton would have seemed more likely to succeed, having staked his presidential campaign on the popular issue at a time when Democrats controlled both houses of Congress. By contrast, Bush rarely mentioned Medicare during his campaign, and enjoys much slimmer majorities in Congress. Furthermore, although his prescription-drug benefit is popular, Bush's stated goal of moving more seniors into private health plans is most definitely not. Yet where Clinton's plan met an ignominious death, Bush's appears headed for speedy passage.

There were, of course, many reasons why Clinton failed, from mishandling relations with congressional leaders to the perceived insularity and arrogance of the task force of policy wonks Hillary Clinton assembled to tackle the challenge of achieving universal health care. But another major obstacle was the business and health-care interests on K Street. Clinton worked to win their backing. Among other things, his plan would have capped employer contributions to workers' health insurance at a level far below what many large companies, like General Motors and Kodak, were already paying to their employees' health plans, saving the companies billions of dollars. But some of those firms nevertheless denounced Clinton's plan after it was unveiled, rightly believing that they could bid up the price of their support even more. Meanwhile, conservative activists, eager to deny a new Democratic president his first major political victory, worked to convince business lobbyists that they would gain more by opposing Clinton than by supporting him. As more and more K Street lobbies abandoned Clinton, the plan went down to defeat.

Bush has taken a different approach. Instead of convening policy wonks to solve a problem, he issued a price tag and a political goal: Set Medicare on the road to privatization. When legislators from both parties balked at his initial proposal to offer more generous drug benefits to seniors who left Medicare for private plans, Bush dropped it--but retained incentives to lure seniors into the private market. What he didn't have to do was fight K Street, because the lobbyists were already tamed. Those health-care interests that had doubts about Bush's plan have been successfully pressured to keep quiet. Most of the rest have given Bush their full support.

A good example is the pharmaceutical industry. Drug companies have a natural affinity for the GOP's effort to move seniors into private plans, because if Medicare were to begin providing prescription drugs, its bargaining power could drive down drug prices. But over the past few years, Republican leaders have carefully cultivated and cajoled the industry. The upper ranks of its Washington trade group, PhRMA, are stocked with former aides to powerful Republicans, and its political behavior reflects it: The industry, which gave roughly evenly during the fight over Clinton's health-care plan, now contributes 80 percent of its money to Republicans. PhRMA has essentially become an extension of the GOP. It supported Bush's plan with a multimillion-dollar ad campaign even before the plan had been finalized and made public, and continued its support even as Bush compromised in ways that went against the drug industry's interests. By contrast, large corporations waited to see what Clinton's plan looked like and then haggled over its details, while health-care companies funded the famous "Harry and Louise" ads that eventually helped sink it.

Bush's Medicare legislation could still stall or get watered down. But the fact that the White House and the GOP have pushed it so far, so fast, regardless of the risk and downside, hints not only at the power of an organized K Street, but at the political end to which it is being directed. For years, conservatives have tried and, mostly, failed to significantly reduce the size of the federal government. The large entitlement programs in particular command too much public support to be cut, let alone abolished. But by co-opting K Street, conservatives can do the next best thing--convert public programs like Medicare into a form of private political spoils. As a government program, Medicare is run by civil servants and controlled by elected officials of both parties.

Bush's legislation creates an avenue to wean people from Medicare and into the private sector--or, at least, a version of the private sector. For under the GOP plan, the medical insurance industry would gradually become a captive of Washington, living off the business steered to it by the government but dependent on its Beltway lobbyists--themselves Republican surrogates--to maintain this stream of wealth. Over time, private insurers would grow to resemble the defense sector: closely entwined with government, a revolving door for Republican officials, and vastly supportive, politically and financially, of the GOP. Republicans are thus engineering a tectonic political shift in two phases. First, move the party to K Street. Then move the government there, too.

Rise of the Machine

The emerging Republican machine is the mirror image of that built by the Democratic Party under Franklin D. Roosevelt and his successors. The edifice of federal bureaucracy that emerged between the 1930s and the 1960s shifted power and resources from the private sphere to the public, while centralizing economic regulation in federal agencies and commissions. Democratic government taxed progressively, then redistributed that money through a vast and growing network of public institutions. Those constituencies that Democratic governance serviced best--the working class, the poor, veterans, the elderly, and, eventually, ethnic and racial minorities--made the Democrats the majority party. "Tax and tax, spend and spend, elect and elect," as Roosevelt's aide Harry Hopkins put it, became the basis of Democratic power.

For many years, most business leaders adopted a conciliatory approach to the new system and accepted its basic premises. But during the 1970s, prodded by intellectuals like Irving Kristol and Lewis Powell, businesses began funding a new wave of aggressively ideological think tanks and advocacy groups to challenge the intellectual underpinnings of Democratic governance. Corporations sought influence by opening Washington offices, launching PACs, and pouring money into their trade associations. Savvy GOP operatives steered that money toward the Republican Party. Between the early 1970s and mid-1980s, the number of trade associations doubled; between 1981 and 1985, the number of registered lobbyists in Washington quadrupled, vastly augmenting business power and giving rise to K Street.

But there was a limit to what these groups could accomplish: Democrats still enjoyed an entrenched majority in Congress. The need to cultivate them meant that K Street's immediate interests would never align with the GOP's even if, more often than not, their long-term interests did. As a result, there emerged a broadly bipartisan lobbying culture. To facilitate broad access, most trade associations hired lobbyists from both parties, who were expected to be pragmatic and nonideological. Although certain industries may have had traditional ties to one party, most corporate PACs distributed money roughly equally.

This culture flourished even during Ronald Reagan's two terms. When Reagan was elected and Republicans won the Senate, GOP activists urged business to donate more to their party. But a little-known California Democrat named Tony Coelho stopped them in their tracks. As chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, he reminded business lobbyists that his party still controlled the House and, with it, the committees and subcommittees through which any legislation would have to pass. At the same time, he worked to convince businessmen that Democrats, too, could deliver for them. During Reagan's first two years, Coelho tripled the DCCC's fundraising. So even as the Republican realignment chugged ahead, Democrats retained a rough parity on K Street.

But while Democratic power endured, it contained an inherent tension. For the most part, K Street groups supported Democrats because they had to and Republicans because they wanted to. The Democrats needed corporate money to stay competitive, but were limited by the pull of their liberal, labor-oriented base. Although the party became generally more pro-business during the 1980s, it had few natural constituencies on K Street. At best, control of Congress allowed Democratic leaders to cut occasional deals with business interests, delivering key compromises--a tax break here, a floor vote there--in exchange for a portion of business giving.

Thus, under Democratic rule, the private sector remained unorganized, with lobbyists wielding huge influence, but in the service of a thousand different agendas and interests. And, as these multiplied, K Street became an obstacle to any large reforms. Lobbyists grew adept at larding ambitious legislation with special-interest provisions. When a reform threatened a large enough bloc, ad hoc coalitions could defeat almost anything, regardless of its popularity with voters. This inherent incoherence disadvantaged Republican presidents as much as it later would Clinton. Reagan's 1981 tax cut, primarily intended as an across-the-board rate reduction for individuals, passed Congress as a special-interest bonanza adorned with far more corporate loopholes and special breaks than his advisers had planned, so ballooning the federal deficit that Reagan spent the remainder of his presidency ratcheting taxes back up, four times between 1982 and 1984 alone. "The hogs were really feeding," David Stockman, Reagan's budget director, later confessed. "The greed level, the level of opportunism just got out of control."

The DeLay School

It took something that hadn't happened in 40 years to begin to change the culture of K Street: In 1994, Republicans won control of Congress. All of a sudden, the Democrats' traditional power base evaporated, and with it much of their leverage over lobbyists. New Republican leaders like Newt Gingrich, Dick Armey, Tom DeLay, and a handful of close advisers like Ed Gillespie and Grover Norquist, quickly consolidated power in the House, and turned their attention to the lobbying community. Revolutionaries all, they nursed a deep disdain for K Street pragmatism. "They had a hard time dealing with lobbyists who were used to dealing with Democrats [and] were looking at ways to change this in the interests of the [conservative] coalition," says one conservative activist.

One way was to start ensuring that the new GOP agenda of radical deregulation, tax and spending cuts, and generally reducing government earned the financial support they thought it deserved. In 1995, DeLay famously compiled a list of the 400 largest PACs, along with the amounts and percentages of money they had recently given to each party. Lobbyists were invited into DeLay's office and shown their place in "friendly" or "unfriendly" columns. ("If you want to play in our revolution," DeLay told The Washington Post, "you have to live by our rules.") Another was to oust Democrats from trade associations, what DeLay and Norquist dubbed "the K Street Strategy." Sometimes revolutionary zeal got the better of them. One seminal moment, never before reported, occurred in 1996 when Haley Barbour, who was chairman of the Republican National Committee, organized a meeting of the House leadership and business executives. "They assembled several large company CEOs and made it clear to them that they were expected to purge their Washington offices of Democrats and replace them with Republicans," says a veteran steel lobbyist. The Republicans also demanded more campaign money and help for the upcoming election. The meeting descended into a shouting match, and the CEOs, most of them Republicans, stormed out.

DeLay's attempt to corral the private sector stalled soon after. While corporate giving took on a more Republican cast and more Republicans began to be hired, the GOP leadership experienced significant pushback, for two reasons. One was that Democrats still controlled the White House. The other was that, by most measures, Clinton's presidency had been very good for business, especially for the large corporations who had supported Clinton's efforts to bring the budget deficit under control. By 1996, corporate and trade association PACs still gave roughly three-quarters of their money to both parties' incumbents. After Clinton's 1996 reelection, Gingrich's subsequent combustion, and Democratic gains in Congress two years later, the bipartisan lobbying culture remained largely intact.

It took the 2000 elections, which gave Republicans the White House and Congress, to completely change the climate. In the months after, Santorum became the Senate's point man on K Street and launched his Tuesday meetings. Working on the outside, Norquist accelerated what he calls the "K Street Project," a database intended to track the party affiliation, Hill experience, and political giving of every lobbyist in town. With Democrats out of power, these efforts are bearing fruit. Slowly, the GOP is marginalizing Democratic lobbyists and populating K Street with loyal Republicans. DeLay alone has placed a dozen of his aides at key lobbying and trade association jobs in the last few years--"graduates of the DeLay school," as they are known.) Already, the GOP and some of its key private-sector allies, such as PhRMA, have become indistinguishable.

Dinging the Chicks

Republicans, of course, see things differently. "The Democrats are terrified that our K Street Project is going to replicate the way that they behaved when they had the House and Senate," says Norquist. For him and many of his contemporaries, Democratic rule prior to 1994 was no less autocratic than that of Republicans today. But there's a fundamental difference: Democrats were limited by the basic tension between pleasing their labor base and corporate interests. Unions did, and still do, function as arms of the Democratic Party. When it came to the vastly bigger interests on K Street, someone like Coelho could aim only for financial parity and perhaps a slight advantage in jobs. The emerging GOP machine, however, is premised on a unity of interests between party and industry, which means the GOP can ask for--and demand--total loyalty.

With thin Republican majorities in the House and Senate, a market for Democratic lobbyists remains, and traditional bipartisan lobbying firms still thrive. But increasingly, the trade associations and their corporate representatives--those firms run by Republicans--are the beneficiaries of Washington's new spoils system. And like Mayor Daley's ward supervisors, they are expected to display total loyalty. "These guys come downtown thinking that they owe their job to somebody on the Hill or the influence that somebody brought to bear for them, and they think it's their primary function, in addition to working for the entities they've joined, to sustain the relationship between the Hill and themselves," says Vic Fazio, a top Democratic lobbyist and former congressman from California. "They rationalize it by saying it's good for the old boss and the new one, too."

Day-to-day, the most trusted lobbyists--like those who attend Santorum's meetings--serve as commissars, providing the leadership with eyes and ears as well as valuable advice and feedback. And generally, placing party surrogates atop trade associations makes them more responsive to the party's needs. However, the K Street strategy also provides the GOP with a number of specific advantages. From a machine perspective, such jobs are far more useful than appointive positions in the executive branch. Private sector work has none of government's downside. Political machines thrive on closed-door decision-making; on K Street, there's no other kind. Neither are trade associations subject to inspector generals or congressional oversight; there are no rules against whom you can meet with, no reporters armed with FOIAs. These jobs also make for better patronage. Whereas a deputy undersecretary might earn $140,000, a top oil lobbyist can make $400,000. Controlling K Street also helps Republicans accumulate political talent. Many ex-Clintonites who might have wanted top lobbying positions couldn't get them, and so left Washington for posts at universities, corporations, and foundations elsewhere. But the GOP, able to dole out the most desirable jobs, has kept more of its best people in Washington, where they can be hauled out for government or campaign work like clubs in a golf bag.

But jobs and campaign contributions are just the tip of the iceberg. Control a trade association, and you control the considerable resources at its disposal. Beginning in the 1990s, Washington's corporate offices and trade associations began to resemble miniature campaign committees, replete with pollsters and message consultants. To supplement PAC giving, which is limited by federal election laws, corporations vastly increased their advocacy budgets, with trade organizations spending millions of dollars in soft money on issue ad campaigns in congressional districts. And thanks to the growing number of associations whose executives are beholden to DeLay or Santorum, these campaigns are increasingly put in the service of GOP candidates and causes. Efforts like the one PhRMA made on behalf of Bush's Medicare plan have accompanied every major administration initiative. Many of them have been run out of the offices of top Republican lobbyists such as Ed Gillespie, whose recent elevation to chairman of the Republican National Committee epitomizes the new unity between party and K Street. Such is the GOP's influence that it has been able to marshal on behalf of party objectives not just corporate lobbyists, but the corporations themselves. During the Iraq war, for instance, the media conglomerate Clear Channel Communications Inc. had its stations sponsor pro-war rallies nationwide (a few affiliates even banned the Dixie Chicks, who had criticized Bush, from their play lists). Likewise, last spring Norquist and the White House convinced a number of corporations and financial services firms to lobby customers to support Bush's dividends tax cut. Firms like General Motors and included flyers touting the plan with dividends checks mailed to stockholders; Morgan Stanley included a letter from its CEO with the annual report it mailed to millions of customers.

Lobby Horses

Although this arrangement is intended to mutually benefit the GOP and the businesses who support it, in practice, the new Republican machine must balance the needs of K Street with the interests of the party. Sometimes that requires the GOP to take positions that it knows will be unpopular with voters or open the party up to criticism from the press. Shortly after Bush took office, at the behest of business groups, congressional Republicans summarily tossed out a set of ergonomics standards that Bush's father had sent wending through the rule-making process a decade earlier. Similarly, in June, Republican-appointed commissioners on the Federal Communications Commission--bowing to the wishes of large broadcasters and newspaper chains--dumped 50-year-old federal regulations on media ownership, causing a wave of public anger. And while it's not uncommon for lobbyists to have a hand in writing legislation on the Hill, the Bush administration has sometimes shifted the locus of executive policy making so far towards K Street that Bush's own appointees are cut out of the process. While environmental groups complained loudly about being excluded from meetings of Dick Cheney's energy task force, Bush's own energy secretary, Spencer Abraham, was barely involved. As Public Citizen pointed out in a February 2003 letter to Congress, Joseph Kelliher, a senior advisor to Abraham and his point man on the task force, didn't write white papers or propose ideas of his own, but merely solicited suggestions from a cross-section of energy lobbyists and passed them on to the White House, where they were added to the task force's recommendations nearly verbatim. Top administration officials then handed the package down to the House, where it was approved almost unaltered.

But the flip side of the deal is that trade associations and corporations are expected to back the party's initiatives even on occasions when doing so is not in their own best interest. When Bush's recently passed dividends tax cut proposal was first announced, the life insurance industry complained that the bill would sharply reduce the tax advantage of annuities sold by insurance companies, potentially costing them hundreds of millions of dollars. The industry's lobbyists were told to get behind the president's proposal anyway--or lose any chance to plead their case. So they did. In mid-March, Frank Keating, the head of the industry's trade group and a close friend of Bush's, hand-delivered a letter to the White House co-signed by nearly 50 CEOs, endorsing the president's proposal while meekly raising the hope that taxes on dividends from annuities would also be included in the final repeal (which they weren't). Those firms that didn't play ball on Bush's pan paid the price. The Electronic Industries Alliance was one of the few big business lobbies that declined to back the tax cut, in large part because the high-tech companies that make up a good portion of its membership don't even issue dividends. As a result, the trade group was frozen out of all tax discussions at the White House. The final bill reflected the ability of the GOP machine to pass legislation largely on its own terms: Whereas Reagan's 1981 tax bill was a Christmas tree of special breaks, Bush's was relatively clean, mainly benefiting wealthy individuals and small businesses, as the administration had intended.

Positively K Street

If you read The Washington Post last spring, you might have come across what seemed, on the surface, to be just another small beer scandal. This one involved Rep. Michael Oxley (R-Ohio), who heads the House Committee on Financial Services. Late last year, Oxley was set to launch an investigation of pricing practices in the mutual fund industry. But in December, one of his staffers allegedly let it be known that Oxley might go easy on the mutual funds if their trade group, the Investment Company Institute (ICI), pushed out its Democratic chief lobbyist, Julie Domenick. The Post's reporting caused a minor uproar; the House Ethics Committee briefly considered an investigation. The press coverage, however, never made clear why a powerful committee chairman like Oxley would risk his career over one job on K Street.

What explains Oxley's decision is the same thing that explains why the Bush administration would risk angering voters by attempting to privatize Medicare: The GOP needs K Street's muscle for long-term ideological projects to remake the national government. For years, conservatives have been pushing to divert part of Social Security into private investment accounts. Such a move, GOP operatives argued, would provide millions of new customers and potentially trillions of dollars to the mutual fund industry that would manage the private accounts. The profits earned would, of course, be shared with the GOP in the form of campaign contributions. In other words, by sluicing the funds collected by the federal government's largest social insurance program through businesses loyal to the GOP, the party would instantly convert the crown jewels of Democratic governance into a pillar of the new Republican machine. But to make the plan a reality, the GOP needed groups like the ICI to get behind the idea--by funding pro-privatization think tanks, running issue ads attacking anti-privatization Democrats, and so on. The ICI, however, had always been lukewarm to privatization, for which conservatives blamed Domenick. Hence, the GOP machine decided she had to go. In the end, to quell the Oxley scandal, Domenick was allowed to keep her job. But ICI hired a former general counsel to Newt Gingrich to work alongside her, and the GOP's campaign to get K Street behind Social Security privatization continues.

If the GOP is willing to be aggressive enough, even the federal payroll can become a source of patronage. Recently, as part of Bush's "competitive sourcing" initiative, the Interior Department announced that over half of the Park Service's 20,000 jobs could be performed by private contractors; according to the Post, administration officials have already told the service's senior managers to plan on about one-third of their jobs being outsourced. (Stay tuned for "Yosemite: A division of Halliburton Corporation.") But the Park Service is only the beginning. Bush has proposed opening up 850,000 federal jobs--about half of the total--to private contractors. And while doing so may or may not save taxpayers much money, it will divert taxpayer money out of the public sector and into private sector firms, where the GOP has a chance to steer contracts towards politically connected firms.

Anyone who doubts this eventuality need look no further than Florida. There, as New York Times columnist Paul Krugman pointed out last year, Gov. Jeb Bush, the president's brother, has outsourced millions of dollars worth of work formerly performed by government employees to private contractors. There's little evidence that doing so has improved state services, as the governor's own staff admits. But it has vastly improved the financial state of the Florida Republican Party. According to an investigation by The Miami Herald last fall, "[t]he policy has spawned a network of contractors who have given [Bush], other Republican politicians, and the Florida GOP millions of dollars in campaign donations."

The New Spoils System

The Bush brothers would not be the first political family to turn government contracts into a source of political power. When the current mayor of Chicago, Richard M. Daley, won his father's old job 14 years ago, civil service reform had already wrecked the old system of bureaucratic patronage. So the new mayor began to farm out government services to private contractors, many of which returned the favor by donating generously to Daley's reelection campaigns. Today, Daley dominates Chicago politics almost as thoroughly as did his father. Like his father, Daley has used his power, in part, to improve city services voters care about, from better schools to the flower beds lining Lake Shore Drive. By contrast, the fruits of today's Republican machine--tax cuts and deregulation--have been enjoyed mainly by corporations and upper-income voters, while federal services, from college aid to environmental protection, are getting scaled back.

Indeed, it's striking how openly and unapologetically Bush and his party have allied themselves with corporations and the wealthy. The rhetoric of compassion aside, no one who pays attention to what goes on in Washington could have much doubt as to where the Bush administration's priorities lie. If the economy doesn't improve or unemployment continues to get worse, the GOP may find it's not such an advantage to be seen catering so enthusiastically to monied interests. But most Republicans seem confident that the strength they gain by harnessing K Street will be enough to muscle through the next election--so confident, in fact, that Bush, breaking with conventional electoral wisdom, has eschewed tacking to the political center late in his term. And if the GOP can prevail at the polls in the short term, its nascent political machine could usher in a new era of one-party government in Washington. As Republicans control more and more K Street jobs, they will reap more and more K Street money, which will help them win larger and larger majorities on the Hill. The larger the Republican majority, the less reason K Street has to hire Democratic lobbyists or contribute to the campaigns of Democratic politicians, slowly starving them of the means by which to challenge GOP rule. Already during this cycle, the Republicans' campaign committees have raised about twice as much as their Democratic counterparts. So far, the gamble appears to be paying off.

It wouldn't be the first time. A little over a century ago, William McKinley--Karl Rove's favorite president--positioned the Republican Party as a bulwark of the industrial revolution against the growing backlash from agrarian populists, led by Democratic presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan. The new business titans flocked to McKinley's side, providing him with an extraordinary financial advantage over Bryan. McKinley's victory in 1896 ushered in a long period of government largely by and for industry (interrupted briefly, and impermanently, by the Progressive Era). But with vast power came, inevitably, arrogance and insularity. By the 1920s, Republican rule had degenerated into corruption and open larceny--and a government that, in the face of rapidly growing inequality and fantastic concentration of wealth and opportunity among the fortunate few, resisted public pressure for reform. It took a few more years, and the Great Depression, for the other shoe to drop. But in 1932 came the landslide election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and the founding of the very structure of governance today's Republicans hope to dismantle. Who knows? History may yet repeat itself.

Nicholas Confessore is an editor of The Washington Monthly.

==

GP 2010 koch lobbyists:

age 30

It is worth noting that Koch also hires outside lawyers to lobby on its behalf, in some cases the

same firms that lobby for other groups of which Koch is a member. For example:

• Siff and Lake, $190,000 (2009), $220,000 (2008), $200,000 (2007), which also lobbies for

Western Fuels Association.

• Mehlman/Vogel, $200,000 (2009), $120,000 (2008), $20,000 (2007) which also lobbies for

API (2009, 2008), Business Roundtable (2009, 2008), EEI (2009, 2008) and Energy Future

Holdings (2009).

• Pyle and Associates, $40,000 (2007), which also lobbied for the National Petrochemical and

Refiners Association279, of which Koch is a member.

• The Rhoads Group, $100,000 (2007) which also lobbies for the National Petrochemical and

Refiners Association280 of which Koch is a member.

• Hunton and Williams, $60,000 (2009), $150,000 (2008), $80,000 (2007), which also lobbied

for National Association of Manufacturers (2009, 2008) and Americans for Affordable Climate

Policy (2009), Edison Electric Institute (2009, 2008, 2007), Gas Processing Association (2009,

2008) and the Foundation for Environment and Economic Progress (2009, 2008, 2007))

• Capitol Tax Partners, $30,000 (2009), $240,000 (2008), $220,000 (2007), which who also

lobbies for Edison Electric Institute

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