Nixon
===
capt 118
see stone
see whitaker and baxter
see ailes
===
--> CU
===
made $ in navy? playing poker to finance 1st run?
===
---
LEVER
NIXON DONORS
What they uncovered was damning. Witten and his team traced
the funds paid to the Watergate burglars back to illegal campaign con-
tributions, but they wanted to go further, examining the motivations
behind these secret donations. Why were Nixon’s backers so eager to
avoid disclosure? What influence were they buying?
The names of contributors and companies came from multiple
sources: members of CREEP, Nixon’s personal lawyer, investigative
journalists like Woodward and Bernstein, and the Rose Mary’s Baby
list. Familiar corporations emerged, including Gulf Oil, Ashland Oil,60
Northrop, 61 Phillips Petroleum,62 Goodyear, 63 Occidental.64
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AN 10 26
President Donald Trump — twice impeached but protected by his safe Republican Senate majority — is now campaigning to exonerate self-admitted criminal and former president Richard Nixon.
“If you look at the story of how the deep state took down Richard Nixon, it's not all that different from what the same groups of people, the same institutions, tried to do to Donald Trump,” argued Vice President JD Vance in a recent appearance at the Nixon Library.
But this news provoked puzzled looks from presidential historian Jeffrey Engel, who told the cast of Thursday’s CNN News Live that Nixon himself admitted to committing criminal acts.
“It would be laughable if it weren't so dangerous, this idea that Nixon was ‘taken down,’ that Nixon was not guilty. And the reason that this is so important today is that, of course, we are living in the aftermath of the 2024 decision by the Supreme Court that gave presidents basically full immunity for anything they do in office,” said Engel, coauthor of Impeachment and American History. “… It essentially gives those critics of Donald Trump more historical ammunition to say that the presidency is in itself a unilateral body and should not be checked by any other branch of government.”
Trump has reportedly asked former Nixon aides why Nixon resigned rather than fight it out, but Engel said that speaks more to Trump’s philosophy of never admitting defeat and never stop fighting, not right and wrong.
“Richard Nixon ultimately, we have to remember, didn't resign in 1974 because he wanted to. He resigned because it became very clear because of pressure from other Republicans, including in the Senate, all time colleagues of his, that he was going to be impeached. And if he was going to be impeached, he was likely going to be convicted as well,” said Engel.
Concerning Watergate, Engel reminded CNN anchors that the last stab in the heart of Nixon’s presidency came from within his own party, at a moment back “when Republicans stood up for country over party.”
“It's laughable, but it's also really, really very interesting because historians have debated for the last several decades, not whether Nixon was guilty,” said Engel. “Everyone concedes that Nixon was guilty. Nixon basically admitted he was guilty and was found saying illegal things on tape. The real debate for historians has always been about president Ford's decision to pardon Richard Nixon.”
And Nixon was irredeemably guilty, added Engel -- no matter how hard Trump wants to “rewrite history.”
“[He] would have to ignore all of the audiotapes that Nixon kept of his time in the White House, which I think clearly demonstrates his culpability,” said Engel. “The fact that he knew about Watergate, the fact he knew about the break in at Watergate. … [T]he fact that Nixon knew about it at the time, the fact that he tried hard at the time to make sure that the people who had supported him would get off scott free, the fact that he tried to cover up the crime, and then ultimately, the fact that he fired different prosecutors in order to impede the investigation. All of those things are way too large to ignore for anyone who really takes a serious look at what Nixon did.”
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RWW
- Kathryn Wilkens @ Mediaite: GOP Rep Claims Nixon Was ‘Framed’ As Trump’s DOJ Probes Watergate ‘Weaponization’ Against Ex-Prez
Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV) offered a revision of Watergate history, claiming former President Richard Nixon was “framed” and “couped out of office” over a “fake” scandal that ultimately forced him to step down.
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AN 10 26
According to a new exclusive report by the Wall Street Journal published on Thursday, the Department of Justice is seeking to relitigate the legacy of disgraced former President Richard Nixon. “For nearly two years, the Justice Department has made it a priority to investigate people who previously investigated President Trump,” writes the Journal. Now, “the department is reviewing whether the special prosecutor’s office that investigated the famed Watergate break-in committed misconduct, according to people familiar with the matter, more than half a century after that scandal led to Nixon’s resignation.”
According to the Journal, Geoff Shepard – a former Nixon aide turned Watergate historian and revisionist – recently delivered a two-hour presentation at Justice Department headquarters that laid out his theory that the deep state took Nixon down. The title of his 78-page slide deck was “Watergate As Lawfare," and the language used by Shepard is notably similar to that wielded by Trump when complaining about investigations against him, as he has long asserted that “deep state” actors have waged “lawfare” against him on behalf of his opponents.
“The review comes at a moment of renewed interest in the Nixon legacy,” writes the Journal. “Republicans see in the combative former president, who was loathed by the press and besieged by investigations, a historical analogue for Trump. During remarks at the Nixon Presidential Library this summer, Vice President JD Vance made the comparison explicit.” In Vance’s estimation, “If you look at the story of how the deep state took down Richard Nixon, it’s not all that different from what the same groups of people — the same institutions — tried to do to Donald Trump in the first Trump administration. There is a parallel.”
The Journal reports that a senior Justice Department official invited Shepard to come to Justice Department headquarters and make his case before the Office of Professional Responsibility, an internal watchdog that investigates allegations of misconduct. Ironically, notes the Journal, “the office itself is a product of the Watergate era, one of a number of changes aimed at shielding criminal investigations from White House influence.” Shepard has previously requested an investigation into his theories during the Biden Administration, but was denied.
“Shepard has served as a sort of godfather for the Watergate revisionists,” writes the Journal. “Mainstream scholars have long concluded that Watergate generated a genuine constitutional crisis and that Nixon, not those who investigated him, was guilty of a malfeasance which not only doomed his presidency but also led to overhauls that significantly curtailed executive power. Nixon’s tenure has been of growing interest to Trump, Vance and the larger conservative movement. Trump has asked former Nixon aides on several occasions why Nixon resigned rather than fight it out. The current president also has moved to roll back many post-Watergate overhauls, challenging limits on presidential authority to fire inspectors general and career civil servants.”
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10 26 NZMX WIRES?
Justice Department heard arguments that prosecutors in the Watergate investigation mistreated defendants connected to former President Richard Nixon, though the department says the review has not become a formal investigation.
Geoff Shepard, a former Nixon aide and Watergate historian, recently made his case in a two-hour presentation titled "Watergate as Lawfare" to the Office of Professional Responsibility, an internal watchdog, at Justice Department headquarters, The Wall Street Journal reported Thursday.
A Justice Department spokeswoman said Shepard was invited because of his expertise and scholarship on Watergate but stressed that his "presentation does not constitute an investigation" and added that the office remains focused on ensuring department attorneys meet professional standards.
The review is preliminary, and it is unclear whether it will lead to a formal inquiry, according to people familiar with the matter.
In 2022, the department under then-President Joe Biden declined Shepard's request for an investigation, citing the time that had passed since the events.
Shepard argues that special prosecutors Archibald Cox and Leon Jaworski violated Watergate defendants' due process rights by meeting secretly with judges overseeing their trials and withholding evidence from the defense.
Cox led the prosecution before Nixon ordered him fired in 1973 in what became known as the "Saturday Night Massacre." Jaworski succeeded him.
The department's Office of Professional Responsibility was established in 1975 after revelations of ethical abuses and misconduct by senior officials during the Watergate scandal.
Shepard has for years advanced a revisionist account of the prosecution, using internal documents he says show Nixon and his associates were treated unfairly.
His claims differ from the prevailing historical account, which holds that Watergate was a constitutional crisis driven by abuses of presidential power. Nixon resigned in 1974 as impeachment proceedings advanced.
The review comes as President Donald Trump and some of his allies have drawn parallels between Nixon's experience and investigations into Trump.
Vice President JD Vance made that comparison during remarks this summer at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library in California.
"If you look at the story of how the deep state took down Richard Nixon, it's not all that different from what the same groups of people, the same institutions, tried to do to Donald Trump in the first Trump administration," Vance said, according to The Washington Post. "There is a parallel."
Trump has asked former Nixon aides why the former president resigned rather than fight to remain in office and has moved to roll back some post-Watergate limits on presidential authority, including restrictions on removing inspectors general and career civil servants.
Separately, the Hoover Institution announced Wednesday that it will launch a project combining AI-assisted audio processing with manual checks of original materials to transcribe and annotate more than 3,000 hours of Nixon White House recordings held by the National Archives and Records Administration.
The tapes were secretly recorded from February 1971 to July 1973 in locations including the Oval Office, the Cabinet Room, Camp David, the Executive Office Building, and the Lincoln Sitting Room.
Luke A. Nichter, a Hoover Griffin Fellow and presidential historian at Chapman University, will lead the project.
The Hoover Institution said early results have reached 98% accuracy on clean audio.
"Our goal is to give historians, and eventually the public, documentation they can trust down to the sentence," Nichter said.
The Hoover Institution said the work has already surfaced material it describes as previously undisclosed surveillance of a sitting congressman, Nixon's management of the opening to China, and his role in a Wall Street messaging campaign.
The project focuses on documenting the tapes and is separate from the Justice Department's preliminary review of Shepard's allegations.
Related Stories:
- Reference to Trump's Impeachments Removed From Smithsonian
- WH Eases Records Rules After DOJ Deems Law Unconstitutional
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master plan 11 4 24
memo john dean to colson on using corps/trade gps to beat finance reform ep 1
ep 2* Secret Plan for a 60-Day Lawless Window:Read the memo in which Watergate’s burglary mastermind G. Gordon Liddy lays out how anonymous corporate donors can funnel money to Nixon’s campaign before new campaign finance laws go into effect.
- A Nixon Aide Rehearses His Lies and Smears:Listen to Oval Office recordings, courtesy of the Nixon Library, in which Watergate conspirator workshops lines of attack that he’ll use in a television interview hours later to attack campaign finance reformers.
- Watchdogs Storm CREEP:*
Republican John Gardner and his watchdog group storm the office of Nixon’s Committee To Reelect The President to demand the release of its secret list of donors.
---
DAVID:The news story picks up later that day at the Common Cause office, where we see rooms of young volunteers. They’re sporting some quintessential 70s outfits along with handlebar mustaches, big collars, and big hair. Most of them look fresh-faced— barely out of college — as they begin to sort through the preliminary donor information they’d managed to extract from CREEP. They didn’t get the holy grail — the anonymous donor list from the secret window — but they’d gotten something.
ARCHIVAL NEWS CLIP:A quick total for Chairman Gardner, just under $5 million. Heading the list, Chicago insurance man Clemens Stone — $1,000,000 — reinforcing rumors he’s about to be appointed ambassador to Great Britain.
Next, $800,000 from Richard Scaife of the wealthy Mellon family.
Arthur Watson, former ambassador to France, gave $300,000. John Mulcahy of New York hosted the president on his trip to Ireland, $255,000.
...
ARCHIVAL NEWS CLIP:The White House confirmed today that it HAS a copy of the campaign donations received before the new April 7th reporting deadline. Assistant press secretary Gerald Warren insisted that the President has never seen the list.
DAVID:And what a list it was — really more of a book. Coming in at a whopping one and a half inches thick, it showed contributions that added up to more than $19 million in undisclosed donations to Nixon’s reelection fund.
All in all, CREEP raised nearly $55 million. That’s the equivalent of… let me get my calculator… $407 million in today’s dollars! An eye-popping amount — and much of it had been kept a secret.
===
nixon ordered agents to completely incapacitate DE
https://www.democracynow.org/2022/12/14/daniel_ellsberg_john_young_assange_case
===
i found art’l ~ torpedo peace talks
donald Trump has often been compared unfavorably to President Richard Nixon, who resigned in disgrace in August 1974. But some prominent figures from the Watergate era — including Watergate prosecutor Jill Wine-Banks, Washington Post reporters Carl Bernstein Bob Woodward, and veteran television Dan Rather — have stressed that Trump, as president, crossed dangerous lines that even Nixon wouldn't have dared to cross.
Moreover, some of Nixon's positions would have been deal breakers with the Republican Party of 2023. Nixon favored universal health care via the private sector, expanded Medicare, and supported the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) — positions that would result in being labeled a RINO (Republican In Name Only) by 2023's MAGA Republicans.
Yet some MAGA Republicans, despite policy differences, regard Nixon as a symbol of strength. In a think piece published on December 15, Politico's Ian Ward examines efforts to "rehabilitate" Nixon on the right.
Ward notes that GOP presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, during a recent speech at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library, described Nixon as "by and away the most underappreciated president of our modern history in this country — probably in all of American history."
"Among a small but influential group of young conservative activists and intellectuals," Ward explains, "'Tricky Dick' is making a quiet — but notable — comeback. Long condemned by both Democrats and Republicans as the 'crook' that he infamously swore not to be, Nixon is reemerging in some conservative circles as a paragon of populist power — a noble warrior who was unjustly consigned to the black list of American history."
Ward continues, "Across the right-of-center media sphere, examples of Nixonmania abound. Online, popular conservative activists are studying the history of Nixon's presidency as a 'blueprint for counter-revolution' in the 21st Century. In the pages of small conservative magazines, readers can meet the 'New Nixonians' who are studying up on Nixon's foreign policy prowess."
According to Ward, examples of this right-wing "surge of interest in Nixon" range from Ramaswamy to journalist Curt Mills and activist Christoper F. Rufo (who defended Nixon in an article for City Journal).
READ MORE:How Richard Nixon became 'the most environmentalist US president ever': journalist
Rufo told Politico, "If we can rehabilitate Richard Nixon in a balanced and fair manner — or even if we can just create questions in the public discourse about Nixon and about Nixon's presidency — then I think, by way of analogy, it will provoke similar questions about Donald Trump…. Especially (among) the younger members of the right, you're seeing a reappraisal of figures like Nixon, J. Edgar Hoover and Joseph McCarthy in light of what's happened since the rise of Donald Trump."
READ MORE:Watch: Tucker Carlson botches presidential history while defending Richard Nixon
*Read Ian Ward's full article for Politico at this link.
==
https://kpfa.org/episode/democracy-now-june-15-2022-2/
brookings firebomb fire truck too expensive
pentagon papers did not name nixon but poe telltale ht b/c rmn knew lbj knew about viet nam extension paris peace talks
bk: watergate, a new history
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===
an 121 salon
Americans were shocked to watch as American stormtroopers assaulted the U. S. capitol building, smashing windows, roaming through the building and the floors of both Senate and House, including sitting in the seat of the Senate's presiding officer, leaving incendiary devices nearby, etc.).
This was more than a whiff of fascism. This is what fascism looks like.
So, we have to ask: beyond the lying, insurrection-instigating, so-called President, how did we get here?
The story actually goes a long way back.
First, the more obvious Republican side of the story:
Although his administration did eventually oversee some environmental protections, President Richard Nixon gained the White House via a law and order campaign in 1968, appealing to the so-called "silent majority" who were frightened, if not alienated, by the images of antiwar protesters, inner-city "rioters," and counterculture "freaks" during the 1960s.
The mass media, of course, fed this dynamic by refusing to take seriously the actual claims of Black, antiwar, and feminist activists; instead, making sure the public saw the most inflammatory examples of their behaviors and appearances. That's a story I have documented elsewhere.
Nixon's election and his "Southern Strategy" set in stone the future of the Republican party, although it remained for Ronald Reagan to seal the deal. Reagan's rhetoric about basic "decency" and "family values," fed the grievances of those who felt left out of, or alienated by, the '60s. But crucially, Reagan's actual policies focused on eliminating ways the government addresses public needs, instead cutting taxes on the wealthy, rebuilding a huge military complex and aggressive foreign policy, and deregulating the economy.
However, the people drawn to so-called conservative rhetoric — whether religious traditionalists, rural folks or members of the white working class — were not the actual winners under Reagan. Instead, they lost more and more ground economically. They basically got symbolic gratification. Their attention was instead diverted to the Democrats, liberals and "Eastern elites" who "caused" their problems.
That's the path that leads directly to Trump and his True Believers.
What, then, of the Democratic Party?
That, too, is a long story. In the midst of the Reagan years, smarting from Nixon's humiliating victory in 1972 and Reagan's in 1984, Democratic centrists — names like Dick Gephardt, Sam Nunn, Bill Clinton [TONY COELHO]— took steps to move the party away from its more liberal wing and into the corporate-dependent center. In its more liberal moments the Democratic Party typically expressed hopeful rhetoric about defending the rights of minorities, women and LGBTQ people, defending the environment, etc. The reality consistently fell far short of the rhetoric.
So, in our two-party system, Republicans have been all about give-aways to the rich while manipulating the emotions of less well-off white Americans. Democrats have essentially ignored the latter populations, becoming increasingly dependent on corporate money while also manipulating the aspirations of marginalized communities.
Neither party speaks a word against a capitalist system that feeds inequality, threatens the planet's ability to sustain life, and generates a foreign policy marked by militarism and war. The "problem" is always the "other party."
In their more liberal moments, Democrats embrace what is often called "identity politics" — race, gender, and sexuality in particular. This rhetorical embrace is used by Republicans to feed the emotional attachment of their rank and file supporters. Democrats gain support when Republican rhetoric becomes outrageous. Clearly, the political center, with all its sanctimonious rhetoric, is reinforced when something like the Capitol assault occurs.
Yet the country remains stuck in this see-saw battle that goes nowhere. Beholden to corporate wealth, neither party dares to confront class inequality. Yet, unlike identity concerns about discrimination, hate speech, and oppression — all serious problems — class analysis reveals the systemic forces that lie behind these and keep both parties' rank-and-file in their place at the margins of American politics.
Ultimately, the only way out of this will occur when enough people becomeaware, not only of the seriousness of the hazards facing us, but of the need to come together in a well-mobilized mass movement addressing systemic concerns.We already see where we're heading if we don't do this.
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ITT 400K$ to nixon to get doj to drop monop case trms 12/19
kleindienst sp AG resigns; butied by watergate
==
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https://www.alternet.org/2019/11/why-nixons-vp-spiro-agnew-attacked-the-new-media-50-years-ago/
no lnx
Why Nixon’s VP Spiro Agnew attacked the new media 50 years ago
Spiro Agnew, Wikipedia
Written by Thomas Alan Schwartz, The Conversation November 8, 2019
Americans witnessed an unprecedented event 50 years ago: live television coverage on all three national networks of a speech by the vice president of the United States.
Speeches by vice presidents never received such attention. But the address on Nov. 13, 1969, by Vice President Spiro T. Agnew to the Midwest Regional Republican Committee Meeting in Des Moines, Iowa, blandly titled “The Responsibilities of Television,” set off a public uproar.
Almost overnight, it made Agnew one of the most significant conservative political leaders in the country.
Agnew, delivering the speech in Des Moines.
‘Querulous criticism’
Agnew argued that the television network news programs, and the“tiny and closed fraternity of privileged men” who produced them, had acquired “a profound influence over public opinion,” with few checks on their “vast power.”
He then attacked their treatment of President Richard Nixon’s recent speech on the Vietnam War, known now as the “Silent Majority” speech.
According to Agnew, after the president finished the “most important address of his administration,” a “small band of network commentators and self-appointed analysts” subjected it to instant and “querulous criticism,” demonstrating their outright hostility to the president’s policy.
In Agnew’s view, their opposition was at odds with how the majority of Americans viewed the speech.
Although he said he was not calling for any censorship, Agnew posed the question of whether it was “time that the networks were made more responsive to the views of the nation and more responsible to the people they serve.”
Suspicious of the media
In many respects, Agnew was Donald Trump before Donald Trump. He was a polarizing political figure, beloved by conservatives, hated and mocked by liberals, yet favored as the likely Republican nominee to succeed Richard Nixon.
In his attacks on television news, Agnew struck a chord with conservatives who had long regarded the media with suspicion. Nixon later called Agnew’s speech a “turning point” in his presidency. He described how “within a few hours telegrams began arriving at the White House; the switchboards were tied up all night by people calling to express their relief that someone had finally spoken up.”
The networks themselves calculated that the messages they were receiving were running almost five to one in support of Agnew.
Why did Agnew speak out when he did?
The immediate background to the speech involves the intersection of two developments, both connected to the long, bloody war in Vietnam that appeared to have no end.
The first was the rise of adversarial journalism during the Vietnam War. Before Vietnam most news coverage “tended to be bland and deferential to government.” The government’s lies and false optimism about the war, revealed most dramatically after the losses of the Tet Offensive, fundamentally changed the relationship.
Vietnam, as the historian of journalism Matthew Pressman argues, “established a baseline level of antagonism between the press and the government.”
Most famously, Walter Cronkite, the anchor of CBS News and the “most trusted man in America,” delivered an unusual editorial in February 1968 calling on the Johnson administration to negotiate an end to the war.
Walter Cronkite, delivering his Vietnam editorial.
In the weeks before the Agnew speech, television news provided extensive and overwhelmingly positive coverage of the large antiwar protests, including the October “moratorium” against the war.
The second development was the failure to end the protracted war. Nixon and his National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger tried a variety of military threats and enticement to convince North Vietnam to negotiate. They even launched a secret nuclear alert to intimidate Hanoi.
Nothing worked, and Nixon’s Silent Majority speech was a plea to the American people to give him more time to achieve a “peace with honor” in Vietnam.
The absence of any dramatic new steps toward peace in Nixon’s speech was the main reason the network’s “self-appointed analysts,” including the former Paris negotiatorW. Averell Harriman, engaged in the “instant” and “querulous criticism” that Agnew described. Their abrupt dismissal of the speech infuriated Nixon and his aides and motivated them to respond forcefully.
Justified aggression or ‘appeal to prejudice’?
Patrick Buchanan, Nixon’s ultra-conservative speechwriter, encouraged the president to launch an attack on the networks, and drafted the speech for Agnew.Buchanan later remembered that as Nixon read his proposed draft, he heard him mutter, “This’ll tear the scab off those bastards.”
The networks reacted strongly, with NBC’s President Julian Goodman calling it “an appeal to prejudice,” implying that Agnew’s focus on the small group of “privileged men” living in New York was a code for anti-Semitism.
Both Goodman and CBS President Frank Stanton accused Agnew of trying to undermine the freedom of the press, especially in the attempt to “intimidate a news medium which depends for its existence upon government licenses.”
Some journalists saw this as an overreaction, and viewed Agnew’s attack as part of the larger challenge to the country’s traditional institutions that the war in Vietnam had catalyzed.
Richard Harwood and Laurence Stern wrote in the Washington Post that “the issue of media performance is not going to evaporate in this country simply because publishers and network presidents wrap themselves in the First Amendment and sneer at Spiro Agnew. For the facts are that the media are as blemished as any other institution in this society and that there is growing public concern over their performance.”
But CBS’s renowned news magazine, “60 Minutes,” devoted an hour-long special to rebutting Agnew’s criticism, featuring Walter Cronkite speaking at a Chamber of Commerce function in his hometown of St. Joseph, Missouri.
Cronkite rejected the idea that the media overreacted, and maintained that “What we’re defending is the people’s right to know, and we have to be at the frontline of that battle at all times.”
Populist attacks
This early version of a government war on the news media did not give Agnew what he and the president wanted. Although the networks eventually abandoned the “instant analysis” of presidential speeches in favor of giving the opposition “equal time” to respond, TV network news continued to retain the trust of most Americans as the most objective source for their news well into the 1970s, particularly during the Watergate period.
And when Agnew himself resigned in disgrace, brought down by his own greed in a bribery scandal, his assault on TV news seemed discredited as well.
But Agnew had demonstrated the vulnerability of the mass media to populist attacks, firing some of the first shots in a culture war that persists to this day.
Like what you’ve read? Want more? Sign up for The Conversation’s daily newsletter.
Thomas Alan Schwartz, Professor of History, Vanderbilt University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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https://www.alternet.org/2019/10/from-nixon-to-trump-heres-how-ideologues-and-partisans-seized-the-court/
dirksen torpedo peac talks]
...While there are many ways our republic would probably be different today had Nixon not committed treason to get elected in 1968, the most consequential has been the Supreme Court.
Nixon got four conservative appointments: Warren E. Burger, William Rehnquist, Harry Blackmun, and, most consequentially, Lewis Powell. Nixon’s vice president, Gerald Ford, appointed a fifth conservative justice, John Paul Stevens, after Nixon resigned in 1974.
Without Nixon, Lewis Powell may never have been on the Court. Powell’s enduring Court legacy will be how he helped big money take over our government as the guiding force behind the 1976 Buckley v. Valeo and First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti cases. Followed by Citizens Unitedin 2010, they essentially handed our elections over to the highest bidders.
Reprinted from The Hidden History of the Supreme Court and the Betrayal of America with the permission of Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Copyright © 2019 by Thom Hartmann.
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booktv
Michael Koncewicz, They Said No to NixonMichael Koncewicz looked at members of the Nixon administration who…
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Nixon
Richard Milhous Nixon (January 9, 1913 – April 22, 1994) was the 37th President of the United States, serving from 1969 until 1974, when he resigned from office, the only U.S. president to do so. He had previously served as the 36th Vice President of the United States from 1953 to 1961, and prior to that as a U.S. Representative and also Senator from California.
Nixon was born in Yorba Linda, California. After completing his undergraduate studies at Whittier College, he graduated from Duke University School of Law in 1937 and returned to California to practice law. He and his wife Pat moved to Washington in 1942 to work for the federal government. He subsequently served on active duty in the U.S. Navy Reserve during World War II. Nixon was elected to the House of Representatives in 1946 and to the Senate in 1950. His pursuit of the Hiss Case established his reputation as a leading anti-communist and elevated him to national prominence. He was the running mate of Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Republican Party presidential nominee in the 1952 election. Nixon served for eight years as vice president, becoming the second-youngest vice president in history at age 40. He waged an unsuccessful presidential campaign in 1960, narrowly losing to John F. Kennedy, and lost a race for Governor of California to Pat Brown in 1962. In 1968, he ran for the presidency again and was elected, defeating incumbent Vice President Hubert Humphrey.
Nixon ended American involvement in the war in Vietnam in 1973 and brought the American POWs home, and ended the military draft. Nixon's visit to China in 1972 eventually led to diplomatic relations between the two nations, and he initiated détente and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with the Soviet Union the same year. His administration generally transferred power from Washington D.C. to the states. He imposed wage and price controls for ninety days, enforced desegregation of Southern schools and established the Environmental Protection Agency. Nixon also presided over the Apollo 11 moon landing, which signaled the end of the moon race. He was reelected in one of the largest electoral landslides in U.S. history in 1972 when he defeated George McGovern.
In his second term, Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses in the Yom Kippur War, resulting in the restart of the Middle East peace process and an oil crisis at home. The Nixon administration supported a coup in Chile that ousted the government of Salvador Allende and propelled Augusto Pinochet to power. By late 1973, the Watergate scandal escalated, costing Nixon much of his political support. On August 9, 1974, he resigned in the face of almost certain impeachment and removal from office. After his resignation, he was issued a pardon by his successor, Gerald Ford. In 20 years of retirement, Nixon wrote nine books and undertook many foreign trips, helping to rehabilitate his image into that of elder statesman. He suffered a debilitating stroke on April 18, 1994 and died four days later at the age of 81.
- 1Early life
- 2Early career and marriage
- 3World War II
- 4Rising politician
- 51968 presidential election
- 6Presidency (1969–1974)
- 7Later years and death
- 8Legacy
- 9Personality and public image
- 10See also
- 11Notes
- 12References
- 13Further reading
- 14External links
Early life
Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 9, 1913 in Yorba Linda, California, in a house that was built by his father.[2][3] His parents were Hannah (Milhous) Nixon and Francis A. Nixon. His mother was a Quaker, and his father converted from Methodism to the Quaker faith. Nixon was a descendant of the early American settler, Thomas Cornell, who was also an ancestor of Ezra Cornell, the founder of Cornell University, as well as of Jimmy Carter and Bill Gates.[4]^
Nixon's upbringing was marked by evangelical Quaker observances of the time, such as refraining from alcohol, dancing, and swearing. Nixon had four brothers: Harold (1909–33), Donald (1914–87), Arthur (1918–25), and Edward (born 1930).[5] Four of the five Nixon boys were named after kings who had ruled in historical or legendary Britain; Richard, for example, was named after Richard the Lionheart.[6][7]^
Nixon (second from right) makes his newspaper debut in 1916, contributing five cents to a fund for war orphans.Donald is to the left of his brother.
Nixon's early life was marked by hardship, and he later quoted a saying of Eisenhower to describe his boyhood: "We were poor, but the glory of it was we didn't know it".[8]The Nixon family ranch failed in 1922, and the family moved to Whittier, California. In an area with many Quakers, Frank Nixon opened a grocery store and gas station.[9]Richard's younger brother Arthur died in 1925 at the age of seven after a short illness.[10] At the age of twelve, a spot was found on Richard's lung, and, with a family history of tuberculosis, he was forbidden to play sports. Eventually, the spot was found to be scar tissue from an early bout of pneumonia
..
==
CHRIS HAYES: Right. And so in December 1973, that's your light bulb, that's the moment of, "This guy will be gone. He's done. He's toast. It can't-"
NICK AKERMAN: Right, right. But before that, it was one step after another realizing all this other criminality that was going on. I mean, including, I mean, even after that point, understanding how Nixon cheated on his taxes and just all of the things that he did. I mean, he was very petty, very greedy. He donated, as other presidents had up to that point, his papers to the U.S. government. You get a tax deduction for doing that. Well, in 1969, they changed the tax code with the Tax Reform Act of '69, which he lobbied against the provision that would continue to allow presidents to take that deduction, which all presidents had from Harry Truman straight through to Nixon. And so what he did when he realized he hadn't made the deduction prior to the passage of the law, he backdated a deed to the U.S. government to make it appear that he did, which is tax fraud. And then-
CHRIS HAYES: Wait, wait, wait, wait. I'm confused. Before the law changed, he hadn't affirmatively signed something saying, "I'm going to turn my papers over?”
NICK AKERMAN: In 1969, correct.
CHRIS HAYES: He didn't do that.
NICK AKERMAN: He just didn't do that.
CHRIS HAYES: They changed the law, and they got rid of it. They got rid of the ability to-
NICK AKERMAN: Gone, right.
CHRIS HAYES: There's basically a tax break for presidents that's in the tax code that says, "If you give your papers over, you can write off the value of those papers against your taxes."
NICK AKERMAN: Right.
CHRIS HAYES: Richard Nixon doesn't get his shit together to affirmatively get in under the wire in '69 and say, "Oh, I'm going to do this," so he then backdates it. He fabricates a backdated deed.
NICK AKERMAN: Exactly. And puts that in as part of his tax return. But then, on top of all that... Here's the part that's the real irony here. Here's what makes it so amazing. There is one exception to that new law, and that is tape recordings, that you can still donate to the government the value of tape recordings. So what does Nixon do?
CHRIS HAYES: Oh, my god.
NICK AKERMAN: He puts the tape recording system into the White House, into the Oval Office and into his office in the Executive Office Building so that he can over time use the same appraiser he'd been using for the papers, this Ralph Newman, who could-
CHRIS HAYES: Are you fucking kidding me?
NICK AKERMAN: No. Who could put any number he wants on these things. He could sanitize those tapes. And for the rest of his life, he would have a huge, huge tax deduction. The irony is-
CHRIS HAYES: So he creates the taping system in the White House for a tax deduction.
NICK AKERMAN: Exactly. Which the irony is, in the end, that's what does him in. That's why he winds up having to leave office because the proof in the pudding was all in those tapes.
==
In 1946, a popular, liberal, five-term congressman from Southern California, Jerry Voorhis, was running for reelection against a political unknown—a 33-year-old former Navy logistics officer named Richard Milhous Nixon. Voorhis had explicitly rejected the endorsement of any group that didn’t disavow communism. But Nixon, onstage in a debate in South Pasadena, thunderously brandished at him a piece of paper that supposedly contained an endorsement by a Communist-infiltrated group. Nixon followed this up with a well-financed advertising campaign darkly hinting at more of the same. He pulled off a stunning upset on Election Day and quickly gained a seat on the House Un-American Activities Committee.
When Nixon went on to run for the US Senate in California in 1950, against Rep. Helen Gahagan Douglas, it was on a wave of flamboyant Red-baiting. Workers from Nixon’s phone banks called hundreds of thousands of registered voters, asked if they knew that Douglas was a Communist, and then hung up. White voters received postcards from a nonexistent Communist League of Negro Women, saying, “Vote for Helen for Senator.”
Under sunny skies at a Douglas campaign rally of 5,000 people in Long Beach’s Bixby Park, with Eleanor Roosevelt speaking, Douglas supporters noticed people passing out leaflets on pink paper that accused their candidate of sinister Communist ties. Nixon claimed that his opponent—who, he noted, was married to Jewish actor Melvyn Douglas—was “pink right down to her underwear.” The “pink sheets” helped defeat Douglas, and two years later Sen. Nixon was elected vice president.
What remains in Van Deman’s well-expurgated files shows few traces of his aiding candidates for elective office—something that would have been illegal for a man whose clerical help was provided by the US Army. Nonetheless, several clues in the 97 boxes suggest that the general played a role in Nixon’s rise to power. The ambitious young politician had been no stranger to Van Deman. He had ties to the general’s protégé, Combs, and had been a featured speaker at a conference that Combs and Van Deman had helped organize in 1948 of state Legislature Red-hunters from around the country.
Van Deman’s files hold hints of the help he provided Nixon. One is a photograph of a Nixon campaign event where a demonstrator opposing the candidate is identified by one of Van Deman’s trademark code numbers. Another is an agent’s report with a revealingly hostile reference to Nixon’s adversary: “A few more Helen Gahagan Douglas’s and the left-wing congressmen will be prying open the most secret records of the federal security agencies.” Finally, Van Deman’s spies had long been collecting damaging information on Douglas’s actor husband: Agent B-11 listed him, for example, as a supporter of efforts to send bandages and clothing to victims of the Spanish Civil War, and another report identified him as part of a group of Hollywood luminaries supporting striking lettuce pickers.
California Democrats later charged that some of the scurrilous material in the Nixon campaign’s “pink sheets” against Douglas had come from Van Deman. When these accusations were renewed after Nixon became president, unnamed White House officials queried by the New York Times did not deny the charge. They said only that it was no longer “pertinent.” But for Van Deman to help Nixon at this ruthless stage of his ascent toward the nation’s highest office was highly pertinent. Ironically, the blueprint for the Watergate scandal that finally forced the 37th president to resign could have been taken from Van Deman’s own life’s work: a black-bag job, a secret search for information about political enemies, a mania for surveillance.
Today all of us leave behind so many electronic traces that spying is both easier and more complex than it was in the days of Van Deman’s agents stealing papers out of a car trunk. But there is still a dark thread that stretches back across generations. The general, happily, never reached the White House. But someone who recently did was helped by the release of information pilfered from the opposing political party, and then built a presidency on a way of thinking very similar to Van Deman’s, from suspicion of immigrants to a fondness for conspiracy theories to treating wild rumor as fact. Donald Trump probably never heard of Ralph Van Deman, but one person knew them both: Richard Nixon, a man who, according to Trump, “always wanted me to run for office.” Nixon and Van Deman both would now be smiling.
===
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2018/01/how-a-young-army-officer-built-americas-empire-of-paranoia-with-torture-surveillance-and-85000-index-cards/
==
http://www.risingupwithsonali.com/new-nixon-biography-is-perfectly-timed-for-trump-comparison/
Listen to story:
Download: mp3 (Duration: 27:11 — 24.9MB)
FEATURING JOHN A. FARRELL – Donald Trump’s presidency, even before it officially began, drew immediate comparisons to Richard Nixon. Nixon was considered by most historians to have the darkest Presidential legacy, having had a meteoric rise in his political career only to become the first President to resign in disgrace after the Watergate scandal.
Nixon’s paranoia, race baiting, fear mongering, divisiveness, and secrecy were his undoing. Today, the definitive biography of Richard Nixon by my guest John A. Farrell couldn’t have come at a more relevant time. The New York Times called the 700-page tour-de-force a “thin-skinned, media-hating President.”
Find more about John Farrell’s book tours at www.JAFarrell.com and at https://www.facebook.com/RichardNixonBiography/.
confirms infiltrate voorhis, deal with so viet nam to delay peace, scuttle lbj deal tho denied to pres and david frost
==
http://www.kpfa.org/archive/id/102187 david bacon says Nixon offered to ship grapes to eur and give to GIs to break strike cesar chavez ufw
===
==
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hard_Hat_Riot
==
http://www.npr.org/2017/04/12/522926517/nixon-the-life-humanizes-but-doesnt-rehabilitate
john a farrell (bk on darrow) RN the life
Did Richard Nixon commit treason? Some evidence to that effect has been around for years, specifically in regard to what's become known as the Chennault Affair. According to the theory, Anna Chennault — a Chinese-American Republican insider — sabotaged Lyndon Johnson's efforts to strike a peace deal in Vietnam in October of 1968, and she did so at the direct request of the soon-to-be 37th President.
The purported goal of this treasonous act was to keep the Democrats from scoring a major coup just weeks before the election showdown between Nixon and his Democratic opponent, Hubert Humphrey. Now, John Farrell's exhaustive new biography Richard Nixon: The Life, presents the Chennault Affair as more than a theory. Farrell substantiates the charges of Nixon's treachery with a slew of new facts, many drawn from a newly unearthed stash of notes written by Nixon's White House Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman.
It's bombshell stuff. It's also just one of the book's many revelations. Pulling from recently uncovered diaries, secret reports, and the recorded words of everyone from Nixon aide John Dean to his second White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig, Farrell fills in the cracks and credibly bolsters a range of allegations about Nixon — that he courted favor with white segregationists, that wiretapping electoral adversaries had been in his game plan since the 1940s, and that his defining scandal of Watergate was no anomaly, but the last piece in a decades-long pattern of covert, illegal political machinations. In one especially illuminating chapter, Farrell lifts a rock off of Nixon's 1946 congressional campaign against Democrat Jerry Voorhis in California, uncovering a squirming nest of graft, espionage, and backdoor corporate dealings....
https://kpfa.org/episode/rising-up-with-sonali-june-7-2017/
doc proves nixon sent camp guy to tell viet cong to stall for better deal.
==
6/15
Back in 1963, the day before JFK was assassinated in Dallas, Richard Nixon was in that same city, along with Don Kendall, the CEO of Pepsi. While some conspiracy theorists have suggested Nixon was there to set up the Kennedy killing, in fact this was really part of Nixon’s assassination of our middle class.
Today, America lost around 14 factories. In fact, as Thomas Heffner notes over at Economy in Crisis, we’re losing 14 factories a day, every day, and have been for decades. And it all started with Nixon.
In 1959, as Vice President, Nixon visited Russia to push Pepsi. We may never know what he got out of the deal personally, but he was there in Dallas in ’63 for Pepsi, and then went to China, presumably in part on behalf of Pepsi, in 1972 as President.
Just as he started our failed “War on Drugs,” Richard Nixon was also the godfather of our failed “Free Trade” policies, starting with China, which began sending us manufactured goods, while Pepsi was the first American product sold in China. While Nixon was probably paid handsomely by industry for this—we know of his bribe-taking from the dairy industry, for example—he tried to sell so-called “free trade” to us as a way of ending Communism in China.
As he wrote in his book Seize the Moment in 1992, “If we remain in China, we can play a critical role in helping the private economy gradually eclipse the state sector. In this respect, the most counterproductive thing we could do would be to revoke China’s most-favored-nation trade status. … If we want to have an impact on the changes occurring in China, we should not pull the plug on trade. Increasing economic progress will bring progress on human rights.”
Thus began the destruction of American manufacturing. And ironically, once again the “evils” of China are being evoked to push more of our factories out of the United States via the TPP, as President Obama recently told us that if we don’t “write the rules of trade” with Asia, “China will.”
It was a bad idea in 1972 when Nixon first started all this in a big way, and it’s a bad idea now. We’ve lost over 60,000 factories just since 2000.
Our $500 billion trade deficit is so bad that foreigners now own fully one-seventh of all assets in the United States and we’ve lost two-thirds of the factories we had when Nixon went to China.
Back in 1776, Adam Smith pointed out that what makes nations wealthy is manufacturing. We did manufacturing here in the US for about 200 years, and all that time the thing that kept manufacturing here in America was protectionist trade policies.
While we’re backing out of Nixon’s failed “War on Drugs,” now is also a good time to end Nixon’s insane trade deals that only move our jobs overseas and destroy our middle class.
Thom Hartmann is an author and nationally syndicated daily talk show host. His newest book is “The Crash of 2016: The Plot to Destroy America — and What We Can Do to Stop It.”
Consortium News [1] / By Robert Parry [2]
[new evidence 10 23? negates?
Shocking New Evidence Reveals Depths of 'Treason' and 'Treachery' of Watergate and Iran-Contra
:{:{*March 10, 2013}:
A favorite saying of Official Washington is that “the cover-up is worse than the crime.” But that presupposes you accurately understand what the crime was. And, in the case of the two major U.S. government scandals of the last third of the Twentieth Century – Watergate and Iran-Contra – that doesn’t seem to be the case.
Indeed, newly disclosed documents have put old evidence into a sharply different light and suggest that history has substantially miswritten the two scandals by failing to understand that they actually were sequels to earlier scandals that were far worse. Watergate and Iran-Contra were, in part at least, extensions of the original crimes, which involved dirty dealings to secure the immense power of the presidency.
Shortly after Nixon took office in 1969, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover informed him of the existence of the file containing national security wiretaps documenting how Nixon’s emissaries had gone behind President Lyndon Johnson’s back to convince the South Vietnamese government to boycott the Paris Peace Talks, which were close to ending the Vietnam War in fall 1968.In the case of Watergate – the foiled Republican break-in at the Democratic National Committee in June 1972 and Richard Nixon’s botched cover-up leading to his resignation in August 1974 – the evidence is now clear that Nixon created the Watergate burglars out of his panic that the Democrats might possess a file on his sabotage of Vietnam peace talks in 1968.
The disruption of Johnson’s peace talks then enabled Nixon to hang on for a narrow victory over Democrat Hubert Humphrey. However, as the new President was taking steps in 1969 to extend the war another four-plus years, he sensed the threat from the wiretap file and ordered two of his top aides, chief of staff H.R. “Bob” Haldeman and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger, to locate it. But they couldn’t find the file.
We now know that was because President Johnson, who privately had called Nixon’s Vietnam actions “treason,” had ordered the file removed from the White House by his national security aide Walt Rostow.
Rostow labeled the file “The ‘X’ Envelope” [3] and kept it in his possession, although having left government, he had no legal right to possess the highly classified documents, many of which were stamped “Top Secret.” Johnson had instructed Rostow to retain the papers as long as he, Johnson, was alive and then afterwards to decide what to do with them.
Nixon, however, had no idea that Johnson and Rostow had taken the missing file or, indeed, who might possess it. Normally, national security documents are passed from the outgoing President to the incoming President to maintain continuity in government.
But Haldeman and Kissinger had come up empty in their search. They were only able to recreate the file’s contents, which included incriminating conversations between Nixon’s emissaries and South Vietnamese officials regarding Nixon’s promise to get them a better deal if they helped him torpedo Johnson’s peace talks.
So, the missing file remained a troubling mystery inside Nixon’s White House, but Nixon still lived up to his pre-election agreement with South Vietnamese President Nguyen van Thieu to extend U.S. military participation in the war with the goal of getting the South Vietnamese a better outcome than they would have received from Johnson in 1968.
Nixon not only continued the Vietnam War, which had already claimed more than 30,000 American lives and an estimated one million Vietnamese, but he expanded it, with intensified bombing campaigns and a U.S. incursion into Cambodia. At home, the war was bitterly dividing the nation with a massive anti-war movement and an angry backlash from war supporters.
Pentagon Papers
It was in that intense climate in 1971 that Daniel Ellsberg, a former senior Defense Department official, gave the New York Times a copy of the Pentagon Papers, the secret U.S. history of the Vietnam War from 1945 to 1967. The voluminous report documented many of the lies – most told by Democrats – to draw the American people into the war.
The Times began publishing the Pentagon Papers on June 13, 1971, and the disclosures touched off a public firestorm. Trying to tamp down the blaze, Nixon took extraordinary legal steps to stop dissemination of the secrets, ultimately failing in the U.S. Supreme Court.
But Nixon had an even more acute fear. He knew something that few others did, that there was a sequel to the Pentagon Papers that was arguably more explosive – the missing file containing evidence that Nixon had covertly prevented the war from being brought to a conclusion so he could maintain a political edge in Election 1968.
If anyone thought the Pentagon Papers represented a shocking scandal – and clearly millions of Americans did – how would people react to a file that revealed Nixon had kept the slaughter going – with thousands of additional American soldiers dead and the violence spilling back into the United States – just so he could win an election?
A savvy political analyst, Nixon recognized this threat to his reelection in 1972, assuming he would have gotten that far. Given the intensity of the anti-war movement, there would surely have been furious demonstrations around the White House and likely an impeachment effort on Capitol Hill.
So, on June 17, 1971, Nixon summoned Haldeman and Kissinger into the Oval Office and – as Nixon’s own recording devices whirred softly – pleaded with them again to locate the missing file. “Do we have it?” a Nixon asked Haldeman. “I’ve asked for it. You said you didn’t have it.”
Haldeman: “We can’t find it.”...
http://www.alternet.org/print/tea-party-and-right/shocking-new-evidence-reveals-depths-treason-and-treachery-watergate-and-iran
===
palast bbb: ADM 100k bribes to RMN, 25K to burglars
===
bro donald borrowed $ from H hughes? o'brien worked for HH
meier mafia?
Jack anderson
wiki
Jack Anderson was a key and often controversial figure in reporting on J. Edgar Hoover's apparent ties to the Mafia, Watergate, the John F. Kennedy assassination. He also broke open the case of John Lennon, who was followed, had his phone tapped and was generally harassed by the Nixon administration during the fight to deport him, the search for fugitive ex-Nazi officials in South America and the Savings and Loan scandal. He discovered a CIA plot to assassinate Fidel Castro,[[1]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-spartacus-0) and was credited for breaking the Iran-Contra affair, though he has said the scoop was "spiked" because he had become too close to President Ronald Reagan.
Anderson feuded with FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover in the 1950s, when he exposed the scope of the Mafia, a threat that Hoover had long downplayed. Hoover's retaliation and continual harassment lasted into the 1970s.[[4]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-3) Hoover once described Anderson as "lower than the regurgitated filth of vultures."[[5]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-time-4)
Anderson told his staff, "Let's do to Hoover what he does to others."[[6]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-5) Anderson had his people go through Hoover's garbage, which is the kind of thing FBI people used to do. Anderson's investigations were a tipping point in the attitude of the public and the press towards Hoover. Prior to Anderson's exposés few people of stature had dared to publicly criticize Hoover. After Anderson, many followed suit, and the man who had been the public persona of exemplary law enforcement became exposed for his failures and questionable activities in the areas of organized crime and civil rights, many of which were of questionable legality.
Anderson grew close to Joseph McCarthy, and the two exchanged information from sources,[[1]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-spartacus-0) but when Pearson went after McCarthy, Anderson reluctantly followed at first, then actively assisted with the eventual downfall of his one-time friend.
In the mid-1960s, Anderson exposed the corruption of Senator Thomas J. Dodd, unearthed a memo by an ITT executive admitting the company paid off Richard Nixon's campaign to stymie anti-trust prosecution. His reporting on Nixon-ITT corruption earned him a place on the master list of Nixon political opponents.[[7]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-6)
Anderson collaborated with Pearson on "The Case Against Congress," published in 1969.[[1]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-spartacus-0)
According to the family jewels documents, in 1971, during the Indo-Pakistani War, the director of the CIA, Richard Helms, put Anderson under tap. Jack Anderson had written two articles on assassination attempts on Castro through John Roselli.[[8]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-7)
Targeted
In 1972, Anderson was the target of an assassination plot in the White House. Two Nixon administration conspirators admitted under oath they plotted to poison Anderson on orders from White House aide Jeb Magruder.[[11]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-10) White House "plumbers" G. Gordon Liddy and E. Howard Hunt met with a CIA operative to discuss the possibilities, including drugging Anderson with LSD, poisoning his aspirin bottle, or staging a fatal mugging.[[12]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-11) The conspirators were never ordered to proceed, and the plot was aborted when the plotters were arrested for the Watergate break-in. Nixon had long been angry with Anderson, blaming Anderson's election eve story about a secret loan from Howard Hughes to Nixon's brother[[13]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-12) for Nixon's loss of the 1960 presidential election. Anderson remained a target of FBI investigation after his death; in February 2006, the FBI contacted Anderson's family to obtain his files and search for classified documents.[[14]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-chronicle-13) The FBI agents claimed to be looking for documents pertaining to American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as part of an espionage investigation. In November 2006, the FBI quietly gave up its pursuit of the archive. The archive, as revealed in The Chronicle of Higher Education, contains Anderson's CIA file, along with information about prominent public figures such as Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Thomas Dodd, and J. Edgar Hoover.[[15]](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Anderson_%28columnist%29#cite_note-chronicle2-14)
^-----
^Bebe ^Rebozo
http://www.crimemagazine.com/gangster-white-house
connect to hughes, hunt, mob
---
Tricky Dick and the Pink Lady : Richard Nixon vs... by Greg Mitchell
NOT CHECKD OUT - McH Stacks - E856 .M57 1998
Stanley I. Kutler,
Abuse of Power: The New Nixon Tapes
(Simon & Schuster, 1997)
Nixon's shadow
By David Greenberg
http://books.google.com/books?id=EGotj0CmbiwC&pg=PA58&lpg=PA58&dq=nixon+mccarthy&so
urce=bl&ots=SUJyKESKUI&sig=kH4RidkjW2sYXMcraF0rRJw_uP0&hl=en&ei=WNZLSrODOo7RlAfFj6U
b&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=10
p 198 refers to previous pres use of fbi/nsa to do ?illegal? investigation
nixon.txt
nixon
careful of larouche bs
NIXON DIRTY TRICKS TIMELINE
http://www.historycommons.org/timeline.jsp?timeline=nixon_and_watergate_tmln&nixon_and_watergate_tmln_watergate_campaign_conspiracy=nixon_and_watergate_tmln_nixon_campaign__dirty_tricks_
DOMESTIC PROPAGANDA
http://www.historycommons.org/timeline.jsp?timeline=military_analysts_tmln&military_analysts_tmln_media_generated_propaganda=military_analysts_tmln_conservative_talk_radio INcludes 1962 RR AMA socialized rx LP
===
CHAPTER2. ? W&B worked for Nixon (Tricky Dick)
Milestone: institutionalization of dirty tricks
Checkers Speech (murray, C, haldeman, Treleaven, Roger Ailes--> Fox)
HG Douglas worked for Sinclair
1946 Voorhis (also supported sinclair) smeared with ties to commie supported labor unions
Voorhis, Jerry, 1901-1984.
Title The strange case of Richard Milhous Nixon [by] Jerry Voorhis.
King 6th Floor E856 .V6 1972 AVAILABLE
King California Room 5th Floor REF CAL 973.924 LIB USE ONLY
1948 Nixon worked with JEH to embarrass Truman
1950 Nixon smears HG Douglas as red (in primary, sent out mailer pretending to be demo) opening salvo agaist hgd was that she supported truman 100%, incl socialized rx
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murray_Chotiner
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Nixon and Mob http://www.crimemagazine.com/06/mobpresidentnixon,0205-6.htm
rebozo and sinatra
The Mob's President:
Richard Nixon's Secret Ties to the Mafia
by Don Fulsom
During the height of the Watergate scandal, Atty. Gen. John Mitchell's wife, Martha, sounded one of the first alarms, telling a reporter, ''Nixon is involved with the Mafia. The Mafia was involved in his election.''
White House officials privately urged other reporters to treat any anti-Nixon comments by Martha as the ravings of a drunken crackpot.
Time, however, has proved Mrs. Mitchell right.
Richard Nixon's earliest campaign manager and political advisor was Murray Chotiner, a chubby lawyer who specialized in defending members of the Mafia and who enjoyed dressing like them too, in a wardrobe highlighted by monogrammed white-on-white dress shirts and silk ties with jeweled stickpins. The monograms said MMC, because ? perhaps to seem more impressive ? he billed himself as Murray M. Chotiner, though, in reality, he lacked a middle name.
In this cigar chomping, wheeler-dealer, Nixon had found what future Nixon aide Len Garment called ''his Machiavelli ? a hardheaded exponent of the campaign philosophy that politics is war.''
When Nixon went on to the White House, both as vice president, and later as president, he took Chotiner with him as a key behind-the-scenes advisor ? and for good reason. By the time he became president in 1969, thanks in large part to Murray Chotiner's contacts with such shady figures as Mafia-connected labor leader Jimmy Hoffa, New Orleans Mafia boss Carlos Marcello, and Los Angeles gangster Mickey Cohen, Richard Nixon had been on the giving and receiving end of major underworld favors for more than two decades.
In his first political foray ? a successful 1946 race for Congress as a strong anti-Communist from southern California ? Nixon received a $5,000 contribution from Cohen plus free office space for a ''Nixon for Congress'' headquarters in one of Mickey Cohen's buildings.
And there was more to come.
In 1950, at Chotiner's request, Cohen set up a fund-raising dinner for Nixon at the Knickerbocker Hotel in Los Angeles. The affair took in $75,000 to help Nixon go on and defeat Sen. Helen Gahagan Douglas, whom he had portrayed as a Communist sympathizer ? ''pink right down to her underwear.''
''Everyone from around here that was on the pad naturally had to go,'' Cohen himself later recalled, looking back on the Knickerbocker dinner, ''? It was all gamblers from Vegas, all gambling money. There wasn't a legitimate person in the room.'' The mobster said Nixon addressed the dinner after Cohen told the crowd the exits would be closed until the whole $75,000 quota was met. They were. And it was.
Cohen has said his support of Nixon was ordered by ''the proper persons from back East,'' meaning the founders of the national Syndicate, Frank Costello and Meyer Lansky. Why would Meyer Lansky become a big fan of Richard Nixon? Senate crime investigator Walter Sheridan offered this opinion: ''If you were Meyer, who would you invest your money in? Some politician named Clams Linguini? Or a nice Protestant boy from Whittier, California?''
Lansky was considered the Mafia's financial genius. Known as ''The Little Man'' because he was barely five feet tall, Lansky developed Cuba for the Mob during the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, when Havana was ''The Latin Las Vegas.'' Under its tall, swaying palms, gambling, prostitution and drug trafficking netted the U.S. Syndicate more than $100-million-a-year ? even after handsome payoffs to Batista.
In the mid-'50s, Batista designated Lansky the unofficial czar of gambling in Havana. This was so Batista could stop some Mob-run casinos from using doctored games of chance to cheat tourists. A shrewd, master manipulator whose specialty was gambling, Lansky was also known among mobsters as honest. It wasn't necessary to rig the gambling tables to make boatloads of bucks. Lansky directed all casino operators to ''clean up, or get out.''
Lansky, in turn, was very generous with the Cuban dictator. As former Lansky associate Joseph Varon has said: ''I know every time Myer went to Cuba he would bring a briefcase with at least $100,000 (for Batista). So Batista welcomed him with open arms, and the two men really developed such an affection for each other. Batista really loved him. I guess I'd love him too if he gave me $100,000 every time I saw him.''
Lansky saw to it that his friends were generous to Batista too. In February 1955, Vice President Richard Nixon traveled to Havana to embrace Batista at the despot's lavish private palace, praise ''the competence and stability'' of his regime, award him a medal of honor, and compare him with Abraham Lincoln. Nixon hailed Batista's Cuba as a land that ''shares with us the same democratic ideals of peace, freedom and the dignity of man.''
When he returned to Washington, the vice president reported to the cabinet that Batista was ''a very remarkable man ? older and wiser ? desirous of doing a good job for Cuba rather than Batista ? concerned about social progress?'' And Nixon reported that Batista had vowed to ''deal with the Commies.''
What Nixon omitted from his report was the Batista-Lansky connection, the rampant government corruption under Batista ? and the extreme poverty of most Cubans. The American vice president also ignored Batista's suspension of constitutional guarantees, his dissolution of the country's political parties, and his use of the police and army to murder political opponents. Twenty thousand Cubans reportedly died at the hands of Batista's thugs.
Under Batista, Cuba was the decadent playground of the American elite. Havana was its sin city paradise ? where you could gamble at luxurious casinos, bet the horses, play the lottery, and party with the some of best prostitutes, rum, cocaine, heroin and marijuana in the Western Hemisphere. Should you have been in the mood, you could also have watched ''an exhibition of sexual bestiality that would have shocked Caligula,'' according to Richard Reinhart in an article he wrote for American Heritage in 1995 entitled ''Cuba Libre.''
Cuba was only a one-hour flight away from the United States. And there were 80 tourist flights-a-week from Miami to Havana, at a cost of $40, round trip.
Three Syndicate gamblers from Cleveland ? including Morris ''Moe'' Dalitz, a friend of Nixon's best buddy Bebe Rebozo ? were part owners of Lansky's glittering Hotel Nacional in Havana. In fact, during the Batista regime, as recalled by Mafia hit man Angelo ''Gyp'' DeCarlo, ''The Mob had a piece of every joint down there. There wasn't one joint they didn't have a piece of.''
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The Influence of Professional Campaign Management Firms in ...
by RJ Pitchell - 1958 - Cited by 10 - Related articles
ment firms in California elections is available. These firms do not have to ... United States senator in 1950. They have lost only three proposition cam- .... Murray Chotiner, whose views are known through his lectures at UCLA ...
www.jstor.org/stable/444407 - Similar
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BLOG: Atwater, Rove, Lyn Nofziger - all were tutored by Nixon's man Murray Chotiner, who began Nixon's ride with the mugging of Helen Gahegan Douglas. Chotiner gave a Dirty Tricks-type clinic and all those guys were grads. SEE BAD BOY BK?
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Richard Nixon’s 1950 Senate campaign did not directly fund the phone-bank calls that informed thousands of California voters that Rep. Helen Gahagan Douglas, his Democratic challenger, was married to a Jew—a damaging bit of information in 1950. But few historians doubt that the tactic was masterminded by Nixon’s political dirty tricks man, Murray Chotiner. With a wink and nod from Chotiner, the rabid anti-Semitic demagogue Gerald L. K. Smith enlisted his Christian Nationalist Crusade to disseminate the same information. Despite pleas from moderates that he distance himself from Smith, Nixon took weeks before he openly renounced anti-Semitism. (As transcripts of his Oval Office tapes later proved, the renunciation was disingenuous.) [PUSH POLLS LATER USED BY rOVE AGAINST mCCAIN FATHERED BLACK CHILD] http://www.americanheritage.com/blog/200611_7_682.shtml
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OUT THERE? published by collaborators of Lyndon LaRouche. ANTI bRIT?! http://american_almanac.tripod.com/witches.htm
Lucianne Goldberg could win the Chutzpah Award for her work as a literary agent fabricating tales of murder, corruption, and sexual dalliance within the Clinton administration. By her own admission, she worked for Nixon Special Counsel Murray Chotiner, as a dirty trickster for his Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP), going so far as to infiltrate the 1972 Democratic Presidential campaign of Sen. George McGovern.
Goldberg's boss Chotiner, as we shall show, was not only Nixon's campaign strategist from the beginning of his political career, but Chotiner was an attorney who was so mobbed up'' that between 1949-52, he defended 221 members of the Meyer Lansky syndicate. He was eventually subpoenaed by Attorney General Robert Kennedy to testify before the McClellan Committee on his dealings with syndicate boss and money-launderer Meyer Lansky. Chotiner had long-standing ties with Lansky's Murder, Inc.'' lieutenant Benjamin Bugsy'' Siegel, with syndicate member Mickey Cohen, who took over Lansky's Hollywood and Las Vegas operations after Siegel's murder, and with Lansky lieutenant Morris Barney Moe'' Dalitz, who founded the La Costa Country Club in California, where President Nixon, Murray Chotiner, Sam Ehrlichman, and others met in 1973 to fix their Watergate cover stories. These associations with Lansky's Murder, Inc.'' apparatus make Lucianne Goldberg the Ma Barker'' of Clintongate.
Goldberg's son, Joshua, told this author that his mother also had a tie with Roy Cohn, who, like Chotiner became a Lansky syndicate attorney (in Cohn's case, after frying Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and then leaving his position as Sen. Joseph McCarthy's chief aide). As FBI and Army Intelligence records attest, Cohn was a homosexual who ultimately died of AIDS-related Karposi's sarcoma.
Two of Chotiner's other Nixon-era cronies in the dirty tricks department were Marvin Liebman and William F. Buckley. Liebman, recently deceased, was also a homosexual, and Buckley publicly advocates legalization of drugs and pedophilia.
Hardly a crew to be consulted on matters of Presidential morality!
As for Lucianne Goldberg herself, who walks, talks, and acts like one of Chotiner's gangster molls, she wrote Madame Cleo's Girls, a 1992 novel with lurid details about a trio of high-class prostitutes.
Still, before Goldberg became the den mother for Bush-leaguer Linda ``Bad'' Tripp, she had reportedly represented Dolly Kyle Browning for a potential book deal about an alleged, early Clinton love affair, but critics debunked Browning's story.
Next, Goldberg tried to get a book deal for the Arkansas state troopers who alleged that they had procured women for then-Gov. Bill Clinton.
Goldberg and her son, Joshua, also confirmed that she has been a frequent collaborator of the two leading British intelligence operatives assigned to trash Clinton: Ambrose Evans-Pritchard and Lord William Rees-Mogg.
"I live for dish!"
There is an extensive interview with Goldberg in the Feb. 2, 1998 issue of the New Yorker, which shows Goldberg shepherding former Bush-league Army Intelligence Command and Delta Force groupie Linda Tripp through the maze, toward committing what may soon be considered treason against United States. In late 1993, Goldberg states that Fox TV news Talk Show host Tony Snow introduced her to Tripp, suggesting her as an excellent author for a book on the death of Clinton White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster, since Tripp had been one of the last people to see Foster alive and had been an executive assistant to the White House counsel. Fox TV is owned by Lord Beaverbrook protégé Rupert Murdoch, who has also taken over the London Times, which has repeatedly carried assaults against President Clinton. Goldberg and Tripp quickly became cronies in their hatred of the Clinton administration.
When Goldberg decided to promote a convicted perjurer, former Los Angeles police detective Mark Fuhrman, for a book on Vince Foster instead of Tripp, Goldberg suggested that Tripp should instead write a book tentatively called, Behind Closed Doors: What I Saw Inside the Clinton White House. The proposal, which many of Tripp's friend believe was ghost-written by Goldberg, because its language was so profane, featured chapter titles like Mrs. President'' and The President's Women.'' Unfortunately, ``Bad'' Tripp could not write the kind of salacious style that Goldberg wanted.
Tripp's name surfaced last summer in Newsweek, where she was a source for the claim that President Clinton had fondled a campaign volunteer named Kathleen Willey. Clinton's attorney Robert Bennett denounced Tripp as a liar.
After this, Goldberg went to Washington in October to renew her acquaintance with Tripp, who had been transferred to the Pentagon. It was on this visit that Tripp told her about her fellow Pentagon Public Affairs worker Monica Lewinsky. Tripp said that Michael Isakoff on Newsweek's ``bimbo beat'' was pressuring her, and Tripp was fearful of Bennett calling her a liar again, if she talked about Lewinsky's alleged affair with the President. Goldberg claims that it was during this October meeting that she convinced Tripp to begin taping her conversations with Lewinsky. However, a senior editor of Newsweek, interviewed on CNN on Jan. 17, 1998, reported that she heard tapes of conversations between the two women from August 1997!
According to Goldberg's questionable account, it was only when Tripp learned that her secret taping of Lewinsky had been illegal, that she went, on Jan. 12, 1998, to Kenneth Starr. They moved with snakelike speed,'' Goldberg told the New Yorker, describing the zeal with which Starr's office arranged for the FBI to wire Tripp for a face-to-face session with Lewinsky the very next day. Tripp was also instantly granted complete immunity from prosecution. At this time, Starr did not have any mandate to probe the Clinton-Lewinsky matter. Asked by the New Yorker why she got involved with Tripp, Goldberg sounded just like a gangster moll: I did it because it's f--king fascinating! I love dish. I live for dish.''
Behind Regnery's doors
In mid-1996, Lucianne Goldberg presented Regnery Publishers with a several-page prospectus for yet another tell all'' book against the Clinton White House, to be written by Bad'' Tripp. Regnery is another nexus of Get-Clinton operations, based in Washington, D.C. They published both Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's and Gary Aldrich's fractured fairy-tale smears on the First Family. Tripp wanted to write a book and she wanted a half-million for it,'' said Alfred Regnery, president of the right-wing publishing firm. Regnery Vice President Richard Vigilante's meeting with Tripp was arranged by Goldberg. Although Linda was very discreet, it was clear to me she was in the position to write a book with the potential to be a bestseller, a@ag la Aldrich's book,'' Vigilante said, referring to the fatuous compilation of lies by former FBI agent Gary Aldrich, Unlimited Access.
But, James Moody, who had been hired as Tripp's attorney at the recommendation of Goldberg, said of the prospectus: ``It looks like something a senationalist would write. Linda wanted to write a nerd policy book about changes from President Bush's White House to President Clinton's. These look way too sensational for the way Linda talks.''
When Goldberg was queried as to whether she had written the prospectus, she said: ``I know what I know, and I don't lie. I never, ever would write anything for a client.''
And, of course, everyone knows that someone who worked as a CREEP dirty tricks'' agent for a mobbed up'' attorney, would never tell a lie.
As for Tripp, the Washington Post pointed out that, heretofore, people have waited until they left $88,000-a-year jobs with the U.S. government, before asking for a $500,000 advance to write a book.
Tim Weiner and Jill Abramson reported in the New York Times on Jan. 28, that Alfred Regnery had said: ``I know Lucianne Goldberg well. I introduced Lucianne Goldberg to Mark Fuhrman.'' Goldberg had been Fuhrman's agent for the bestseller on the O.J. Simpson case (published by Regnery), entitled Murder in Brentwood.
When the New York Times questioned Alfred Regnery about Clinton Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr, he replied: ``I knew Ken Starr when I worked at the Justice Department.... I've known him since 1981, when I was a deputy assistant attorney general and he was a special assistant to the Attorney General, William French Smith.... We're friends. I see him three, four, five times a year.''
In what other age would this relationship between a CREEP dirty trickster agent, peddling fabrications about the President to a right-wing publisher, who was in close contact with the Special Prosecutor targetting the President, not be considered a potential criminal conspiracy that ought to be put under a microscope by the Attorney General?
It seems at the least an egregious violation of conflict-of-interest that Tripp, goaded by Goldberg, should seek a $500,000 advance for a tell all'' book on the Clinton White House (especially, while still part of the Executive branch) since her curriculum vitae states that from May 1993 until April 1994, she was Executive Assistant to then White House Counsel Bernard Nussbaum. States Tripp on her job: I kept informed of the Counsel's responsibilities, views, interests and current policies governing particular matters of importance.... I provided a close working relationship with the Counsel to effectively and efficiently handle the issues and items which arose for action and decision.''
Despite these seemingly significant responsibilities, Bad'' Tripp later testified that her complaint to Nussbaum that White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster was spending too much time on the Clinton family's personal affairs, fell on deaf ears. Certainly, Lucianne Goldberg thought Tripp could present some real dish'' on the Clinton White House Counsel Office, apart from having been the last person to see Vincent Foster alive.
It is also significant that Colonel Bridges of the Pentagon's Public Affairs Office confirmed that Tripp has top secret security clearance on a need-to-know basis. She has had such security clearance for some time, since her curriculum vitae says of her 1988-89 job with Delta Force at Fort Bragg, North Carolina: The nature of this position is classified.'' Likewise, during 1987, she was an assistant to the Director of the United States Army Intelligence Command at Fort Meade, Maryland, which she states was a classified unit,'' where her responsibilities included ``tracking classified case files.''
Did Tripp violate her top-secret clearance with her crony and adviser, ``Ma Barker'' Goldberg? This would seem to be a top priority for U.S. counterintelligence units to investigate.
But, it gets worse.
"Consigliere" Murray Chotiner
Lucianne Goldberg told the New Yorker that it was her friend Victor Lasky, the author of an acerbic 1963 book attacking President John F. Kennedy, who got her to become a CREEP dirty trickster, working for White House Special Counsel Murray Chotiner, infiltrating Senator McGovern's 1972 Presidential campaign, under cover as a journalist. In August, 1972 Goldberg told the McGovern campaign that she was working for the Women's News Service of the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA), where her husband, Sidney, eventually became president.
NANA was founded by a high-ranking Office of Strategic Services (OSS) officer, Ernest Cuneo. The news agency had several CIA agents in it, such as Priscilla Johnson McMillan, who had numerous CIA and State Department links, and who was working for NANA when she interviewed Lee Harvey Oswald in Moscow.
As the New Yorker points out, after Nixon self-destructed, Goldberg never lost her hatred for Kennedy Democrats, becoming the agent for Leo Damore's 1988 Chappaquiddick exposé on Ted Kennedy, Senatorial Privilege.
In the mid-1960s, Drew Pearson became a partner in NANA, and Goldberg would eventually become the literary agent for his column's successor, Jack Anderson, who was a favorite leak spot for all branches of the intelligence community.
Once she was hired by Chotiner to travel as a journalist'' with the McGovern campaign, Nightmare: The Underside of the Nixon Year, by Anthony Lukas, reports her as saying: They were looking for really dirty stuff. Who was sleeping with whom, what the Secret Service men were doing with the stewardesses, who was smoking pot on the plane--that sort of thing.''
It was just more ``dish'' to Lucianne Goldberg.
S. Weissman, author of Big Brother and the Holding Company, reports that it was also Chotiner's dirty tricks'' operation against the McGovern campaign that was responsible for learning that McGovern's running mate, Sen. Thomas Eagleton, had had successful electroshock treatment for depression 20 years earlier. More than anything else, the Eagleton affair'' convinced voters that Nixon's opponent had poor judgment and was indecisive.
Murray Chotiner had been with Richard Nixon at the beginning.'' According to the 1990 book Blue Thunder, by Thomas Burdick and Charlene Mitchell: In 1946, Nixon announced his candidacy for Congress, and Beverly Hills attorney Murray Chotiner showed up as a consultant on his campaign staff. Chotiner counted Lansky's childhood friend and Las Vegas partner `Bugsy' Siegel among his numerous mob-connected clients. During the period 1949-52, Chotiner defended clients in 221 organized crime cases.''
Chotiner would eventually be summoned by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy to testify before the McClellan Committee about why so many of his clients were members of the Meyer Lansky syndicate.
Chotiner also appealed to the Lansky syndicate to fund Nixon's campaigns. The 1975 book Mickey Cohen: In My Own Words--The Underworld Autobiography of Michael Mickey Cohen as told to John Peer Nugent describes how Chotiner arranged a fundraising dinner for Nixon's 1950 Senate campaign, which was entirely subscribed by members of the Lansky syndicate in Hollywood and Las Vegas, through Cohen. He described the event: ``So now I put together this dinner at the Knickerbocker Hotel.... Everybody around here that was on the pad naturally had to go to the dinner.... Nixon made a speech. He made a hop, skip, and jump speech because the guy that really done all the speaking was Murray Chotiner.''
If Lucianne Goldberg's assassination conspiracy friends--e.g., Christopher Ruddy and Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, who claim that Vince Foster was killed by a plot implicating the President--want to do a real service, they might probe how Goldberg's former ``dirty tricks'' boss, Murray Chotiner, died. What is known is that in January 1974, at the height of Watergate, Chotiner was killed in a hit-and-run automobile crash, and no one was brought to justice.
There is one story that Chotiner's death was related to a decision by Henry Kissinger, that Kissinger implemented through his deputy, Gen. Al Haig, to force Nixon's resignation by commissioning a report, in August 1974, on the President's organized crime connections, which would have put a spotlight on Murray Chotiner. There is no question, as EIR has previously reported, that Kissinger and Haig were plotting behind President Nixon's back throughout his administration.
Another report on Chotiner's death is that the hit-and-run driver that smashed into his car in McLean, Virginia was a Naval Intelligence officer. This version says that Chotiner survived the crash with only a broken leg, but was killed in the hospital a week later. And, the story continues that Chotiner's widow wanted to sue, but incoming President Gerald Ford gave President Nixon a blanket pardon.
It is certainly strange that so many questions could surround the death of White House Special Counsel Chotiner, without anything like the spate of books, Internet gossip, and newspaper tittle tattle'' that Lucianne Goldberg's friends have dished'' out over the suicide of White House Deputy Counsel Vince Foster. No special prosecutor ever investigated President Nixon or such top aides as Henry Kissinger for Chotiner's death.
The British are coming
Josh Goldberg told this author that his mother has had a longstanding relationship with Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, who has been among the principal right-wing conveyors of conspiracy theories peddled by lunatic Mellon heir, Richard Mellon Scaife, into the media mainstream. Almost as soon as Evans-Pritchard became the Washington bureau chief for the London Sunday Telegraph, and focussed every ounce of energy on destroying President Bill Clinton, this author had a conversation with Evans-Pritchard, in which he admitted that he was a second generation spawn of Her Majesty's Secret Service. His father, Sir Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard had worked first for the Colonial Office as an anthropologist to help rig what is today the British destabilization of Sudan, and then, during World War II, Sir Edward worked with British military intelligence to mobilize the Senussi Bedouin tribes to found Libya. Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, who once described his presence in the United States as an ``anthropological expedition,'' told this author that he had collaborated with MI6, since he covered both sides of the Central America war.
Among the many right-wing conspiracy theories that Ambrose Evans-Pritchard foisted and then conveyed into the respectable'' press, was the Paula Jones case. It is Ambrose Evans-Pritchard whom Clinton-haters credit with helping Jones to shape her legal strategy. In the New York Times of Jan. 28, Evans-Pritchard confirmed what Josh Goldberg told me, admitting that he knows Lucianne Goldberg well: She was very nearly my agent,'' referring to his book, The Secret Life of Bill Clinton, which accuses President Clinton or his aides of having been involved, directly or indirectly, in mysterious deaths and conspiracies.
In a sense, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's collaboration with MI6 pales before his role as a journalistic hitman for the Hollinger Corp., which owns Telegraph PLC. Hollinger was reorganized by Canadian-born Tory Conrad Black, from the Argus Corporation of E.P. Taylor, which ran British arms procurement during World War II and provided a Canadian base of operations for British Security Coordinator Sir William Stephenson and for the Special Operations Executive. Some of the board members of Hollinger include: Kenneth Starr's heroine, Lady Margaret Thatcher; Sir Henry Kissinger; and Bilderberg chairman and co-founder of the spy organization Kissinger Associates, Inc., Lord Peter Rupert Carrington.
Lucianne Goldberg admitted to this author that she knows another leading British opponent of President Clinton, Lord William Rees-Mogg, the former editor of the London Times now owned by Rupert Murdoch. Of course I know Lord William Rees-Mogg,'' she said. I think he's been doing a great job against Clinton.'' Rees-Mogg's attacks upon the Clinton administration either appear in the London Times or in the U.S.-based newsletter Strategic Investment, which Lord Rees-Mogg co-edits with James Dale Davidson, founder of the right-wing National Taxpayers Union.
No sooner did the Goldberg-Tripp-Lewinsky scandal break, than Lord William Rees-Mogg sped to the United States, apparently in search of DNA samples and other dirt dished up by his admirer, Lucianne ``Ma Barker'' Goldberg. ----
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1950: Nixon Accepts Mob Money for House Campaign
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Murray Chotiner.Murray Chotiner. [Source: Spartacus Educational]During Richard Nixon’s campaign to represent his California district in the US House, his campaign manager, Murray Chotiner, arranges to have the Mafia raise money for Nixon. Los Angeles mob boss Mickey Cohen raises $75,000 for Nixon in return for unspecified political favors. Cohen will later claim that he raised the money on orders from one of his own bosses, Meyer Lansky. Cohen will sign a confession to the money raising while in Alcatraz Prison in 1962. Chotiner, embarrassed by the revelation, will drop out of politics until 1968, when he rejoins Nixon in his campaign for president (see November 5, 1968). After Nixon’s victory, Chotiner will be named a special counsel for Nixon, joining Nixon’s White House staff. [Spartacus Schoolnet, 8/2007]
Entity Tags: Meyer Lansky, Mafia, Richard M. Nixon, Mickey Cohen, Murray Chotiner
Timeline Tags: Nixon and Watergate
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rev for Tricky Dick and the Pink Lady
Replacing the mellow elder-statesman Nixon of recent books (e.g., Monica Crowley, Nixon Off the Record, LJ 10/1/96), Mitchell (The Campaign of the Century, LJ 4/1/92) again offers us the unscrupulous "tricky Dick." Mitchell makes a strong case that the 1950 California senatorial campaign was one of the dirtiest in history. Nixon's opponent, Helen Gahagan Douglas, was doomed as a liberal and a woman in a political time unfriendly to both. Nixon was aided by friendly newspaper editors, the deft use of television, skill in splitting the electorate by class and gender, and venal ploys such as anti-Semitic allusions to Douglas's husband, actor Melvyn Douglas. Douglas survived her defeat and became a respected speaker for women's issues until her death in 1980. This evocative political morality tale is strongly recommended for public libraries
ch 1
Until that day, McCarthy's national reputation as a Red hunter was nil; he was just another midwestern senator named doe. But he had decided to do something about that, and to do it, he would borrow the words of Richard Nixon, a well-known anti-Communist. Nixon, in a recent speech before Congress on the Hiss case, had charged President Truman with "failure to act against the Communist conspiracy" and treating "Communist infiltration like any ordinary political scandal," allowing the enemy to "guide and shape our policy." McCarthy's remarks at Wheeling would draw heavily, sometimes word for word, from Nixon's address. In addition, he accused Secretary of State Dean Acheson of traitorous actions aimed at assisting Soviet subversion. "I have here in my hand," McCarthy said, waving a sheet of paper, "a list of names [of reputed Communists] that were known to the Secretary of State and who nevertheless are still working and shaping the policy of the State Department."
When reporters demanded proof, McCarthy faltered; the evidence was always in another briefcase. Truman declared that the senator might be "the greatest asset the Kremlin has." Asked whether he felt he had libeled McCarthy,Truman replied, "Do you think that's possible?" Privately, he referred to McCarthy as "a ballyhoo artist" who would have little impact. Communist Party membership in the United States had already fallen to roughly forty thousand, half its high-water mark, but McCarthy kept up the attack. Nothing, he said, could stop him from driving the "egg-sucking phony liberals" and the "Communists and queers" out of the State Department.
McCarthy took his case to Congress, where most of his Republican colleagues embraced him. (One senator said, "Joe, you're a real SOB. But sometimes it's useful to have SOBs around to do the dirty work.") The Democrats scheduled hearings, figuring they would tear him to shreds and stop the inquisition in its tracks. Knowing he needed stronger proof, McCarthy called on his friends for help. Congressman Richard Nixon passed along HUAC files while warning that McCarthy should not overstate his case or claim that any of the research was new; instead, he should let the facts speak for themselves. "You will be in an untenable position if you claim that there were umpteen, or however many, card-carrying Communists in the State Department, because you cannot prove that," Nixon advised. "On the other hand, if you were to say that there were so many people whose records disclosed Communist-front affiliations and associations--this you can prove."
J. Edgar Hoover supplied FBI data (and also opened a secret file on McCarthy). William Randolph Hearst lent the senator a couple of investigative reporters. Former Communists who had named names before Congress came forward with new suspects, but the information they provided was old or unreliable, and the hearings went badly for McCarthy. Hard drinking and undisciplined, he seemed the wrong man to be in the right place at the right time. Life magazine ridiculed "the McCarthy lynching bee." Henry L. Stimson, the former secretary of war, observed that Joe McCarthy was not trying to get rid of Communists in government; he was "hoping against hope that he will find some." President Truman predicted that the American people were not going to be fooled by "the Republican approach to the election." ...
Back in McCarthy's home state, a spectacular incident drew national attention. On May 1, Russian soldiers took over the small town of Mosinee, Wisconsin, pulled the mayor (dressed in his pajamas) out of his house, confiscated all firearms, imprisoned clergy in a stockade, seized all businesses, and forced restaurants to serve customers only soup and bread. The Russian invaders were soon exposed as local American Legionnaires out to teach their neighbors a lesson. Unfortunately, the mayor, a bit rattled, suffered a heart attack the following day. ...
http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/m/mitchell-tricky.html
King Nonfiction 3rd Floor 324.973 Mitchell
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wiki
Haldeman was born in Los Angeles, California, the son of socially prominent parents. His father, Harry Francis Haldeman, founded and ran a successful heating and air conditioning supply company, and gave time and financial support to local Republican causes.[1] His mother, Katherine (née Robbins), was a longtime volunteer with the Salvation Army and other philanthropic organizations. His grandfather, Harry Marston Haldeman, co-founded the Better American Federation of California and the The Oz Film Manufacturing Company.[1] L FRANK BAUM Young Haldeman and his siblings Tom and Betsy were raised as Christian Scientists. Known to his peers as a "straight arrow," he sported his trademark flat-top haircut from his high school years, enjoyed discussions of ethics, and achieved the rank of Eagle Scout.[2] He attended Beverly Hills High School, where he met Jo (Joanne) Horton. They married in 1949.
A World War II Naval Reserve veteran, Haldeman attended the University of Redlands, the University of Southern California and graduated from the University of California, Los Angeles in 1948, where he was a member of Beta Theta Pi fraternity. At UCLA, he met John Ehrlichman, who would become a close friend and colleague in the Nixon administration. After graduation, he spent 20 years working for the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency in both Los Angeles and New York City; other employees of this firm during this period included Ronald Ziegler, who went on to serve as White House Press Secretary in the Nixon administration.
[edit] Career in the Nixon administration
Nixon and Haldeman first met in the 1950s. Haldeman served as an advance man to Nixon during his 1956 campaign for vice president and then as Chief of Advance Men in Nixon's unsuccessful 1960 presidential campaign. Haldeman then served as campaign manager in Nixon's unsuccessful 1962 California gubernatorial campaign. He joined Nixon's successful 1968 presidential campaign underway as Chief of Staff and was credited with presenting a revitalized Nixon to the public, using the experience of his many years in advertising.
Nixon named Haldeman as his first White House Chief of Staff....Also in the book, Haldeman explained Nixon's statement in the Watergate tapes that Watergate could "open up the whole Bay of Pigs thing". Haldeman said that "Bay of Pigs" was a reference to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Using this information, director Oliver Stone, in his 1995 film Nixon, in which Haldeman was portrayed by James Woods, speculated that the missing 18-1/2 minutes of tape may have contained a discussion concerning a cover-up of the Kennedy assassination.
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Operation Sandwedge
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Operation Sandwedge was an "extreme clandestine" intelligence-gathering operation against the supposed enemies (mostly political) of the Richard Milhous Nixon administration organized by H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman soon after Nixon took office.
Principal field operatives were Jack Caulfield, appointed as Staff Assistant to the President in April, 1969, and Anthony Ulasewicz. Senator Ted Kennedy was one of their targets, round-the-clock surveillance was ordered on him.
EWA Post They first met -- the President and self-described "President's S.O.B." -- in 1951 when Haldeman, on his first trip to Washington, visited Richard Nixon, the senator from California. Haldeman was fascinated by the Alger Hiss case and Sen. Nixon's involvement in it.
Besides an interest in anticommunism, Haldeman and Nixon shared a common area of birth and upbringing -- Southern California. But other than that accident of geography, there was little in common in the backgrounds of Nixon, the son of the poor Whittier, Calif., grocer, and Haldeman, oldest son of an upper-middle-class Los Angeles businessman.
Haldeman, 47, was born on Oct. 27, 1926, in Los Angeles. His grandfather had moved to California from Indiana shortly after the turn of the century and founded a pipe and building supply company that Haldeman's father later headed. His grandfather also helped found the Better American Foundation, an early anticommunist organization.
Young Haldeman attended private schools -- Hawthorne Grammar School and Harvard Episcopal School in Los Angeles -- then went on to the University of Southern California and, after a stint in the Navy, to UCLA, where he earned a degree in business administration. His roommate at UCLA was John D. Ehrlichman, head of the President's Domestic Council. ...Haldeman first worked for Mr. Nixon as an advance man in the 1956 campaign. In the unsuccessful 1960 Nixon presidential campaign, Haldeman was elevated to chief advance man.
In between Haldeman returned to the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency in Los Angeles, where he was a vice president of the firm with accounts such as Walt Disney, 7-Up and Black Flag Insect Spray.
In 1962, Mr. Nixon recruited Haldeman again, naming him manager of his campaign for governor of California. This was the most disastrous Nixon campaign of all, ending in defeat and a tirade against the press ("You won't have Nixon to kick around any more") that seemed at the time to have stripped the former vice president of any hope of every again holding public office.
That 1962 campaign was all but forgotten during Mr. Nixon's later successes until last October, when it became widely known that the 1962 Nixon gubernatorial campaign committee had organized and financed an effort to sabotage his opponent's campaign among registered Democrats. ***
The evidence was in an official 1964 judgment of San Francisco County Superior Court that held that the effort was authorized by both Mr. Nixon and Haldeman.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/watergate/articles/050173-3.htm
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CHAPTER3. Dirty Tricks: Muskie (//Dukakis)
Watergate (enemies list, IRS, kill Anderson?) --> Swift boat
http://www.mikehersh.com/article_77.shtml
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July 18, 1969: Nixon Sees Chappaquiddick Tragedy Damages Kennedy
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President Nixon learns of Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA)‘s involvement in the death by drowning of campaign worker Mary Jo Kopechne at Massachusett’s Chappaquiddick Island. “He was obviously drunk and let her drown,” Nixon says of Kennedy, who is considered the Democrats’ leading presidential candidate for 1972. “He ran. There’s a fatal flaw in his character.” Nixon aide John Ehrlichman sends his “on-staff detective,” Jack Caulfield (see April 2, 1969) to the site to pose as a reporter and glean information. Caulfield takes along another former New York police detective, Tony Ulasewicz, who is being paid $22,000 a year out of a secret Nixon political fund handled by Nixon’s personal lawyer, Herbert Kalmbach. [Reeves, 2001, pp. 100-101]
Entity Tags: Tony Ulasewicz, Edward Kennedy, Herbert Kalmbach, John Ehrlichman, John J. ‘Jack’ Caulfield, Mary Jo Kopechne, Richard M. Nixon
Category Tags: Illegal Wiretapping & Surveillance, Nixon Campaign 'Dirty Tricks'
http://www.historycommons.org/timeline.jsp?timeline=nixon_and_watergate_tmln&nixon_and_watergate_tmln_watergate_campaign_conspiracy=nixon_and_watergate_tmln_nixon_campaign__dirty_tricks_
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March 6, 1970: Nixon Targets DNC Chairman for Surveillance, Discrediting
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Lawrence O’Brien.Lawrence O’Brien. [Source: Public domain]President Nixon targets the new chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Lawrence O’Brien, for surveillance. Nixon worries about O’Brien, a canny political operative, and especially O’Brien’s ties to Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA), whom he believes to be by far the biggest threat to his re-election, even after Kennedy’s involvement in the Chappaquiddick tragedy (see July 18, 1969). Nixon orders his Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, to have veteran campaign operative Murray Chotiner (see 1950) put together an “Operation O’Brien” to discredit the chairman. “Start with his income tax returns,” Nixon orders. [Reeves, 2001, pp. 174-175]
Entity Tags: Edward Kennedy, Democratic National Committee, Richard M. Nixon, Murray Chotiner, Lawrence O’Brien, H.R. Haldeman
Category Tags: Illegal Wiretapping & Surveillance, Nixon Campaign 'Dirty Tricks'
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July 14, 1970: Nixon Approves ‘Huston Plan’ for Domestic Surveillance
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President Nixon approves the “Huston Plan” for greatly expanding domestic intelligence-gathering by the FBI, CIA and other agencies. Four days later he rescinds his approval. [Washington Post, 2008] Nixon aide Tom Charles Huston comes up with the plan, which involves authorizing the CIA, FBI, NSA, and military intelligence agencies to escalate their electronic surveillance of “domestic security threats” in the face of supposed threats from Communist-led youth agitators and antiwar groups (see June 5, 1970). The plan would also authorize the surreptitious reading of private mail, lift restrictions against surreptitious entries or break-ins to gather information, plant informants on college campuses, and create a new, White House-based “Interagency Group on Domestic Intelligence and Internal Security.” Huston’s Top Secret memo warns that parts of the plan are “clearly illegal.” Nixon approves the plan, but rejects one element—that he personally authorize any break-ins. Nixon orders that all information and operations to be undertaken under the new plan be channeled through his chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, with Nixon deliberately being left out of the loop.
The first operations to be undertaken are using the Internal Revenue Service to harass left-wing think tanks and charitable organizations such as the Brookings Institute and the Ford Foundation. Huston writes that “[m]aking sensitive political inquiries at the IRS is about as safe a procedure as trusting a whore,” since the administration has no “reliable political friends at IRS.” He adds, “We won’t be in control of the government and in a position of effective leverage until such time as we have complete and total control of the top three slots of the IRS.” Huston suggests breaking into the Brookings Institute to find “the classified material which they have stashed over there,” adding: “There are a number of ways we could handle this. There are risks in all of them, of course; but there are also risks in allowing a government-in-exile to grow increasingly arrogant and powerful as each day goes by.” [Reeves, 2001, pp. 235-236] In 2007, author James Reston Jr. will call the Huston plan “arguably the most anti-democratic document in American history… a blueprint to undermine the fundamental right of dissent and free speech in America.” [Reston, 2007, pp. 102]
Entity Tags: US Department of Defense, Tom Charles Huston, James Reston, Jr, Internal Revenue Service, Brookings Institute, National Security Agency, Central Intelligence Agency, Ford Foundation, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Richard M. Nixon
Timeline Tags: Civil Liberties
Category Tags: Illegal Wiretapping & Surveillance, Nixon Campaign 'Dirty Tricks', Political Subordination of FBI, CIA
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July 22, 1970: Nixon, Aides Plan Dissemination of Secret Campaign Funds
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President Nixon has an Oval Office meeting with a number of White House aides, including chief of staff H. R. Haldeman, Murray Chotiner, and Donald Rumsfeld. Part of the meeting concerns the dissemination of secret campaign funds to a variety of campaigns with candidates considered friendly to the Nixon administration (see December 1, 1969). [Reeves, 2001, pp. 245]
Entity Tags: Richard M. Nixon, Murray Chotiner, Nixon administration, Donald Rumsfeld, H.R. Haldeman
Timeline Tags: Nixon and Watergate
